Suchergebnisse

The process of economic integration between Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay — and so far with Chile and Bolívia —, the MERCOSUR, Is viewed as part of a movement that is changing the relation of economy and space. In this sense, first of all, some theoretical questions about economic development and the territory are pointed out, describing this relationship at the level of accumulation and regulation and picturing the fordist mode of development and its Latin-American contemporary, the national development—commonly identified with import substitution. Secondly, a historical overview of Latin America's South Cone development at the fordist age tries to characterize the regimes of accumulation and modes of regulation prevailing in a national base at each country. Thirdly, the post-fordist era is considered with the changes in the international regime, the accumulation process and the regulation structures and their effects on the economic integration. At least, the hypothesis of the emerging continental block, the MERCOSUR, be a new milestone in economic development for the region is dealt with as a possible new kind of spatiality for capital accumulation. ; The process of economic integration between Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay — and so far with Chile and Bolívia —, the MERCOSUR, Is viewed as part of a movement that is changing the relation of economy and space. In this sense, first of all, some theoretical questions about economic development and the territory are pointed out, describing this relationship at the level of accumulation and regulation and picturing the fordist mode of development and its Latin-American contemporary, the national development—commonly identified with import substitution. Secondly, a historical overview of Latin America's South Cone development at the fordist age tries to characterize the regimes of accumulation and modes of regulation prevailing in a national base at each country. Thirdly, the post-fordist era is considered with the changes in the international regime, the accumulation process and the regulation structures and their effects on the economic integration. At least, the hypothesis of the emerging continental block, the MERCOSUR, be a new milestone in economic development for the region is dealt with as a possible new kind of spatiality for capital accumulation.

OBJETIVO Analisar o sistema de governança regional em saúde quanto a estratégias e disputas de gestão. PROCEDIMENTOS METODOLÓGICOS Pesquisa qualitativa com gestores de saúde de 19 municípios que integram a região de saúde no estado da Bahia. Foram realizadas 17 entrevistas semiestruturadas com gestores/gerentes (estadual, regional e municipal), grupo focal, observações na Comissão Intergestores Regional e documentos institucionais, em 2012. Foram analisados os componentes político-institucional e organizacional e interpretados pela hermenêutica-dialética. RESULTADOS A comissão intergestores regional foi a principal estratégia da governança regional, sendo ferramenta fundamental para fortalecimento da governança por reunir diferentes sujeitos responsáveis pela tomada de decisão nos territórios sanitários e pela negociação da alocação de recursos e distribuição dos estabelecimentos de uso comum na região. A rotatividade de secretários de saúde, baixa autonomia nas decisões executivas, a qualificação técnica insuficiente para exercício da função e o atravessamento das políticas partidárias na tomada de decisão são fatores que obstruem a comissão intergestores regional às demandas sociais. Recursos financeiros insuficientes não viabilizam o cumprimento da programação pactuada integrada nem o aumento da oferta pública na rede e impunham ao gestor a compra de serviços no mercado privado por valores acima da Tabela do Sistema Único de Saúde. Foram relatados atravessadores contratados para agilizar o acesso aos serviços especializados (diagnóstico, terapêutico e/ou cirúrgico) em outros municípios mediante pagamento direto a médicos por procedimentos já custeados pelo Sistema Único de Saúde. CONCLUSÕES A rede regionalizada de saúde apresenta padrão de governança conflitante e com institucionalidade intermediária. A comissão intergestores regional necessita incorporar, à rotina de gestão, dispositivos mais democráticos que logrem articulação com instituições de ensino, permeáveis às demandas sociais, para definição das políticas regionais. ; OBJECTIVE To analyze the regional governance of the health systemin relation to management strategies and disputes. METHODOLOGICAL PROCEDURES A qualitative study with health managers from 19 municipalities in the health region of Bahia, Northeastern Brazil. Data were drawn from 17 semi-structured interviews of state, regional, and municipal health policymakers and managers; a focus group; observations of the regional interagency committee; and documents in 2012. The political-institutional and the organizational components were analyzed in the light of dialectical hermeneutics. RESULTS The regional interagency committee is the chief regional governance strategy/component and functions as a strategic tool for strengthening governance. It brings together a diversity of members responsible for decision making in the healthcare territories, who need to negotiate the allocation of funding and the distribution of facilities for common use in the region. The high turnover of health secretaries, their lack of autonomy from the local executive decisions, inadequate technical training to exercise their function, and the influence of party politics on decision making stand as obstacles to the regional interagency committee's permeability to social demands. Funding is insufficient to enable the fulfillment of the officially integrated agreed-upon program or to boost public supply by the system, requiring that public managers procure services from the private market at values higher than the national health service price schedule (Brazilian Unified Health System Table). The study determined that "facilitators" under contract to health departments accelerated access to specialized (diagnostic, therapeutic and/or surgical) services in other municipalities by direct payment to physicians for procedure costs already covered by the Brazilian Unified Health System. CONCLUSIONS The characteristics identified a regionalized system with a conflictive pattern of governance and intermediate institutionalism. The regional interagency committee's managerial routine needs to incorporate more democratic devices for connecting with educational institutions, devices that are more permeable to social demands relating to regional policy making.

