Il est souvent dit que religion, politique et économie s'allient. Emmanuel Orobator, dans son essai, tente de soutenir la thèse suivante: la religion fut le principal instrument qui permit d'asseoir les intérêts politique et économiques britanniques entre 1841 et 1885 dans la région qui, plus tard, se nommera Nigeria. Même si les missionnaires ne sont pas toujours considères comme agents de colonisation, il s'avère que leur collaboration fut largement bénéfique aux colons.
Bibliography: pages 168-181. ; Since 1945 the emphasis on rights has been an ever-increasing phenomenon while the influence of the church plays an ever-diminishing role in today's society. The irony of the situation is that rights have their source in religion. It is Locke who is credited with having put the question of rights into the mainstream of political thinking and it was Locke's faith in God that enabled him to put forward the political doctrine that will be considered in this thesis. The theme of this study is the reconciliation of traditional Christianity with humanist political theory's emphasis on rights in Locke's Political Philosophy which I have termed Theopolity. It traces Locke's thoughts, starting with his view on the creation of man which ultimately gives rise to natural and human rights. These rights, when violated by Government, legitimately result in revolution. Locke has three areas of thought, which when combined, give rise to his political doctrine. These areas are Epistemology, Theology, and Politics. He believed that after creation man was in the State of Nature. This state of Nature was controlled by the law of Nature which gave rise to, and preserved, Natural Rights. To ensure the protection of these Rights the individual entered into a Social Contract and so created a political society. Once society had been established, a Government was formed to ensure the protection of the individual by means of civil laws. These laws extended Natural Rights and these extended rights are known as Human Rights. This study concludes that John Locke's political thought is the most cogent political doctrine that can be adopted by rational individuals who share a strong sense of justice and morality in a Democratic Christian Society. It shows that Locke's pursuit of truth led to his basic, common-sense politics which was the embodiment of the true state of man in a society where the individual's God-given rights are respected.
As steps are taken towards the end of apartheid and a new political future in South Africa the theme of religion and politics is both topical and urgent. Religion plays and will play a large part in South Africa, as the experiences of Zimbabwe, Mozambique and Namibia already show. The contributions from an interdisciplinary seminar held in Uppsala, Sweden, offer both sceptical, self-critical, hopeful and cautious perspectives from a variety of viewpoints.
The appearance of J. R. Oldfield's study, Popular politics and British anti-slavery, first published by Manchester University Press in 1995, now in paperback and therefore available for a student market, is much to be welcomed. The book is already well established in its field. As James Walvin writes in his preface, 'Oldfield's research serves to clinch a simple but critical issue, namely that in the attack on the slave trade, popular revulsion was crucial' (p. vi). Building on the work of earlier scholars, notably Seymour Drescher, Hugh Honour and Clare Midgley, Oldfield has demonstrated the ways in which the abolition movement turned to mobilizing public opinion after 1787 against the slave trade. At the centre of his investigation are the petition campaigns of 1788 and 1792. In analysing anti-slavery sentiment he successfully brings together approaches which focus on the eighteenth century as a period of expansion in commercial society and popular forms of politics with the agenda of historians of the slave trade and slavery. The abolition movement, he argues, provided the prototype for modern reforming organizations. It was peopled by practical middle-class men who understood the importance of the expansion of the market and consumer choice. It succeeded in capturing the imagination of those, predominantly middle-class men and women, who were increasingly interested in engaging in forms of public debate and who had the resources, both in terms of time and money, to do so. His book, he argues, is a piece of 'thick description' which offers 'fresh insights into the increasingly powerful role of the middle classes in influencing Parliamentary politics from outside the confines of Westminster'
