Suchergebnisse

Hegelove riječi iz Enciklopedije filozofskih znanosti, da revolucija nije moguća bez reformacije, mogu se shvatiti kao načelno upozorenje da svakoj korjenitoj političkoj promjeni mora prethoditi promjena u unutrašnjem svijetu uvjerenja pojedinca i zajednice. Te riječi povijesno preciznije upućuju na reformirano kršćanstvo kao na inherentni poticaj modernim revolucionarnim previranjima. Religiozno oslobođenje savjesti prethodilo je političkom oslobođenju i u tom smislu Hegel izdvaja protestantizam kao najviši lik religioznosti koji je u modernoj običajnosti moguć. Hegel favorizira protestantizam ne samo zato što je uvjeren da je religijska reformacija prethodila i da uvijek mora prethoditi revoluciji nego i zbog toga što smatra da s protestantizmom postaje očito da i reformiranje religije ostaje nedovršeno i apstraktno ne preraste li u politički prevrat. Razmatranje načina na koji Hegel problematizira odnos države i religije autora vodi k zaključku: revolucije ne može biti bez reformacije, ali ni istinske reformacije bez revolucije. ; Hegel's words from the Encyclopedia of the Philosophical Sciences, that a revolution is not possible without a reformation, can be understood as the general warning that the change within the inner world of beliefs of individual and community must precede every radical political change. Historically more precise, these words point to the Reformed Christianity as the inherent impetus to the modern revolutionary movements. The religious liberation of conscience preceded the political liberation, and Hegel, therefore, points out Protestantism as the highest form of religiosity which is possible in the modern ethical life. On the other hand, Hegel favours Protestantism not only because he is convinced that the religious reformation preceded and must precede the revolution, but also because he considers that with Protestantism becomes evident that the reformation of religion remains incomplete and abstract if it does not grow into the political upheaval. Considering the way Hegel is problematizing the nature of the relationship between state and religion, the author concludes: there can be no revolution without a reformation, but neither a true reformation without a revolution.

Rad je podijeljen na četiri dijela. U prvom dijelu se predstavlja nauk konstitucije Gaudium et spes o odnosu Crkve i politike. Obrađuje se: narav i svrha političke zajednice, suradnja svih u političkom životu te politička zajednica i Crkva. Stavovi Ivana Pavla II. o vjernicima u politici predstavljeni su prikazom dokumenta Sinode o laicima 1987.: Christifideles laici koji je objavljen 1990. Papa je snažno tražio od laika da se uključe u politički život i smatrao da je grijeh ne baviti se politikom, s mišlju: svi su predmet i protagonisti politike. Poziva se na promicanje solidarnosti i karitativnog rada kroz politiku. Crkva i laici su dužni evangelizirati društveno-ekonomski život kao i kulturu. Zatim se iznose osnovne ideje iz Katekizma Katoličke Crkve i na koncu se obrađuje Doktrinarna nota o katolicima u politici, Zbora za nauk vjere iz 2002. godine. Nauk novijih crkvenih dokumenata o ovoj temi može se sažeti ovako: Vlast i država izviru iz ljudske naravi i moralnog zakona, a onda to znači i da imaju i božanski izvor. One su potrebne za funkcioniranje ljudskog života. Opće dobro i poštovanje osobe ključni su kriteriji za prosudbu svake vlasti, političara, režima i stranke. Priznaje se autonomija i odvojenost Crkve i države. Priznaje se pluralizam stranaka i režima. Poziva se sve kršćane da se uključe u politički život, dapače grijeh je ne baviti se politikom. Ako se zakoni i vlast protive općem dobru i dobru osobe, onda se vjernik političar treba distancirati i ne glasati za takve zakone. Crkva treba biti kritička svijest i savjest društva. ; This article is divided into four parts. The first part presents the doctrine of the constitution as described in Gaudium et spes: in other words it deals with the relationship between church and politics. It deals with the nature and purpose of political community, the cooperation of all in political life, and the political community and the Church. The views of John Paul II on the role of believers in politics are presented through an analysis of the 1987 Synod document on the laity, Christifideles laici, which was published in 1990. The pope strongly urges the laity to become involved in political life and takes the position that abjuring from politics can be sinful, noting that all are subject to and all are protagonists in politics. The pope stresses the necessity of promoting solidarity and charitable works through politics. Church and laity are obliged to evangelize in social and economic life as well as culture. The paper goes on to present the basic ideas of the Catechism of the Catholic Church, and finally the ideas of the Doctrinal Note on Catholics in Politics, issued by the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith in 2002. The doctrine of recent Church documents on this topic may be summarized as follows: authority and the state stem from human nature and the moral law, and this means that they have a divine source. They are necessary for the functioning of human life. The common good and respect for persons are the key criteria for judging governments, politicians, regimes and parties. The autonomy and separation of church and state should be recognized. The pluralism of parties and regimes should be recognized. All Christians are called to become involved in political life: in fact, it is sinful not to be involved in politics. If laws or authorities are against the common good and the good of the person, then the believer politician should distance himself from such laws and authorities and should not vote for such laws. The Church should be a critical conscience of society.