As diretrizes do Decreto nº 7508, de 28 de junho de 2011, têm contribuído para ampliar a capacidade de governança dos pequenos municípios nas regiões de saúde. O objetivo do estudo foi identificar potencialidades e entraves no processo do planejamento regional integrado na região de saúde 29, do Rio Grande do Sul. Consiste em um estudo de caso, realizado mediante informações provenientes de entrevistas semiestruturadas, observações de campo e registros documentais, analisados pelo método de Análise de Conteúdo. Participaram do estudo gestores de saúde de cinco municípios e três servidores estaduais vinculados à 16ª Coordenadoria Regional de Saúde, selecionados intencionalmente. Emergiram cinco categorias de análise: a Comissão Intergestores Regional (CIR) como espaço de articulação; o fortalecimento do Sistema Único de Saúde; a fragilidade da gestão; individualismo ao olhar o processo; e o que tem pautado as reuniões da CIR. Os resultados apontam que o processo de planejamento regional integrado tem avançado, no sentido da CIR constituir-se como um espaço de apoio mútuo entre a gestão municipal e estadual. No entanto, as decisões são tomadas com embasamento mais político do que técnico, com pouco monitoramento do acesso às ações e aos serviços de saúde, dificultando a capacidade de controle e negociação com os prestadores. Considera-se que a CIR necessita ser fortalecida e consolidada por meio da qualificação da gestão e da participação efetiva dos gestores municipais e estaduais de saúde, a fim de possibilitar a governança regional. ; The guidelines of Decree No. 7508 - June 28, 2011 - have contributed to enhance the capacity of governance of small municipalities in health regions. The objective of this study was to identify the potential and the obstacles in the process of integrated regional planning in health region 29, Rio Grande do Sul. This is a case study carried out through information from semi-structured interviews, field observations, and documentary records, analyzed according to Content Analysis method. The study had participation of health managers of five municipalities and three state public servants linked to the 16th Regional Health Coordination, selected intentionally. Five categories of analysis emerged: the Regional Intermanagers Committee (CIR) as a space of coordination; the strengthening of the Brazilian Unified Health System; the weakness of the management; individualism in observing the process; and what has guided the meetings of the CIR. Results indicate that the integrated regional planning process has advanced, in the sense of CIR being constituted as a space of mutual support between the municipal and state management. However, decisions are made with more political than technical basis, with little monitoring of the access to health actions and health services, hindering the ability of control and negotiation in relation to service providers. It is considered that the CIR needs to be strengthened and consolidated through improvement of the management and through effective participation of state and municipal health managers in order to enable regional governance.