ERRATA Versehentlich fehlerhafte Seitenüberschriften sind wie folgt zu ersetzen: S. 7, 9 Juristische Argumente S. 11, 13, 15 Politische Argumente S. 17, 19 Persönliche Argumente S. 53 Sakrale und nichtsakrale Konfiskation im Strafrecht S. 144, 146, 148, 150 Zum Stellenwert der Religion in der Krise Folgende Verweisungen lauten richtig: S. 96, in Anm. 3 > s.u. S. 102 f.; vgl. 115 S. 96, in Anm. 5 > o.S. 49 ff. S. 131, in Anm. 4 > o.S. 49 ff. ; Erscheinungsbild und Ursachen der spätrepublikanischen Krise gelten gerade nach den fruchtbaren Bemühungen der Forschung in den letzten Jahrzehnten als hinreichend reflektiert; in den seltensten Fällen jedoch ist das Sakralwesen in die Betrachtungen einbezogen worden. Die Kultgepflogenheiten der Römer zu dokumentieren, blieb weitgehend Domäne der Religionshistoriker, die sich der Aufgabe in aller Breite und mit geduldiger Hinwendung zum Detail gewidmet haben, so daß auch hier nahezu alle Fragen beantwortet scheinen; bei diesem Ansatz jedoch ist selbst bei zeitlichen Differenzierungen die Bezugnahme auf einhergehende politische Erscheinungen in der Regel vernachlässigt worden. Eine solchermaßen getrennte Betrachtungsweise spiegelt den heutigen Stellenwert von Religion in Staat und Gesellschaft wider, entspricht aber nicht der Auffassung der zu behandelnden historischen Zeit. Aus allen vorliegenden Quellen geht hervor, daß den Römern die Einheit von Staat und Religion eine Selbstverständlichkeit war. Unter Zugrundelegung der Ergebnisse der genannten Forschungsrichtungen und mit dem Augenmerk auf den Interdependenzmerkmalen soll es deshalb im folgenden darum gehen, den religiösen Faktor in Darstellung und Analyse der Krise einzubringen. Im ersten Teil der Untersuchung dient hierzu die ausführliche Beschäftigung mit Ciceros de domo sua. Eine Gesamtinterpretation ist dabei nicht allein deshalb angestrebt, weil die Rede bisher nicht allzu häufig behandelt wurde. Wie an kaum einer anderen Quelle läßt sich an ihr exemplarisch verdeutlichen, wie stark die politische Öffentlichkeit sich auch sakral definierte, in welchem organisatorischen Rahmen dies Ausdruck fand und wie im konkreten parteipolitischen Streitfall Nutzen daraus gezogen werden konnte. In seiner weitgehend politisch geprägten Argumentation angesichts einer zu nächst rein sakralrechtlichen Thematik gewährt Cicero darüber hinaus Ein blicke in den regulativen Umgang mit Tendenzen, die für die res publica über den vorliegenden Einzelfall hinaus problematisch erschienen. Um die auf diversen Ebenen bestehenden Zusammengehörigkeiten besser verdeutlichen zu können, erwies es sich gelegentlich als notwendig, entgegen den Vorgaben der Quelle Erscheinungen des politischen und des sakralen Bereichs zu unterscheiden und zunächst voneinander getrennt aufzuzeigen, wenn dies auch die Darstellung erschwert hat. Im erweiterten Rahmen des zweiten Teils der Arbeit werden alle politisch relevanten sakralrechtlichen Vorgaben aufgegriffen, um die Handhabung kultischer Mittel in den Phasen politischer Auseinandersetzungen bis zum Ende der Republik zu verfolgen und ihre entsprechende Bedeutung zu bestimmen. Ebenso geht es darum, den Zustand der traditionellen Staatsreligion selbst zu kennzeichnen; hierzu werden auch die Priestertümer in die Untersuchung einbezogen. In der Einordnung aller Ergebnisse wird abschließend nach dem Stellenwert des religiösen Wandels im Gesamtzusammenhang der Krise und nach den Möglichkeiten der Problembewältigung gefragt.