Since its declaration of independence Kosovo has clearly postured itself towards Euro-Atlantic integration with NATO, keeping its door open towards Western Balkan states. This integration process faces major challenges stemming from different dimensions: NATO's internal unity and its stance towards Kosovo's political status having direct impact in consensual decision making processes; current geopolitical tensions from a global perspective, particularly between the West and Russia; and Kosovo's ability to fulfil NATO's standards and criteria. These challenges might prove very difficult to overcome at least in the current global political and security environment. The objective of this paper is to discuss from legal and geopolitical perspectives the relations between Kosovo and NATO and the challenges, dynamics and perspective of NATO opening a formal integration process for Kosovo. ; Since its declaration of independence Kosovo has clearly postured itself towards Euro-Atlantic integration with NATO, keeping its door open towards Western Balkan states. This integration process faces major challenges stemming from different dimensions: NATO's internal unity and its stance towards Kosovo's political status having direct impact in consensual decision making processes; current geopolitical tensions from a global perspective, particularly between the West and Russia; and Kosovo's ability to fulfil NATO's standards and criteria. These challenges might prove very difficult to overcome at least in the current global political and security environment. The objective of this paper is to discuss from legal and geopolitical perspectives the relations between Kosovo and NATO and the challenges, dynamics and perspective of NATO opening a formal integration process for Kosovo.

U radu se ljubav poima kao kulturna pojava čije značenje je, za pojedinca, rezultat različitih diskursa o ljubavi. Dok je jedan od njih diskurs o romantičnoj ljubavi te ulazak u brak, koji se na nju nadovezuje, a potom i zasnivanje obitelji (Giddens 1992; Illouz 2012), diskurs o demokratskoj i fluidnoj ljubavi obuhvaća "odstupanja" od takva slijeda (Giddens 1992; Bauman 2003). Uvidom u različite narative, znanstvene i kolokvijalne, u radu se problematizira stvaranje predodžbi o budućoj ljubavnoj vezi i braku. ; In the paper love is perceived as a cultural phenomenon the significance of which – for the individual – is the result of different discourses on love. One of them is the discourse on romantic love and its follow-up, marriage and family (Giddens 1992; Illouz 2012). On the other hand, the discourse on democratic and fluid love covers "departures" from such a sequence (Giddens 1992; Bauman 2003). After due consideration of different (scientific and colloquial) narratives, the paper problematises the development of ideas about future love relationships and marriage.