The aim of the article is to present, based on theoretical studies of integration, the evolution of this process in Latin America and, most recently, in South America. Based on these studies, the goal is to analyze the role played by Brazil in the process, which defines as priorities of its foreign policy a regional and global framework for its international action that is based on both cooperation and power projection.The research has been conducted based on theories of integration, an historical background on Latin American integration and in Brazilian foreign policy, through its contemporary agenda. The answer was based on a comparative agenda and in a bibliographical critical analysis of the research material.The main findings of the paper point out that Latin American integration has specific features linked to the economic, political and stragetic realities of the continent that show the limitations of some theories applied to the European process, also that it depends on Brazilian foreign policy actions, that still sees the region as instrumental to its interests. So, Brazil sometimes fail to fulfill some requisites of integration that are essential to sustain its projects. Therefore, there is a cycle of enlargement and deepening of regional integration process in this political space that point out to the need of a more sustained compromise of Brazilian foreign policy towards these projects. If Brazil continues not to sustain these projects, they will lose momentum and significance once more, increasing power asymmetries in the region.

Este trabalho aborda a normatização existente entre os Países Partes do MERCOSUL, que formam o arcabouço jurídico e institucional para as diversas relações mercosulistas em relação aos recursos hídricos – um recurso importante e estratégico, que merece um tratamento normativo para sua preservação e proteção para futuras gerações. Diante da inexistência de uma normativa geral a respeito dos recursos hídricos no MERCOSUL, foi necessário trabalhar os principais acordos multilaterais nesse domínio e que envolvem os países do MERCOSUL, como o Tratado de Cooperação Amazônica e o Tratado da Bacia do Prata, em relação às águas superficiais; e também do arcabouço jurídico da Declaração Conjunta dos Presidentes dos Estados do MERCOSUL sobre o Aquífero Guarani, importante riqueza para as gerações atuais e futuras mercosulistas. A pesquisa foi desenvolvida a partir do método hermenêutico, por meio do levantamento e análise das normas jurídicas internacionais envolvendo os Estados partes do MERCOSUL, em tratados multilaterais sobre águas transfronteiriças superficiais e subterrâneas. Realizou-se a coleta de informações, por meio de materiais bibliográficos, livros, periódicos, mapas temáticos, informações e documentos disponíveis em páginas eletrônicas da rede mundial de computadores. A combinação das normas jurídicas esparsas acaba por regular boa parte das relações jurídicas hídricas entre os Estados Partes do MERCOSUL, uma vez que sua conjugação abrangem todos os Estados integrantes do MERCOSUL. ; This work discusses the regulatory standardization among countries that are party to MERCOSUR. This standardization forms the legal and institutional framework for maintaining important and strategic water resources, which require such regulation in order to be preserved and protected for present and future generations. Due to the lack of general legislation relating to MERCOSUR's water resources, it was necessary to study the main multilateral agreements among the MERCOSUR countries, such as the Amazon Cooperation Treaty and the River Plate Basin Treaty relating to surface water, and also the legal points included in a recent joint statement of the presidents of the Mercosur States regarding the Guarani Aquifer, which is an important resource for current and future generations of the MERCOSUR. The survey was developed using the hermeneutical method, based upon surveys and analysis of international legislation involving MERCOSUR member states, multilateral treaties relating to transboundary waters and groundwater zones and also included a search of bibliographic materials, books, journals, thematic maps, information and documents available on the Internet. The combination of the sparse legal rules covers most legal relationships between MERCOSUR member states relating to water. ; Este trabalho aborda a normatização existente entre os Países Partes do MERCOSUL, que formam o arcabouço jurídico e institucional para as diversas relações mercosulistas em relação aos recursos hídricos – um recurso importante e estratégico, que merece um tratamento normativo para sua preservação e proteção para futuras gerações. Diante da inexistência de uma normativa geral a respeito dos recursos hídricos no MERCOSUL, foi necessário trabalhar os principais acordos multilaterais nesse domínio e que envolvem os países do MERCOSUL, como o Tratado de Cooperação Amazônica e o Tratado da Bacia do Prata, em relação às águas superficiais; e também do arcabouço jurídico da Declaração Conjunta dos Presidentes dos Estados do MERCOSUL sobre o Aquífero Guarani, importante riqueza para as gerações atuais e futuras mercosulistas. A pesquisa foi desenvolvida a partir do método hermenêutico, por meio do levantamento e análise das normas jurídicas internacionais envolvendo os Estados partes do MERCOSUL, em tratados multilaterais sobre águas transfronteiriças superficiais e subterrâneas. Realizou-se a coleta de informações, por meio de materiais bibliográficos, livros, periódicos, mapas temáticos, informações e documentos disponíveis em páginas eletrônicas da rede mundial de computadores. A combinação das normas jurídicas esparsas acaba por regular boa parte das relações jurídicas hídricas entre os Estados Partes do MERCOSUL, uma vez que sua conjugação abrangem todos os Estados integrantes do MERCOSUL.

