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More recently, the improved understanding of the hepatitis C viral life cycle has led to the identification of numerous potential targets for novel, direct‐acting antiviral compounds. Two NS3/4A protease inhibitors, telaprevir and boceprevir, were the first oral HCV protease inhibitors which were approved in Europe and the United States in 2011 in combination with pegylated interferon (IFN)‐α and ribavirin for the treatment of chronic hepatitis C related to HCV genotype 1, in both treatment‐naïve and treatment‐experienced patients. Sustained virological response rates in the range of 66–75% and 59–66% have been achieved in these two patient populations, respectively, with treatment durations of 24 to 48 weeks. Despite these significant advances the high rate of adverse events and the high costs of these regimens have limited the uptake of these new regimens. In particular, the quest for removal of interferon from HCV therapy remains one of the great unmet medical needs in HCV therapy development. With an increasing number of other DAAs in clinical development including second‐wave, first‐generation, and second‐generation NS3/4A protease inhibitors, nucleoside/nucleotide analogue inhibitors and non‐nucleoside inhibitors of HCV‐RNA‐dependent RNA polymerase, inhibitors of nonstructural protein 5A (NS5A) and host‐targeted compounds such as cyclophilin inhibitors and silibinin, the hope for better tolerated HCV therapies and potentially interferon‐free HCV combination therapies has grown considerably. The proof of concept that IFN‐free regimens may lead to HCV eradication has recently been brought in GT2/3 patients treated with PSI‐7977 and ribavirin for 12 weeks as well as in GT1b patients treated with BMS‐790052 + BMS‐650032 for 24 weeks. Although some patients with GT1a infection were also cured under this regimen, the majority of patients relapsed after treatment discontinuation, suggesting that at least for the 1a HCV genotype more effective interferon‐free regimens still need to be developed. Interestingly, also GT1 non‐responders treated with GS‐7977+ribavirin showed a high relapse rate, again underlining that more challenging patient populations will still exist which either need broader oral combinations or longer treatment durations. Overall, the dramatic increase in efficacy has also been seen in DAA‐based HCV therapy in HIV/HCV‐coinfected patients. However, complex drug‐drug interactions and tolerability issues remain a concern for all HCV patients, but particularly for HIV patients receiving antiretroviral therapy with a high potential for drug interactions.

<b><i>Introduction:</i></b> Amphetamine-type stimulants (ATSs) are the second most commonly used class of illegal substances in Europe. Although concurrent substance use has been subject to research, little is known about associations between concurrent use of cocaine, alcohol, or cannabis and ATS dependence. We expect that the concurrent use of any of the substance, especially cannabis and cocaine, is associated with ATS dependence. <b><i>Methods:</i></b> Cross-sectional data were gathered within the European ATTUNE study in 2018/2019. Participants (<i>N</i> = 721) were asked about their consumption patterns and social, psychological, and economic situation. Multivariate logistic regressions were carried out for associations between ATS dependence and use combinations of frequent cocaine, alcohol, or cannabis, with the reference group of no frequent concurrent use (model 1). Model 2 calculated associations for ATS dependence with lifetime methamphetamine use for respective use combinations. <b><i>Results:</i></b> The study population was on average 28.9 years old (SD = 7.7), with the majority being male (63.5%). In model 1, the adjusted odds ratio (aOR) for frequent alcohol use was 0.70 (confidence interval [CI] 0.41–1.20). Similar results were shown for model 2 (aOR 0.82, CI 0.42–1.62). Frequent cannabis use significantly reduced the chance for ATS dependence by 50% in adjusted model 1 (aOR 0.50, CI 0.28–0.89) and by 62% in model 2 (aOR 0.38, CI 0.18–0.82). For frequent cocaine use, models 1 and 2 report an aOR at 1.37 (CI 0.58–3.25) and 2.39 (CI 0.77–7.43), although not statistically significant. Frequent users of all 3 substances had a significant 3-fold chance for ATS dependence (model 1: aOR 2.98, CI 1.16–7.63; model 2: aOR 2.95, CI 1.02–8.58). <b><i>Discussion:</i></b> Against initial hypotheses, frequent concurrent use of alcohol or cannabis generally decreased chances for ATS dependence. An explanation could be the study population, which consists of many irregular users of ATS, who mainly consume alcohol or cannabis. Cocaine generally increased chances, although results were not significant. The frequent use of all 3 substances together with ATS in the last year was significantly associated with dependence, thus reporting important information for treatment services. Further research is needed for disentangling causal relationships underlying these associations and for pinpointing consequences for relapse prevention and retention success.