En Andalucía, parece darse una manifiesta disociación entre religión y comportamientos éticos y políticos. Siendo la autonomía que mayor confianza tiene en la Iglesia como institución, cuando fundamenta aspectos como la honradez o el mal, acude primariamente no a explicaciones religiosas sino humanistas; se manifiestan en contra de la prohibición de los anticonceptivos y, casi una mitad, favorable al aborto. En política mayoritariamente votan a un partido que mantiene teórica y prácticamente posiciones contrarias a las de una Iglesia a la que la mayoría de sus votantes dicen pertenecer. Y junto a estas opiniones y comportamientos, aparece el actual auge de celebraciones religiosas populares, que más parecen depender de la organización y comportamientos urbanos de la sociedad de masas que de un nuevo florecimiento del catolicismo entre los andaluces. ; In Andalusia (Spain), there seems to be an manifest dissociation between religion and ethical and political behavior. As the autonomic community with the most trust in the Church as institution, when fundamental aspects like "honesty" or "evil" are presented, they are associated primarily with humanist and not religious explanations; Andalusians are opposed to contraceptive prohibition, and nearly half are in favour of abortion. In politics, they largely vote for the party maintaining theoretical and practical positions against those of the Church, to which most of its voters say they belong. And along with these opinions and behaviors, there is a current flourish in popular religious celebrations, which perhaps depends more on urban organization and behavior in the society of the masses than on a new bloomimg of Catholicism among Andalusians. ; Grupo de Investigación Antropología y Filosofía (SEJ-126). Universidad de Granada
To explore the question "How can someone create art now?," the essay first sketches a broad historical framework, and continues by peering through a lens made of two concepts: the center, and dissent. It explores the Greek influence (Plato the centrist, Socrates the dissenter; dissent as apartness, the center as control molded by dissent) and Christianity (dissent in Job, the Fall, and St. Francis). Whereas the dissent of Socrates was the mold filled by Plato's Center, in Christianity the omnipotent, omnipresent God is the mold, Sin and the Fall its negative, dissent molded by the Center: a double obverse. The essay talks about contemporary music and violence: the beat and the originary scene (Boulez), other strategies (Xenakis, Cage); commodification; rock promoting the ecstasy of identity and submission; Disneyfication. It explores feminism on violence; critical theory on the subject; the Deleuzian Body Without Organs and Kristeva's chora; and Judith Butler on subjectless agency, signification as a regulated process of repetition. Finally, the essay touches on the relations among dissent, autonomy, agency; superfaciality; insignification; theory as praxis as art as life; and intimate apartness built into the Sichselbstgleichheit of the work of art.
Malta became a British colony in 1800 and its function was that of a fortress within an imperial network. This influenced all that happened in the colony along the nineteenth century. Not least affected was the sphere of education where a main feature of Anglicisation was the forceful attempt to change Malta's everyday school language from Italian to English. This was no easy task as the Maltese pro-Italian party, the Nationalists, made every effort to impede and overturn any such British attempt. To add to the tension, the British were religiously Protestant and this clashed with the sentiments of the predominantly Roman Catholic native population. Thus the vigilant Catholic Church viewed with suspicion all that was attempted in education by the colonial Government. There was a continuous concern that the British would use schools to convert the Maltese to Protestantism. In such an atmosphere life in schools was by no means easygoing. Teachers bore the brunt of contrasts and concerns without having the space to show their distress. ; peer-reviewed
This paper examines the relationship between religion, ethnicity and politics in Cyprus during the Turkocratia (1571–1878), the period of Ottoman rule. Its major thesis is that in the pre-industrial framework of Ottoman rule in Cyprus neither religion nor ethnicity were major sources of conflict in a society composed of two ethnic groups (Greeks and Turks) and following two monotheistic faiths(Christianity and Islam) in marked contrast to the recent history of Cyprus. In broad outline it closely parallels Gellner's thesis (1983) that nationalism is a by-product of industrialization, extensive education literacy and geographical and social mobility, and it seeks to show that the major cleavages in Cyprus were mainly intraethnic rather than interethnic. ; peer-reviewed
This article reviews geographical research on religion in the 1990s, and highlights work from neighbouring disciplines where relevant. Contrary to views that the field is incoherent, I suggest that much of the literature pays attention to several key themes, particularly, the politics and poetics of religious place, identity and community. I illustrate the key issues, arguments and conceptualizations in these areas, and suggest various ways forward. These 'new' geographies emphasize different sites of religious practice beyond the 'officially sacred'; different sensuous sacred geographies; different religions in different historical and place-specific contexts; different geographical scales of analysis; different constitutions of population and their experience of and effect on religious place, identity and community; different dialectics (sociospatial, public-private, politics-poetics); and different moralities.