La pelea en defensa de la universidad pública es un ataque contra todo el sistema, pero encuentra en este objeto predilecto de denostación la clave del desprecio que anima a sus promotores. La pelea en defensa de la universidad pública es, ante todo, una lucha por el sentido que en estos años nos permitió conquistar ─aun como un desiderátum ─ la afirmación de este derecho. Pero hay que estar alertas: la contracara de la democratización de la universidad no es solamente su elitización, sino también su mercantilización. La restricción de las oportunidades de acceso a la universidad, que se puede prever como resultado del desfinanciamiento del sistema y del empobrecimiento general de la población, y que sin dudas sería un efecto inmediato de la imposición de dispositivos excluyentes en el ingreso, no es la única manera de negar el derecho a la universidad. La introducción de la lógica mercantilizadora en el funcionamiento de las instituciones y el reforzamiento de dinámicas competitivas, individualistas, de subordinación de metas educativas y de investigación a las exigencias y prioridades de financiadores privados, destruyen la lógica colaborativa y el sentido de lo público que se requieren para respaldar, además de la igualación de condiciones, la vinculación de la actividad académica a la demanda democrática en la formación de profesionales, en la creación de conocimientos, y en la producción cultural.

The economies of the Midwest region, since the 1990s, have been undergoing a change in their development style, as external factors have become more pulsating vis-à-vis internal factors as determinants in the transformation of productive structures of this regional space. More connected to international markets, these local economies accelerated the process of modernizing their productive structures, but without breaking with their condition of underdevelopment. It is in this context that the whole plot of this investigation is woven, that is, to verify whether there is any reduction in the gap between the average labor productivity of the industrial sectors due to competitiveness factors in the states that form the Midwest region vis-à-vis the state of São Paulo in the period from 1996 to 2016. For this purpose, the historical-structural method is adopted as a means to test and validate the empirical evidence that the average productivity differential of the industrial sectors due to centralostatic competitiveness factors vis-à-vis -vis to the state of São Paulo has been decreasing in the interstitium from 1996 to 2016. In this sense, the industrial sectors due to competitiveness factors in the Midwest region that showed greater convergence in terms of industrial labor productivity vis-à-vis the state from São Paulo were those based on natural resources, differentiated, intensive in scale and intensive in work. With the exception of the Federal District, no state in the Midwest showed a reduction in the gap between the productivity differential of industrial work vis-à-vis the state of São Paulo in what concerns the science-based sector. Thus, it is important to underline that the degree of heterogeneity between the industrial sectors that constitute the states of the Midwest and São Paulo presented, in the interstitium from 1996 to 2016, a decline, since their values were closer to the average of each signaling, therefore, that the diffusion of technical progress has followed the path of greater interregional homogenization. However, it is important to emphasize that this did not mean that these states have overcome the duality between the companies that modernized and those that still remained clinging to the fetters of archaic and traditional techniques. This reinforces the technological dependence of this regional space in relation to the technological standard established in the central countries, since the states of the Midwest region have little capacity for endogenous generation of science, technology and innovation (CT&I). This fact reinforces the need to formulate state strategies in science, technology and innovation (ST&I) to reduce the dependence of these states vis-à-vis the technological innovations that are produced in central countries.

