Suchergebnisse

Reinalda, B.; Arts, B.; Noortmann, M.: Non-state actors in international relations: do they matter? - S. 1-8. Reinalda, B.: Private in form, public in purpose: NGOs in international relations theory. - S. 11-40. Arts, B.: International policy arrangements of state and non-state actors. - S. 41-58. Noortmann, M.: Non-state actors in international law. - S. 59-76. Weenink, A.: The relevance of being important or the importance of being relevant? State and non-state actors in international relations theory. - S. 79-92. Vollaard, H.: The de-territorialisation of political authority by the European Union. - S. 93-108. Esch, F.: Defining national preferences: the influence of international non-state actors. - S. 109-125. Verbeek, B.; Quarles van Ufford,, P.: Non-state actors in foreign policy making: a policy subsystem approach. - S. 127-144. Reinalda, B.; Verbeek, B.: Theorising power relations between NGOs, inter-governmental organisations and states. - S. 145-158. Roozendaal, G.: The influence of trade unions on the social clause controversy in the International Labour Organisation and its working party. - S. 161-176. Hogenboom, B.: Co-operation and discord: NGOs and the NAFTA. - S. 177-193. Arts, B.: The impact of environmental NGOs on international conventions. - S. 195-210. Kolk, A.: Multinational enterprises and international climate policy. - S. 211-225. Chabot, S.: Building transnational advocacy networks before 1965: diffusion from the Indian nationalist movement to the American civil rights movement. - S. 229-245. Biekart, K.: The impact of private aid agencies on civil society development. - S. 247-262. Bakker, E.: Early warning by NGOs in conflict areas. - S. 263-277. Weenink, A.: The Russian mafiya: a private actor in international relations? - S. 279-296. Noortmann, M.; Arts, B.; Reinalda, B.: The quest for unity in empirical and conceptual complexity. - S. 299-307

In line with calls from the European Commission for greater involvement of non-governmental organisations in the policy process, this article draws on research across EU member and applicant states to investigate the potential for enhancing cooperation between political and civil society actors in family policy formulation. The authors argue that the role of civil society is highly differentiated between countries, due to three key factors: party ideology, political culture and political transitions, which determine the capacity for improving alliances. Structural barriers to development may prevent the Commission's advocacy of closer cooperation between policy actors from being successful in the shorter term.

This edited volume addresses the role of non-state actors (NSAs) in international relations. From their emergence in the early 20th century, entities of non-state status have played a role of increasing prominence in international politics. Scholarly work has been slow to catch up, approaching NSAs mainly through the scope of legitimacy and international law or limiting focus to NGOs, international organizations, and economic corporations. This volume remedies that, creating a typology of NSAs based on systematic and coherent analysis. Presenting a series of cases of NSAs across the continuum of international relations, the chapters firmly ground NSAs in the ontology of international relations theory. Filling a gap in the current literature, this book will be of interest to students and researchers of international relations theory, international politics, international security, diplomatic history, and European and Middle East politics, as well as policy-makers and practitioners.

The involvement of non-state actors in world politics can hardly be characterised as novel, but intensifying economic and social exchange and the emergence of new modes of international governance have given them much greater visibility and, many would argue, a more central role. Non-state Actors in World Politics offers analyses of a diverse range of economic, social, legal (and illegal), old and new actors, such as the Catholic Church, trade unions, diasporas, religious movements, transnational corporations and organised crime

Abstract This paper analyses different patterns of articulation between market and state in subnational units in Brazil and the US, and forecasts scenarios that are more or less prone to enhancing development policies locally. Based on a state-centered perspective, the paper argues that institutional grammars such as clientelism and corporatism produce disincentives to the organization and civil engagement of economic actors in Brazil, in the subnational level. The paper stresses that the organizational atrophy of economic actors in Brazil, at the local level, limits the use of urban theories inspired by the North American political economy, such as urban regime and growth machine theories.

Abstract This paper analyses different patterns of articulation between market and state in subnational units in Brazil and the US, and forecasts scenarios that are more or less prone to enhancing development policies locally. Based on a state-centered perspective, the paper argues that institutional grammars such as clientelism and corporatism produce disincentives to the organization and civil engagement of economic actors in Brazil, in the subnational level. The paper stresses that the organizational atrophy of economic actors in Brazil, at the local level, limits the use of urban theories inspired by the North American political economy, such as urban regime and growth machine theories.

International relations scholarship and the popular media tend to portray China as a great power with hegemonic designs for Southeast Asia. Moreover, studies on Chinese influence in Southeast Asia predominantly focus on the Chinese state. This paper argues that Chinese non-state actors and their daily encounters with local communities in Southeast Asia deserve equal attention as these interactions evidently produce friction at both the society-to-state and state-to-state level. The influence of Chinese non-state actors in Southeast Asia can be illustrated with three examples, namely, Chinese tourism operations in Thailand, Chinese market demand and agricultural transformations in Myanmar, and Chinese gangs within the casino economy in Cambodia. Thailand has recently become a top tourist destination for Chinese nationals. This has cultural implications as those involved in the tourism industry need to have Chinese language skills. The economic implications include increased competition and decreased accountability as Chinese tour companies have set up in Thailand using Thai locals as nominees. Bilateral relations also soured after a boat carrying Chinese tourists capsized in Thailand. As global prices of corn rose in 2011 and 2012, areas in Myanmar close to the Chinese border have increased corn cultivation to meet Chinese demands for that crop. This has led to deforestation in these areas. Chinese gangsters fleeing their government's crackdown in China have settled down to operate in the casino economy in Cambodia. Consequentially, there has been a rise in crime rate involving online scams and deteriorating public security. Despite the Chinese government encouraging the Cambodian government to enforce a ban on online gambling, the actions of non-state actors from China continue to be associated with the Chinese state as a whole and there is rising resentment towards the Chinese in Cambodia. The COVID-19 pandemic has temporarily halted cross-border trade between China and mainland Southeast Asia. This has negatively affected local farmers who are dependent on the Chinese market.