Ana Brito. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1995. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 118-126). ; INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Research Object and Methodology --- p.1 ; Definition of the Main Concepts --- p.4 ; Religion and Ideology --- p.8 ; Macao ´ةs Historical Background --- p.10 ; Relevance of the Historical Contextualization --- p.13 ; Macao ´ةs Present Situation --- p.15 ; Chapter PART 1 - --- CATHOLIC RELIGION --- p.18 ; Chapter 1 --- Church and Government --- p.19 ; Government and Catholic Religion-Changing Strategy --- p.24 ; Chapter 2 --- Church and Ethnic Groups --- p.26 ; Diocese versus Congregations --- p.26 ; Ethnic Differentiation within the Church --- p.29 ; Localization of the Church --- p.31 ; Chapter 3 --- Conversion and Ethnic Identity --- p.36 ; Patterns of Conversion --- p.36 ; Why and How Conversion Patterns have Changed ? --- p.41 ; Catholic Religion and the different Ethnic Groups --- p.45 ; Chapter PART 2 - --- CHINESE POPULAR RELIGION --- p.50 ; Chapter 4 --- Chinese Popular Religion and the Political Power --- p.51 ; Chinese Popular Religion and the Colonial Government --- p.51 ; Chinese Popular Religion and Chinese Authorities --- p.58 ; Chapter 5 --- Analysis of Two Temples --- p.64 ; Kun Iam Ku Miu´ؤa Decaying Neighborhood Temple --- p.64 ; Kun Iam Tong´ؤa Flourishing Temple --- p.69 ; Chapter 6 --- "Kun Iam : Worshippers, History and Belief" --- p.78 ; Kun Iam Tong Worshippers --- p.78 ; Kun Iam: History and Belief --- p.82 ; Chapter 7 --- Relevance of Ritual Practices in Reinforcing Ethnic Identity --- p.87 ; CONCLUSION --- p.93 ; Religion and Ethnic Identity in Macao: Past and Present --- p.93 ; Religious Policy in the People 's Republic of China --- p.95 ; Macao1999 --- p.97 ; NOTES --- p.99 ; APPENDICES --- p.104 ; BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.118 ; GLOSSARY --- p.127
Emphasizes the importance of sacred places in India and its relation to the conflicts between Sikhs and Hindus and between Hindus and Muslims. Sense of insecurity in some of the religious groups; Need for religious groups to assert their identity; Secularity of the Indian nation-state.
Reprint in French in Journal des Anthropologues: Revue de l'Association Française des Anthropologues, n° 85-86, 2001, pp. 255-282 (http://jda.revues.org/2911). Reprint in bilingual English-Albanian book-length format by AIIS Press, Tirana, 2001 (http://hal.ccsd.cnrs.fr/halshs-00486061). ; International audience ; "Within the theme of Balkan identities and nationalist constructions Albert Doja offers us in this paper a long-term historical perspective on the roots of Albanian ethnicity and the relationship between religious conversion and national affirmation. In a fascinating exploration of a little known cultural history, Doja suggests that some parallels can be drawn between the conversion to Islam of Albanians under pressure from Slav and Greek influences in the Balkan Orthodox Churches and the conversion of Bosnians similarly situated between Orthodox Serbia and Catholic Croatia, while discussing what is specific to the 'hibernation in history' of the collective identity of one of the last nationalities to appear in Europe." (John Gledhill and Stephen Nugent, Editorial).
Reprint in French in Journal des Anthropologues: Revue de l'Association Française des Anthropologues, n° 85-86, 2001, pp. 255-282 (http://jda.revues.org/2911). Reprint in bilingual English-Albanian book-length format by AIIS Press, Tirana, 2001 (http://hal.ccsd.cnrs.fr/halshs-00486061). ; International audience ; "Within the theme of Balkan identities and nationalist constructions Albert Doja offers us in this paper a long-term historical perspective on the roots of Albanian ethnicity and the relationship between religious conversion and national affirmation. In a fascinating exploration of a little known cultural history, Doja suggests that some parallels can be drawn between the conversion to Islam of Albanians under pressure from Slav and Greek influences in the Balkan Orthodox Churches and the conversion of Bosnians similarly situated between Orthodox Serbia and Catholic Croatia, while discussing what is specific to the 'hibernation in history' of the collective identity of one of the last nationalities to appear in Europe." (John Gledhill and Stephen Nugent, Editorial).
El presente trabajo forma parte de una serie de reflexiones que el autor ha estado realizando a propósito del golpismo en Venezuela, hasta la actualidad. Éste se inscribe en un descontento político y económico, iniciado no sólo a partir del período presidencial vigente, sino muchos años atrás de los inicios de la llamada era "democrática", en 1958. Con esto se intenta ilustrar las ironías del juego político venezolano, y cómo resulta productivo tanto para la investigación antropológica, como para el cambio de paradigmas en pos de fructíferas transformaciones sociales. ; This work is part of some reflections that the author has been developing from the beginning of the coup era in Venezuela to the present time. This goes back to 1958, many years before the democratic era, and it leads to the current government. The article seeks to show the irony of the politic Venezuelan game; at the same time, it shows how it enriches anthropological research and also is productive for a change of paradigms while achieving some productive social transformations. ; Grupo de Investigación Antropología y Filosofía (SEJ-126). Universidad de Granada