A partir dos anos 1970, o governo do estado da Bahia começa a por em prática, uma vigorosa política de industrialização através da "interiorização" da produção. Neste sentido, foi implementado em Feira de Santana (a segunda maior cidade do estado), um complexo de indústrias denominado Centro Industrial do Subaé(CIS) para servir como complemento ao eixo industrial que já havia se estabelecido na capital. A proposta deste artigo é discutir as perspectivas atuais do Centro Industrial do Subaé, de modo a entender a sua dinâmica e perspectivas futuras. Como resultados obtidos, inferiu-se que o CIS promoveu uma "desconcentração concentrada" na qual poucas indústrias concentram a maior parte dos investimentos em um modelo de desenvolvimento regional que apresenta sinais de esgotamento. ; From the 1970s onwards, the government of the state of Bahia began to implement a vigorous policy of industrialization through the "internalization" of production. In this sense, a complex of industries called Centro Industrial do Subaé (CIS) was implemented in Feira de Santana (the second largest city in the state) to complement the industrial axis that had already been established in the capital. The purpose of this article is to discuss the current perspectives of the Subaé Industrial Center, in order to understand its dynamics and future perspectives. As results obtained, it was inferred that the CIS promoted a "concentrated deconcentration" in which few industries concentrate most of the investments in a regional development model that shows signs of exhaustion. ; A partir de la década de 1970, el gobierno del estado de Bahía comenzó a implementar una vigorosa política de industrialización a través de la "internalización" de la producción. En este sentido, se implementó un complejo industrial denominado Centro Industrial do Subaé (CIS) en Feira de Santana (la segunda ciudad más grande del estado) para complementar el eje industrial que ya se había establecido en la capital. El propósito de este artículo es discutir las perspectivas actuales del Centro Industrial Subaé, con el fin de comprender su dinámica y perspectivas futuras. Como resultados obtenidos, se infirió que el CIS impulsó una "desconcentración concentrada" en la que pocas industrias concentran la mayor parte de las inversiones en un modelo de desarrollo regional que muestra signos de agotamiento.

This article analyzes key elements in the genesis and formation of the Youth Public Policy (Política Pública de Juventud [PPJ]) in Colombia, particularly observing its conformation at the regional level through the concept of public policy communities, which implies an interdependent players' network process, i.e. producers of ideas and images about youth. The formation of public policy is argued for as a historical process of debates, negotiations, and resistance, regarding the images or representations produced on youth, appropriated by a set of active political communities in various scenarios. The proposal unfolds in three parts: a) the main theoretical guidelines that structure the concept of public policy community; b) the background of the youth and State relationship, and its materialization in the PPJ at the national level; and c) the identification of regional scenarios and players belonging to the youth public policy communities, highlighting the decentralization process and the autonomous youth's local organization processes. This article is a theoretical research outcome, which puts into dialogue the conceptual making and the state-of-the-art surveyed in general, local, and first-level documentary sources taken from players who participated in the making of the PPJ in the Department of Cundinamarca, in Colombia. ; Este artículo analiza los elementos claves en la génesis y formación de la Política Pública de Juventud (PPJ) en Colombia, en particular observando su conformación en el plano regional a través del concepto de comunidades de política pública, que implica un proceso de red actores interdependientes, es decir, productores de ideas e imágenes sobre la juventud. Se defiende la formación de la política pública como un proceso histórico de debates, negociaciones y resistencias, a propósito de las imágenes o representaciones producidas sobre la juventud, apropiadas por un conjunto de comunidades de política activas en diferentes escenarios. Se desarrolla la propuesta en tres partes: a) los lineamientos teóricos principales que estructuran el concepto de comunidad de política pública; b) los antecedentes de la relación juventud y Estado, y su materialización en la PPJ en el ámbito nacional; y c) la identificación de los escenarios y actores regionales de las comunidades de política pública de juventud, destacando el proceso de descentralización y los procesos de organización local juvenil autónoma. Este artículo es un resultado de investigación de carácter teórico, que pone en diálogo la construcción conceptual y el estado del arte levantado a partir de fuentes documentales generales, locales y de primer nivel tomadas de actores que participaron en la construcción de la PPJ del Departamento de Cundinamarca, en Colombia.