ATLASES: Poetics, Politics, and Performance is a web exhibition of atlases from the Special Collections and School of Geographical Sciences of the University of Bristol (http://uobatlases.net/). It includes atlases produced between 1570 to approximately 1970.The exhibition consists of four thematic parts. Renaissance Theatres contains famous and les famous atlases produced between the end of the 16th century to the middle of the 17th century, such as atlases by Ortelius (1574), Camden (1610), Speed (1611) and four atlas tomes by Blaeu (1645). Rhetoric of Truth contains geological and archaeological atlases from the 18th and the beginning of the 19th century. However, Rhetoric of Truth is not only limited to renaissance, but it also encompasses first computer generated atlases, e.g. Atlas of Breeding Birds in England and Ireland (1976) and others. The Colonial Gaze focuses on atlases applied in colonial projects and land exploitation in Africa and the Caribbean Islands, as well as in circulation of race theories in Europe and North America at the end of the 19th century. The last part, National Identities and Conflict explores the role of atlas as a powerful instrument for visualizing conflicts and shaping territorial-political ideas in the 20th century. ; ATLASES: Poetics, Politics, and Performance je izložba na mreži atlasa iz Specijalne zbirke i Škole geografskih znanosti (Special Collections and School of Geographical Sciences) Sveučilišta u Bristolu (http://uobatlases.net/). Uključeni su atlasi od 1570. do približno 1970. godine.Izložba obuhvaća četiri tematske cjeline. Renaissance Theatres sadrži slavne i manje poznate atlase od kraja 16. do sredine 17. stoljeća., među ostalim, Orteliusov atlas iz 1574., Camdenov iz 1610., Speedov iz 1611. i četiri toma Blaeuova atlasa iz 1645. Rhetoric of Truth sadrži geološke i arheološke atlase iz 18. i početka 19. stoljeća. Međutim, cjelina Rhetoric of Truth nije ograničena samo na stoljeća prosvjetiteljstva već prožima i prve računalno generirane atlase poput npr. Atlas of Breeding Birds in England and Ireland (1976) i neke druge. Treća cjelina The Colonial Gaze fokusirana je na atlase koji su primjenjivani u provedbi kolonijalnih projekata i eksploataciji zemljišta u Africi i na Karibima, ali i cirkulaciji rasnih teorija krajem 19. stoljeća u Europi i Sjevernoj Americi. Posljednji dio National Identities and Conflict istražuje ulogu atlasa kao moćnog instrumenta za vizualizaciju sukoba i oblikovanje teritorijalno-političkih ideja u 20. stoljeću.

Diplomski rad koji je fokusiran na analizi sadržaja javnih iskaza vodećih političara ili onih koji su na vlasti o suvremenoj nogometnoj problematici. Na to me potaknuo nedostatak znanstvenih radova o ovoj temi i želja za promjenom u hrvatskom nogometu. Analizom znanstvene literature i svakodnevnog praćenja događaja i sadržaja iz medija odlučio sam detektirati koji su temeljni problemi tuzemnog nogometa i kako na njih reagira političko rukovodstvo. Korištena je metoda kvalitativne analize sadržaja na temelju koje sam svoje teze dokazivao analizom izjava, službenih priopćenja i svakog oblika javne komunikacije te kodiranjem i analizom strukturiranih i polustrukturiranih intervjua s političkim akterima i korištenjem primarnih i sekundarnih izvora literature. Zahvaljujući metodologiji sam analizirao i definirao javne iskaze i način komuniciranja i odnošenja lokalne i državne vlasti prema hrvatskom nogometu kroz institucije predsjednika, premijera i gradonačelnika te zaključio kako je prisutan veliki interes prema nogometnoj problematici, ali više je baziran na komuniciranju nego djelovanju kroz javne politike ili konkretne odluke. Interes je osobito prisutan kod desnice više nego kod ljevice te se odnos vodećih političkih aktera može opisati kao selektivan u smislu da se neki problemi ističu dok se drugi potpuno zanemaruju. Selektivnost u definiranju problema ovisi o razini vlasti i političkoj stranci iz koje akteri proizlaze. Ovo istraživanje je pomoglo razmrsiti i objasniti kompleksan svijet međuodnosa nogometa i politike u kontekstu hrvatskog društva te može poslužiti kao putokaz i temelj za daljnja istraživanja u svrhu rješavanja tih problema i detektiranja njihovih temeljnih uzroka. ; This master's thesis is focused on the analysis of the content of public statements by leading politicians or those in power on the topic of contemporary problems of soccer in Croatia. The main reason for choosing this theme is the lack of scientific work on the subject and a personal desire to change the situation in domestic ...

U prvoj polovini 19- stoljeća dolazi do povijesnih i političkih previranja u Europi: pojava panslavizma, revolucija 1948., koja je trebala rušenjem Austrougarske Monarhije uspostaviti temelje demokraciji (u kojoj se hrvatski ban Jelačić stavio na stranu Beča), te intenzivan interes kulturne Europe za zaostali srpski narod pod turskom vlašću. I pored kontroverzne uloge J. Kopitara i Vuka Karadžića, Hrvati prihvaćaju Književni dogovor 1850. g. sa Srbima, koji već u ono vrijeme, očevidno uz pomoć politike i lingvistike, osporavaju Hrvatima identitet. ; In the first half of the 19th century Europe saw some historical and political changes like Pan-Slavism and the Revolution of 1848, which was to build up democratic fundaments through the abolition of the Austro Hungarian Empire (with the Croartian Banus Jelačić on the Viennese side). Europe's cultural interest in Serbia increased. The Serbs were under Turkish dominance and thus restricted in their development. In 1850, despite controversial roles of J. Kopitar and Vuk Karadžić, the Croats agreed to a literary arrangement with the Serbs, who had already at that time obviously disputed the Croatian identity by means of politics and linguistics.