The major security organizations of the post-Soviet space are the Russia-led Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO); the grouping of Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan and Moldova known as GUAM; and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), which includes China as well as Russia and four Central Asian states. Their specific environment is characterized by Russia's predominance and the reactions to it, other historical antagonisms, diverse security conditions, the rather slow stabilization of new national identities, and an often over-politicized approach to security. Westerners often see the CIS, the CSTO and the SCO as hostile or ineffective groupings, and question marks also remain over GUAM's effectiveness. Analytical tools developed by SIPRI for evaluating regional security institutions help to flesh out a picture of these four post-Soviet groupings. The CIS contains all (non-Baltic) post-Soviet states and claims competence for military cooperation (notably air defence), peace operations and anti-terrorism. Its survival is remarkable but its practical achievements are very limited. Russia has increasingly diverted serious military cooperation to the smaller -- seven-member -- CSTO, which has a structure mirroring that of NATO. The CSTO has established joint rapid-deployment forces, is developing a united air defence, promotes equipment collaboration, and has anti-drug and counterterrorism policies. Its smaller members seem to value Russia's leadership and the institution is more dynamic than the CIS. The four GUAM nations seek an alternative to Russia's policies and in particular want to solve their respective internal conflicts on a basis of national integrity. They coordinate their positions at the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe and the United Nations, have a counterterrorism programme, and have discussed joint peacekeeping. Practical outputs have been limited by the members' diversity and the tendency to relapse into bilateralism for any serious purpose. The SCO engages in mutual confidence building and military cooperation against 'terrorist, extremist and separatist elements'. It rejects what it calls interference in internal affairs, but promotes economic and other functional programmes designed to advance development. The SCO's membership is subtly balanced in power terms and it has shown dynamism and flexibility, although central resources are few and the impact achieved is hard to judge. Negative views of the CIS, the CSTO and the SCO reflect the outside world's problematic security relations with both Russia and China, as well as normative concerns. Yet these groupings are a fact of life in the Eurasian space that will not quickly change. At best they give their members some experience of what modern multilateralism means. Adapted from the source document.

"Unter dem Einfluss der modernen oder soziologischen Strafrechtsschule hat in Deutschland seit Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts das strafrechtliche Sanktionensystem weitreichende Veränderungen erfahren. Die Begründung staatlichen Strafens durch die behauptete Präventivwirkung setzt Kriminalpolitik wie Sanktionspraxis der empirischen Überprüfung und Kritik aus. Dies begünstigte die Zurückdrängung freiheitsentziehender Strafen sowie den Ausbau informeller Sanktionen (Diversion). Die Varianz der Sanktionspraxis im zeitlichen Längsschnitt sowie im regionalen Querschnitt ermöglicht eine vergleichende Analyse unterschiedlicher Sanktionen anhand von Daten der bundesweiten Rückfallstatistik. Es zeigt sich, dass ein Austausch freiheitsentziehender zugunsten weniger punitiver Sanktionen möglich ist, ohne dass das Rückfallrisiko dadurch erhöht wird. In Bezug auf kriminalpolitische Forderungen nach mehr und härteren Strafen zeigen die Befunde, dass der Übergang zu eingriffsintensiveren strafrechtlichen Reaktionen nicht die Legalbewährung fördert, sondern die Eskalation von Karrieren wiederholter Straffälligkeit und verschärfter Sanktionierung." (Autorenreferat)