As primeiras décadas do século XXI presenciaram uma dramática transformação do cenário de dados para a produção de estatísticas etnorraciais na América Latina. Essa transformação é mais evidente nos censos nacionais da região. Há algumas décadas, quase nenhum país latino-americano incluía questões sobre raça ou etnia em seu censo nacional. Já no censo de 2010, quase todos os países da região coletaram informações sobre identificação étnica ou racial. Este artigo argumenta que a produção de dados populacionais etnorraciais na América Latina é tanto um produto da política quanto produz a política. Tais dados contribuem para moldar o terreno que parecem meramente descrever, mas nem sempre da maneira prevista ou pretendida. Colocar a experiência brasileira em uma perspectiva comparativa regional revela como essas estatísticas oficiais podem produzir resultados que são simultaneamente producentes e contraproducentes para os objetivos daqueles que lutam, primeiramente, por sua produção.***AbstractThe first decades of the 21st century witnessed a dramatic transformation of the datascape for the production of ethnoracial statistics in Latin America. This transformation is most strikingly evident in national censuses in the region. A few decades ago almost no Latin American countries included questions about race or ethnicity in their national census. By the 2010 census round, almost every country in the region collected information about ethnic or racial identification. This article argues that the production of ethnoracial population data in Latin America is both product of politics and productive of politics. Ethnoracial statistics contribute to shaping the terrain they seem to merely describe, but not always in ways that are predicted or intended. Placing the Brazilian experience in regional comparative perspective illuminates how official ethnoracial statistics can produce outcomes that are simultaneously productive and counterproductive to the aims of those who struggle for their production in the first place.

Turkey's role as a regional power has increased since Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power. AKP leadership not only aspired to become a regional power but also a global player. Turkey has, therefore, assumed different roles: the "natural leader" of the region; a historical "big brother;" and the "protector" of the Muslim minorities. Turkey has also assumed a "mediator" and a "facilitator" role by trying to negotiate a deal with an emerging power such as Brazil in order to attempt to resolve the controversial Iranian nuclear issue. By making use of recent developments, Turkey tried to solidify its long desired role as a "rising power" by increasing its influence in its neighborhood and engaging with other emerging powers. The concept "regional power" is a context-based notion. In other words, the location and geography are contesting and disputed approaches. Notwithstanding the fact that concepts such as "region" and "power" are social constructed reality, this paper analyzes the notion of 'regional power' as a subcategory of 'power'. In this context, this paper will make use of Stefan Schim's criteria while analyzing Turkey's power capacity in the region. Schim posits that the "regional power" needs to have a "role definition," and it should possess material power (hard power). It should also have economic as well as diplomatic and organizational capacity. Its power whether it is 'soft power' (attraction of ones idea's and or the ability to set the political agenda in a way that shapes the preferences of other actors) or 'hard power' (material power that can be measured-economic and military power) needs to be acknowledged by other actors in the region. It should also be accepted by great powers and emerging powers that are determinant in the international system. dditionally, the regional power (and/ or global power) needs to have leverage, thus its power projection needs to yield results. Kalevi Holsti's role theory will be used as theoretical framework to analyze foreign policy behavior of the AKP. The paper will, thus, seek to find out Turkey's roles.