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVAPrijedlog zakona o šumama prošao je prvo čitanje u Saboru Republike Hrvatske. Njegova priprema trajala je skoro dvije godine. U povjerenstvu za izradu sudjelovali su predstavnici svih relevantnih sektorskih institucija, a prijedlog zakona prošao je i e-savjetovanje, nakon kojega je dio primjedbi usvojen. Na saborskom Odboru za poljoprivredu bilo je dosta rasprave o iznosu naknade za općekorisne funkcije šuma, čija bi se stopa trebala zadržati na postojećoj razini od 0,0265 %, ali s oslobađanjem plaćanja naknade svim pravnim i fizičkim osobama koje ostvaruju godišnji prihod do tri milijuna kuna. Vezano za raspodjelu sredstava iz naknade OKFŠ-a buru među šumarskim znanstvenicima i stručnjacima izazvao je prijedlog pravilnika sa smanjenjem financiranja znanstveno-istraživačkih radova sa sadašnjih 5 % na samo 1 %, što bi u praksi značilo da se samo oko milijun i pol kuna raspodjeljuje za šumarsku znanost. Svjesni svih ugroza koje trenutno vladaju u hrvatskim šumama, ovakav prijedlog je stvarno nerazuman i podcjenjivački. Valja se nadati da će kritički komentari i prijedlozi uroditi plodom te da će se znanstveno-istraživačkim radovima propisati traženih 10 % od ukupnih sredstava iz fonda OKFŠ-a. Novi pak Pravilnik o nedrvnim šumskim proizvodima unosi nepotrebno i golemo administriranje zbog izdavanja dozvola za besplatno sakupljanje šumskih plodova za vlastite potrebe, bez mogućnosti kvalitetne kontrole ulaska u šumu na temelju kojega mogu nastupiti i značajne štete za dio šumskog ekosustava, a povećana je i opasnost od šumskih požara.Nedavno najavljeno osnivanje sedamnaeste podružnice Hrvatskih šuma u Slatini, za područje Virovitičko-podravske županije, možda je prošlo nekako nezapaženo i ne previše glasno komentirano u šumarskoj javnosti. Međutim, sama realizacija te ideje otvorila bi Pandorinu kutiju iz koje ne znamo što bi sve izašlo, a po mitologiji iz te kutije je izašlo zlo. Raspodjela državnih šuma i šumskih zemljišta u Republici Hrvatskoj ne prati političke granice županija i općina. To je davno napušteno. Trgovačko društvo Hrvatske šume d.o.o. u stopostotnom je vlasništvu Republike Hrvatske i brine se o gospodarenju državnim šumama, ne gledajući na lokalne granice, jer je interes šume u prvom planu. Naravno da lokalno stanovništvo treba imati koristi od resursa kojima raspolaže, ali to se rješava kroz zapošljavanje u Hrvatskim šumama d.o.o., prodaju ogrjeva, sakupljanje nedrvnih proizvoda i slično. Najavljena korist za Virovitičko-podravsku županiju osnivanjem nove podružnice kosi se s današnjim ustrojem i upravljanjem Hrvatskim šumama. Nijedna županija ne radi razvojne planove za Hrvatske šume d.o.o., no suradnja s jedinicama lokalne uprave posvuda postoji, jer su šumari oduvijek bili dio zajednice u kojoj su djelovali. Ne samo da je najava upravljanja eventualnom novom podružnicom iz županije nemoguća, nego bi se time otvorila mogućnost prekrajanja granica i ostalih podružnica po županijskim granicama. Neke podružnice mogle bi biti ukinute, a neke bi se proširile izvan povijesnih i tradicijskih granica. Svaki ustroj ima svojih nedostataka i ne može se reći da je sadašnji idealan, ali sa svakom najavom promjena, posebice ako nisu cjelovite nego parcijalne, provedbom istih dolazi do sukoba u kojima glavnu ulogu ne igraju racionalni gospodarski razlozi, nego trenutna politička moć. Trenutno postoji 21 županija s gradom Zagrebom, ali već godinama se vode rasprave treba li smanjiti broj tih administrativnih jedinica. Za koju godinu će možda postojati samo nekoliko regija. Da li bi onda ponovno trebalo prekrajati granice podružnica unutar Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o.? Današnje poslovanje trgovačkog društva u državnom vlasništvu, iako ima monopolistički položaj, nikako ne određuje tržišno poslovanje, nego državom uvjetovana raspodjela sirovine po dugo vremena najnižim cijenama u regiji, ali i u čitavoj Europskoj uniji. Najveću cijenu "darivanja" državnog resursa plaća šuma kojoj se ne vraća ono osnovno kroz dostatne šumsko-gospodarske zahvate, a kamoli da joj se poboljšava stanje sanacijom uslijed elementarnih nepogoda, promjene klime, pojave novih štetnika i drugih ugroza. U takvoj situaciji razmišljati o stvaranju nove podružnice zbog zadovoljavanja lokalnih apetita nikako nije mudro ni racionalno. Uredništvo ; EDITORIALThe forest law proposal has gone through the first reading in the Sabor of the Republic of Croatia. It