Suchergebnisse

Preface -- Contents -- List of Contributors -- List of Abbreviations -- Part I: Setting the Scene -- Mega-Regionals: Challenges, Opportunities and Research Questions -- 1 Introduction -- 2 From Preferential Trade Agreements to ``Mega-Regionals´´ -- 3 The Anatomy of Recent PTAs and Mega-Regional Agreements -- 3.1 Market Access -- 3.2 Non-Tariff Barriers and Regulatory Cooperation in Particular -- 3.3 The Forgotten Singapore Issues: Investment and Competition -- 3.4 Making Trade Rules More Responsive: Labour Rights, Environmental Protection, Sustainable Development and Culture -- 3.5 Governance and Dispute Settlement -- 4 Legal Issues: From Earlier Debates to New Questions -- 4.1 Living in a Hybrid World: Partners to PTAs -- 4.1.1 Dispute Settlement as a Starting Point: Earlier Cases of Conflict -- 4.1.2 Lessons Learnt and the Hybrid Structure Revisited -- 4.2 Mega-Regionals, Third Parties and the World Trading System: Article XXIV as a Starting Point and New Developments -- 4.2.1 The Logic, Interpretation and Impact of Article XXIV GATT -- 4.2.2 New Questions -- 5 Pros and Cons for Whom? A Preliminary Assessment -- 5.1 Benefits for Participants: Integration and Its Limits -- 5.2 Disadvantages for All: Fragmentation from Various Perspectives -- 5.3 Advantages for All? Spill-Overs and Innovation -- 6 In Conclusion: The Level of Ambition Between Undue Proximity and Innovation -- References -- Part II: Strategic and Structural Issues -- The Strategic Dimension of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership -- 1 Introduction -- 2 The Rationale for TTIP -- 2.1 Economic Aspects -- 2.2 Strategic Considerations -- 3 TTIP in the Context of Broader External Relations -- 3.1 What Does TTIP Mean for Transatlantic Relations? -- 3.2 How Will TTIP Affect EU External Relations? -- 3.3 The Impact of TTIP on Developing Countries

Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs) have increased significantly in number over the past few years. They have become so widespread that practically all WTO members are now parties to one or more RTAs. The number of RTAs which include environmental provisions is also increasing. However, these provisions, and the experience related to their negotiation and implementation, have not been examined in depth yet. This study contributes to filling this gap. It provides an overview of approaches to environmental issues in RTAs and summarises country experiences in their negotiation and practical application. Regional and bilateral trade arrangements are surveyed, including customs unions and free trade agreements.

Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs) have increased significantly in number over the past few years. The number of RTAs which include environmental provisions is also increasing. However, these provisions, and the experience related to their negotiation and implementation, have not been examined in depth yet. This study contributes to filling this gap. It provides an overview of approaches to environmental issues in RTAs and summarises country experiences in their negotiation and practical application. Regional and bilateral trade arrangements are surveyed, including customs unions and free trade

Since becoming a WTO member in 2001, China has negotiated numerous regional trade agreements with astonishing speed. This paper provides an overview of China's current free trade agreements and examines the economic importance of two major Asian regional trade agreements for China. The academic literature often treats China's free trade agreements as driven more by political, rather than economic, interests. The agreements are seen as shallow and concluded with minor economic partners. In fact, China's approach to trade agreements has evolved over time and cumulative impact of these agreements has been positive for trade between China and its agreement partners. The recently concluded Asian regional free trade agreement, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), should positively influence trade for both China and other participating Asian countries. China could also benefit economically from joining the other major regional trade agreement, the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP).

This article examines the capacity of regional trade agreements (RTAs) to assist and foster democracy in their respective regions. While the principal raison d'être of RTAs is to stimulate economic growth among its member states, several regional trade associations have embedded democratic requirements into their governance documents. These requirements elevate democracy to a fundamental value of the associations, and mandate (in most instances) that both current and candidate members possess and uphold democratic political systems and practices. This article examines the regional impact of democracy requirements in trade blocs by exploring four leading RTAs: the European Union, NAFTA Mercosur, and ASEAN. The article finds that the ability to promote democracy is impacted by three primary RTA characteristics: (1) the material benefits of membership; (2) the intensity of political and economic integration among member states; and (3) the level of democratic consolidation exhibited by member states.Este artículo examina la capacidad de los acuerdos comerciales regionales para ayudar y fomentar la democracia en sus respectivas regiones. Mientras que la principal razón de ser de los acuerdos comerciales es la de estimular el crecimiento económico entre sus estados miembros, muchas asociaciones comerciales regionales han incluido requerimientos democráticos dentro de sus documentos de gobierno. Estos requerimientos elevan a la democracia como un valor fundamental de las asociaciones, y ordenan que (en la mayoría de los casos) tanto los estados miembro como los candidatos, posean y mantengan los sistemas políticos democráticos y sus prácticas. Este artículo examina el impacto regional de los requerimientos de la democracia en bloques comerciales al explorar cuatro acuerdos comerciales regionales destacados: la Unión Europea, TLCAN, Mercosur, y ASEAN. El estudio encuentra que la habilidad de promover la democracia es influida por tres características de dichos acuerdos: (1) los beneficios materiales de la membresía; (2) la intensidad de la integración política y económica entre sus miembros; y (3) el nivel de la consolidación democrática demostrada por sus estados miembros.