Abstract This paper aims to reflect about the contradictions of international cooperation for development in Haiti that can be summarized in two perspectives: the North-South cooperation (NSC) and South-South cooperation (SSC). The dynamics of relationships can mix them (N-SSC). We identified governmental and nongovernmental particularly in health, linked to the OECD, the ALBA-TCP and UNASUR as empirical sources for reflection. The OECD privileges the perspective of NSC: commitment of developed nations with undeveloped. It operates mainly through NGOs. The ALBA-TCP and UNASUR have followed the perspective of SSC: commitment and solidarity among nations alike. They emphasize the horizontal partnership based on solidarity, respect for national sovereignty and peculiarities of each country. The resumption of the categories imperialism and internationalism may contribute to the understanding and analysis the contradictions in the international development agenda, illustrated by how these different actor in Haiti organize their actions. While the first one indicates bonding mechanisms geopolitical hierarchy, the latter suggests possibilities for overcoming these mechanisms. Key-words: International cooperation; Haiti; Imperialism; Internationalism; Organizational studies. Resumo Este artigo objetiva refletir sobre contradições da cooperação internacional para o desenvolvimento no Haiti, resumidas em duas perspectivas: cooperação Norte-Sul (CNS) e cooperação Sul-Sul (CSS). A dinâmica das relações pode misturá-las (CN-SS). Identificamos atores governamentais e não governamentais, na área da saúde, vinculados à OCDE, à ALBA-TCP e à UNASUL como fontes empíricas para a reflexão. A OCDE se orienta, predominantemente pela CNS, ou seja, pelo compromisso de assistência que os países desenvolvidos oferecem aos subdesenvolvidos. Opera principalmente através de ONGs. Nas ações da ALBA-TCP e da Unasul predominam a perspectiva da CSS: comprometimento solidário entre nações iguais. Enfatizam a parceria horizontal baseada na solidariedade, no respeito à soberania e peculiaridades de cada país. A retomada das categorias imperialismo e internacionalismo contribui para compreensão e análise das contradições na agenda internacional do desenvolvimento, ilustradas pelas formas mediante as quais esses diferentes atores organizam suas ações no Haiti. Enquanto as dos países da OCDE denotam mecanismos geopolíticos hierárquicos, as ações dos países vinculados à ALBA-TCP e da UNASUR sugerem possibilidades de superação desses mecanismos, buscando a cooperação genuína e autodeterminada. Palavras-chave: Cooperação internacional; Haiti; Imperialismo; Internationalismo; Estudos oganizacionais. Resumen En este artículo se reflexiona sobre las contradicciones de la cooperación internacional para el desarrollo en Haití, resumidas en dos puntos de vista: cooperación Norte-Sur (CNS) y cooperación Sur-Sur (CSS). La dinámica de las relaciones pueden mezclarlos (CN-SS). Identificamos los actores gubernamentales y no gubernamentales, en la salud, de la OCDE, del ALBA-TCP y UNASUR como fuentes empíricas para la reflexión. La OCDE se orienta principalmente por la CNS, es decir, ofrecen asistencia a los países sudesarrollados. Opera principalmente a través de ONGs; en las acciones del ALBA-TCP y UNASUR predominan la perspectiva de CSS: el compromiso solidario entre naciones iguales. La énfasis és en la colaboración horizontal basada en la solidaridad, el respeto a la soberanía y las peculiaridades de cada país. La reanudación de las categorías imperialismo y internacionalismo contribuye a la comprensión y el análisis de las contradicciones en la agenda de desarrollo internacional, ilustrada por las formas en que los diferentes actores organizan sus acciones en Haití. Mientras que los países de la OCDE indican mecanismos geopolíticos jerárquicas, las acciones de los países vinculados al ALBA- TCP y UNASUR sugieren posibilidades para la superación de estos mecanismos, buscando la cooperación genuina y autodeterminada. Palabras-clave: Cooperación internacional; Haití, Imperialismo; Internationalismo; Estudios oganizacionales.