has been prepared for almost two years. The conflict of interest committee was participated by the representatives of all relevant sector institutions; the Law proposal also underwent an e-consultation after which a part of the comments were accepted. At the Board of Agriculture there was considerable discussion on the amount of reimbursement for the nonprofit forest functions, the rate of which should be retained at the present level of 0.0265%, though with the exemption from payment granted to all legal and physical persons with a yearly income up to three million Kunas. In connection with the distribution of the means from the OKFŠ (nonprofit forest functions) fund, the proposed regulations that would reduce the finances for the scientific research from the present 5% to only 1% have caused a turmoil among the scientists; this would practically mean that only about 1.5 million Kunas would be alloted to forestry science. Considering the many current threatening issues related to the Croatian forests, a proposal of this kind is irrational and degrading. We hope that the critical comments and suggestions will supports the efforts toward achieving the required 10% of the OKFŠ fund for scientific research. On the other hand, the new Regulations on the non-wood forest products are causing the unnecessary huge administration due to the issuing licences for free uncontrolled collection of forest fruits for personal use, which could lead to considerable damage to one part of the ecosystem; besides, this would increase the already high danger of forest fires. The recently announced foundation of the 17th branch office of the Croatian Forests in Slatina for the region of the Virovitica/Podravina county has been almost unnoticed and only marginally commented in the forestry environment. However, the realisation of the idea would open the Pandora's box, out of which who knows what would emerge; the myth says, all the evels of the world. The distribution of state forests and forest areas in the Republic of Croatia does not coincide with the political borders of the counties and municipal areas, as it used to be for a long time. The trading company Croatian Forests Ltd. is entirely owned by the Republic of Croatia, so that the state takes care of the management of its forests without considering the local border lines. The care for the forest comes first. The local population should benefit from the forest resources, which is achieved through employment in Croatian Forests Ltd., sale of fuelwood, collecting the non-wood products, etc. The announced benefit for the Virovitica/Podravina county through the foundation of the new branch is in conflict with the present constitution and management of the Croatian Forests. No county makes development plans in the name of the Croatian Forests Ltd.; however, there is a collaboration among the units of the local management because foresters have always been a part of the community in which they have been active. Not only that the announcement of the management of a new branch office in a county is unacceptable, but it would also open a possibility of changing the borders of other branch offices, some of which could then be cancelled, others would cross outside of the historical traditional borders. With all the disadvantages of the present constellation, we cannot claim that the present one is ideal; with every proposed change, particularly such that is not global but particular, its implementation usually results in conflicts, not caused by rational economic reasons, but by current political power. There are now twenty-one counties, including the City of Zagreb. Disputes have been going on for years on whether the number of these administrative units should be reduced. In a few years, there may be only several regions. Should the borders of the branch offices be then again changed within the borderlines of the Croatian Forests Ltd? Though monopolistic, the present business management of the trading company owned by the state is not defined by the market but by the distribution of raw materials at the lowest prices in the region and all European Union over a long time. The highest price of "giving away" the state resources has been paid by the forest without reimbursing it with what is fundamental - satisfactory forest management operations, not to speak of improvements by recovery after damages, climate change, new pests and other threats. At this time the opening of new branch offices in order to satisfy local appetites is neither wise nor rational. Editorial Board