A política de educação permanente em saúde vem sendo operacionalizada pelos Polos de Educação Permanente, descentralizadamente. Visando contribuir para a identificação das necessidades regionais do setor, realizou-se levantamento da situação dos trabalhadores da rede pública de saúde de 22 municípios da 10ª Regional de Saúde do Paraná. A pesquisa exploratória, com abordagem qualitativa e quantitativa, utilizou de questionário e análise documental para a coleta de dados. Os resultados revelaram que 35,6% dos trabalhadores não participaram de nenhuma atividade de formação entre 2004 e 2006. Em relação ao vínculo empregatício, 78,7%, possui apenas um vínculo, 50,2% são estatutários e 25,2% são contratados de forma precária, evidenciando a incorporação da lógica da produtividade e da flexibilização no setor. Conclui-se pela necessidade de definição clara do Polo de política para o setor de saúde que envolva os órgãos formadores e de gestão do sistema de saúde em nível regional. ; La política de educación continuada en salud ha sido ejecutada por los Polos de Educación Permanente, de manera descentralizada. Para identificar las necesidades regionales del sector, se llevó a cabo el levantamiento de la situación de los trabajadores de la red pública de salud de 22 municipios perteneciente a la 10ª Región de Salud de Paraná. La investigación exploratoria, con enfoque cualitativo y cuantitativo, se utilizó de cuestionarios y del análisis documental. Los resultados mostraron que 35,6% de los trabajadores no participó en ninguna actividad de formación entre 2004 y 2006. En relación al vínculo de trabajo, 78,7%, tenían solamente un empleo, el 50,2% eran funcionarios concursados y 25,2% tenían contratos precarios, poniendo de relieve la incorporación de la lógica de productividad y flexibilización en el sector. Se concluye por la necesidad de contar con una política para el sector de la salud a nivel regional, con participación de los órganos formadores y de gestión del sistema de salud. ; The policy of professional health education has been put into operation by the centers of professional health education in a decentralized way. Aiming to identify the needs of the health sector at a regional level, a survey was carried out to investigate the situation of workers in the public health network of 22 cities in the 10th Paraná Health District, Brazil. Questionnaires and document analysis were used in this qualitative and quantitative exploratory study. Results revealed that 35.6% of the workers did not participate in any educational activities between 2004 and 2006. In terms of work contracts, 78.7% had only one job, 50.2% were government employees, and 25.2% had unstable contracts, showing that the sector incorporated the productivity and flexibility rationales. The conclusion is that the centers of professional education, jointly with teaching and management institutions, need to clearly define policies for the health sector at a regional level.

The objective of this article is to analyze the strategic partnership between Brazil and Uruguay in the years 2003-2014 from the perspective of Brazilian international insertion. In order to do this three main aspects are considered: the limits and potentials of Brazil as a regional power, the context of South American regional politics and the strategy of the government of Lula da Silva and Rousseff administrations regarding these issues. The article is guided by a multi-scale approach, also focusing on some domestic and external dynamics of Brazilian foreign policy. It is noted that the above-mentioned strategic partnership acquired great relevance to the Brazilian proposal of integration, as well as to its national development goals, giving field to considerable advances in both ventures, since it is compatible with the idea of international insertion of Brazil and with its structural limitations. ; Peer reviewed

Objective: To understand/reveal the experiences of undergraduate students of the Nursing School of the Universidade de São Paulo in international academic mobility. Method: A cross-sectional, descriptive study with a qualitative approach conducted between February and July 2017. Data were collected using a semi-structured interview and submitted to content analysis. Results: Twenty-two (22) students participated in the study. Five analytical categories emerged from the analysis of the interviews: Interinstitutional Relationships Dimension, Personal Dimension, Professional Dimension, Academic Dimension and Cultural Dimension. Conclusion: There are many advantages that international mobility can bring to vocational training. Greater governmental and institutional investment is considered necessary, but with mutual planning and monitoring by the institutions in order for it to contribute to the development of Nursing and the Country. ; Objective: To understand/reveal the experiences of undergraduate students of the Nursing School of the Universidade de São Paulo in international academic mobility. Method: A cross-sectional, descriptive study with a qualitative approach conducted between February and July 2017. Data were collected using a semi-structured interview and submitted to content analysis. Results: Twenty-two (22) students participated in the study. Five analytical categories emerged from the analysis of the interviews: Interinstitutional Relationships Dimension, Personal Dimension, Professional Dimension, Academic Dimension and Cultural Dimension. Conclusion: There are many advantages that international mobility can bring to vocational training. Greater governmental and institutional investment is considered necessary, but with mutual planning and monitoring by the institutions in order for it to contribute to the development of Nursing and the Country.