Povezanost i efekti između fiskalne politike i gospodarskog rasta važna su teoretska i empirijska tema istraživanja. Neoklasični modeli smatraju da će ekonomski učinci u državnoj potrošnji biti neutralizirani efektima posljedičnih promjena u privatnoj potrošnji. S druge strane, endogeni modeli rasta smatraju da promjene u razini i sastavu oporezivanja i državne potrošnje utječu na gospodarski rast. Cilj rada je istražiti povezanost i efekte fiskalne politike i gospodarskog rasta u 21 zemlji srednje i istočne Europe u razdoblju od 2000. – 2018. godine. Empirijski rezultati, nakon kontrole zajedničkih i specifičnih varijabli za pojedinu zemlju, ukazuju na to da povećanje oporezivanja, ali ne i neproduktivnih izdataka, može pozitivno utjecati na gospodarski rast. Glavni rezultati empirijske analize su: (i) da postoji značajna i pozitivna povezanost između opće razine oporezivanja i gospodarskog rasta; i (ii) da ne postoji povezanost između državne finalne potrošnje i gospodarskog rasta. Rezultati empirijske analize doprinjeli su znanstvenoj literaturi potvrđujući povezanost između državnih poreznih prihoda i ekonomskog rasta u zemljama srednje i istočne Europe. ; The relationship and effects between fiscal policy and economic growth have been an important theoretical and empirical research topic. The neoclassical models imply that the economic effects of changes in government spending will be neutralised by the impact of consequent changes in private spending. Endogenous growth models, on the other hand, imply that changes in the level and composition of taxation and government expenditure can affect economic growth. This aim of the paper is to explore the relationship and effects of fiscal policy and economic growth in 21 Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries over the period 2000-2018. The results, after controlling for various common and country-specific variables, imply that an increase in taxation, but not in non-productive expenditures, can positively affect economic growth. Our main findings are: (i) there is a significant and positive contemporaneous relationship between the general level of taxation and economic growth; and (ii) there is no relationship between the government final consumption and economic growth. Therefore, our results contributed to the scientific literature by providing empirical evidence on the contemporaneous relationship between the general government tax receipt and economic growth in CEE countries.

Čvrsta povezanost SAD-a i Europske unije koja je prikazana kroz brojna područja suradnje poput trgovine, sigurnosti i pravde, energije, klimatskih promjena te obrazovanja, u posljednjim godinama Junckerove komisije poprilično je ugrožena. Uzimajući u obzir ideološke i političke nesuglasice SAD-a i Europske unije, koje se posebno očituju za vrijeme Trumpove administracije i nove percepcije američke vanjske politike i njene globalne uloge, čini se kako je stabilna budućnost transatlantskog saveza upitna. Uz prikaz ključnih sporazuma i područja suradnje SAD-a i Europske unije te osvrta na ciljeve, izazove i posebnosti Junckerove komisije, u okviru ovog rada poseban fokus posvećuje se odnosima SAD-a i Europske unije za vrijeme mandata Jean-Claudea Junckera pri čemu je zadatak jasno prikazati razlike u vanjskopolitičkim strategijama Obame i Trumpa, kao i utjecaj promjene u vanjskoj politici SAD-a na transatlantsko partnerstvo i samu Europsku uniju. ; The strong link between the U.S. and the European Union demonstrated through a number of areas of cooperation such as trade, security and justice, energy, climate change, and education, has been severely compromised in the last years of the Juncker Commission. Given the ideological and political disagreements between the U.S. and the European Union, which are especially evident during the Trump administration and the new perception of U.S. foreign policy and its global role, the stable future of the transatlantic alliance seems questionable. In addition to outlining the key agreements and areas of EU-US cooperation and reviewing the goals, challenges, and specifics of the Juncker Commission, this paper focuses on EU-US relations during the mandate of Jean-Claude Juncker with the goal of outlining the differences in Obama's and Trump's foreign policy and its effect on the transatlantic partnership and the European Union.

Kvalitetna komunikacija eksternih revizora s upravljačkim strukturama od iznimne je važnosti za učinkovito poslovanje kreditnih institucija. Stoga se nameće pitanje može li se oblikovanjem modela odnosa eksternih revizora i upravljačkih struktura kreditne institucije unaprijediti rad eksterne revizije, s jedne strane te upravljačkih struktura kreditne institucije, s druge strane. Doprinos ovog istraživanja su: analiza kvalitete komuniciranja eksternih revizora s upravljačkim strukturama kreditne institucije i utjecaj kvalitete tih odnosa na učinkovitost eksterne revizije i upravljačkih struktura; analiza kvalitete komuniciranja eksternih revizora s revizijskim odborom kreditne institucije i utjecaj kvalitete tih odnosa na učinkovitost eksterne revizije i upravljačkih struktura, posebice nadzornog odbora; identifi ciranje je li neučinkovitost eksterne revizije povezana s otvaranjem stečajeva nad kreditnim institucijama i utvrđivanje pridonosi li predloženi model odnosa eksternih revizora i upravljačkih struktura kreditne institucije boljem radu eksterne revizije kao i boljem radu upravljačkih struktura kreditne institucije. U istraživanju, provedenom u Republici Hrvatskoj, sudjelovali su eksterni revizori koji obavljaju ili su obavljali reviziju godišnjih fi nancijskih izvještaja kreditnih institucija, članovi uprave i nadzornih odbora kreditnih institucija te stečajni upravitelji i stručno osoblje kreditnih institucija u stečaju. Rezultati empirijskog istraživanja potvrđuju kako testirani komunikacijski model pridonosi učinkovitijem radu eksterne revizije i upravljačkih struktura kreditne institucije. ; Quality communication of external auditors with governance structures is of paramount importance for the efficient operation of credit institutions. Therefore, the question arises as to whether the formation of a model for the relationship of external auditors and the governance structures of a credit institution can enhance the work of an external audit, on the one hand, and the governance structures of a credit institution, on the other. The contribution of this research is: an analysis of the quality of external auditors' communication with the credit institution's governance structures and the impact of the quality of these relationships on the effectiveness of external audit and governance structures; an analysis of the quality of external auditors' communication with the credit institution's audit committee and the impact of the quality of those relationships on the effectiveness of the external audit and governance structures, in particular the supervisory board; identifying whether external audit inefficiencies are related to the opening of bankruptcies of credit institutions and determining whether the proposed model of relations between the external auditors and the credit institution's governance structures contributes to the better work of the external audit and to the better functioning of the credit institution's governance structures. The survey, conducted in the Republic of Croatia, involved external auditors that are or were auditing the annual financial statements of credit institutions, members of the management and supervisory boards of credit institutions, and insolvency office holders and professional staff of credit institutions in bankruptcy. The results of the empirical study confirm that the tested communication model contributes to a more efficient operation of the credit institution's external audit and governance structures.

U ovome broju časopisa Etnološka tribina objavljujemo temat koji problematizira turizam – njegove aktere, politike i procese – kako one koji oblikuju i usmjeravaju turizam tako i one koje turizam stvara i pokreće. Radovi u tematu bave se različitim vizijama i strategijama turističkog razvoja (Antonio Miguel Nogués-Pedregal, Raúl Travé-Molero i Daniel Carmona-Zubiri); primjenom načela stvaranja doživljaja u suvremenim muzejskim postavima (Daniela Angelina Jelinčić i Matea Senkić); vezom tradicijske prehrane, okusa i nostalgije u istarskim agroturizmima (Tanja Kocković Zaborski); oblikovanjem memorijalnih mjesta bitki na Soči u Prvom svjetskom ratu i posjetima tim lokalitetima u međuratnom razdoblju (Petra Kavrečič); okolišnim, društvenim i političko-ekonomskim procesima koji utječu na baštinu i turizam na Zlarinu i u Trenti (Peter Simonič); životom Danice Brössler u Dubrovniku kao primjerom turističkih aktivnosti pojedinaca (Tihana Petrović Leš). ; The thematic section of this year's issue of Etnološka tribina problematises tourism and its actors, politics and processes – both those which shape and direct tourism, and those which are created and sparked by tourism. The articles deal with different visions and strategies of tourist development (Antonio Miguel Nogués-Pedregal, Raúl Travé-Molero and Daniel Carmona-Zubiri); the application of the principles of experience creation in contemporary museum displays (Daniela Angelina Jelinčić and Matea Senkić); the relationships between traditional food, tastes and nostalgia in Istrian agrotourism (Tanja Kocković Zaborski); the construction of the memorial sites of the Soča front in WWI and visits to those sites in the interwar period (Petra Kavrečič); environmental, social and political-economic processes which influence heritage and tourism on Zlarin Island and in the Trenta Valley (Peter Simonič); and the life of Danica Brössler in Dubrovnik as an example of an individual's tourist activities (Tihana Petrović Leš).

Autori su pripremili za objavljivanje Političke uspomene Stjepana Zagorca, u kojima se taj istaknuti političar te katolički i starokatolički svećenik najviše osvrnuo na djelovanje Frana Supila. U uvodnome su dijelu analizirali Zagorčevu biografiju i kontekst u kojemu je izgradio svoju političku karijeru. Povezali su njegov politički put s ulogom Frana Supila, koji je u znatnoj mjeri pridonio promjenama u razvoju hrvatske politike na početku 20. stoljeća. Političke uspomene sagledali su kao prilog očuvanju sjećanja na Supila u javnoj memoriji međuratne Jugoslavije. ; The authors prepared the study Political Memories by Stjepan Zagorac for print. In this biography, this prominent politician and catholic / old catholic priest mostly focuses on Frano Supilo's work. In the introduction of the article, the authors analyse the biography and the context in which Zagorac built his political career. They point out his evolution (Christian socialism, being a member of various Party of Right groups and standing by the January Sixth Regime). The authors make a connection between Zagorac's political path and the role Frano Supilo played in significantly contributing to the changes in Croatian politics at the beginning of the 20th century. The memories confirm the connection between Zagorac and Supilo on the arrangement around drawing up the Rijeka Resolution, creating a Croat-Serb coalition and specific methods of communicating with Hungarian politicians. Despite the differences appearing in their relationship after 1908, they shared their opinions on using party concentrations, as well as on changing the dualistic system in the Austro- -Hungarian Monarchy which slowed down Croatia's development. The authors also saw Political memories as an opportunity to preserve more accounts about Frano Supilo in the public memory of interwar Yugoslavia.

Politički savjetnici obilježje su suvremene državne uprave. Predstavljaju osobe koje temeljem imenovanja prema nedefiniranim kriterijima pružaju savjete ministru ili premijeru u pogledu javnih politika, političkih aspekata i koordinacije ili odnosa s javnošću. Dolaze i odlaze s ministrom, a njihov je status u pravilu nejednako reguliran u pojedinim državama, ako je uopće i reguliran. Javljaju se zbog promjena u upravljanju, potrebe za jačanjem koordinacije, vodstva i strategije kao i odgovora na intenziviranje komunikacija. Dovode do promjena u odnosu između politike i uprave u državnoj upravi, a osnovne zamjerke i nepovjerenje javnosti proizlaze iz netransparentnosti, izostanka regulacije i nedostatka odgovornosti. U radu se razmatraju razlozi zbog kojih politički savjetnici postaju neizostavan dio ministarskih kabineta, analiziraju se pojam, vrste i funkcije političkih savjetnika te opisuju posljedice i ključni elementi koncepta. Naglašava se važnost uređenja statusa političkih savjetnika i transparentnosti radi osiguravanja ostvarivanja javnog interesa i povjerenja javnosti u institucije. ; These days political advisors are indispensable to state administration. They are appointed to their positions to advise ministers and the prime minister on public policy, various political aspects and coordination, or on public relations and aspects of communication. Their appointments depend on the minister's term of office. Political advisors are not part of the civil service and different states take different approaches, if any at all, to regulating their status. The need for political advisors arises in conjunction with changes in management, the need to strengthen coordination, leadership and strategy, as well as the need to address a growing intensity of communication. Political advisors constitute a new factor in the dynamic between politicians and civil servants, and they bring about changes in the relationship between politics and administration. They generate a mistrust among the general public, due to a lack of transparency and accountability, as well as the fact that, as a rule, their position is governed by specific regulations, if any at all. Conflict of interest, in particular, is a cause for concern. The paper examines the reasons why political advisors may become key members of ministerial cabinets, analyses the concept of the political advisor and their various types and functions, and describes the consequences and key elements of the concept. Trends in some countries are also included.