There is no uniform model of employment in Polish legislation. The shape of the employment relationship of an academic employee is strongly influenced by the specific normative relationship that exists between the Labour Code and the Law on Higher Education. It should be noted that the Law on Higher Education is not a sufficient regulation. It regulates, in principle, sufficiently those issues that require, due to its nature, a different than regulatory code. The relations between these two acts are diverse, which results from the construction of Article 5 of the Labour Code. The statutory regulations affect the shape of the employment relationship. Each college as part of its autonomy can regulate various issues, creating many different hybrid work relationship models. ; W polskim ustawodawstwie nie występuje jednolity model zatrudniania pracowników. Na kształt stosunku pracy pracowników akademickich zdecydowany wpływ ma swoista normatywna relacja, jaka zachodzi pomiędzy kodeksem pracy a ustawą o szkolnictwie wyższym. Wskazać należy, że ustawa o szkolnictwie wyższym nie ma charakteru regulacji wystarczającej. Reguluje w sposób co do zasady wystarczający te kwestie, które wymagają – z uwagi na swój charakter – odmiennej niż kodeksowa regulacji. Relacje zachodzące między tymi dwoma aktami mają charakter zróżnicowany, który wynika z konstrukcji art. 5 Kodeksu pracy. Na kształt stosunku pracy wpływ mają unormowania statutowe. Każda szkoła wyższa w ramach swojej autonomii może dane kwestie uregulować różnie, tworząc wiele hybrydowych modeli stosunku pracy.
Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; The article aims to present the stand of relationship between Germany and Poland in context of changes that took place in the EU Common Foreign, Security and Defense Policy and New East Policy of Germany and Germany's Russia policy deeply infl uence threw aggressive Russian policy agents Ukraine and adders postsoviet countries. Author also analyses Poland's "resets" with Germany and Russia and interested in changing German-Russian relationship in the future. German see Russia as a partner due to its global role while Poles see it as a partner due to its geographic proximity and needs to stabilize the region. While Germans do not see Russia as a direct threat Poles understand why Ukraine, Belarus, and the Caucasus see it as a threat. Poland and Germany has consistently supported the strengthening of cooperation between member states within Common Foreign, Security and Defense Policy of the European Union with an aim of making this international organization gain a status of the key player in the international politics in the future.
Jastrząb Patryk, The relationship between We/They dialectics and agonism in Polish context. Culture – Society – Education no 2(16) 2019, Poznań 2019, pp. 245–263, Adam Mickiewicz University Press. ISSN 2300-0422. DOI 10.14746/kse.2019.16.16. I focused on the unconstrained but established in the theory reflection on We/They dialectics, which was analysed for its antagonistic foundation as being understood in the Polish context. However, I did not only concentrate on presenting the socio-political perspective of this subject as I have adopted a more contemplative, philosophical approach. Therefore political reality was only a pretext for me to tell a reader about a much more fundamental conflict concerning our values and freedom. I concluded the consideration with stating the fact of the possibility of existence of agonistic diversity among democratic variety. ; Jastrząb Patryk, The relationship between We/They dialectics and agonism in Polish context. Culture – Society – Education no 2(16) 2019, Poznań 2019, pp. 245–263, Adam Mickiewicz University Press. ISSN 2300-0422. DOI 10.14746/kse.2019.16.16. I focused on the unconstrained but established in the theory reflection on We/They dialectics, which was analysed for its antagonistic foundation as being understood in the Polish context. However, I did not only concentrate on presenting the socio-political perspective of this subject as I have adopted a more contemplative, philosophical approach. Therefore political reality was only a pretext for me to tell a reader about a much more fundamental conflict concerning our values and freedom. I concluded the consideration with stating the fact of the possibility of existence of agonistic diversity among democratic variety.
Stanisław Szukalski był z jednym z z najgłośniejszych i najbardziej kontrowersyjnych polskich artystów. Znany w Polsce międzywojennej, został zupełnie zapomniany po II wojnie światowej, kontynuował swoją pracę artystyczną w Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki, gdzie zmarł w latach 90. Szukalski zafascynowany był słowiańszczyzną, pradawną przeszłością i tradycją Słowian, szczególnie na ziemiach polskich. W tych wątkach historii znajdował inspiracje dla swojej twórczości i koncepcji politycznych. Wzbudzając tradycje inne niż katolickie i łącząc je z myślą polityczną współczesnych sobie Polaków, stał się niezwykłym nie tylko artystą ale i politykiem. Niniejszy artykuł to próba odnalezienia prawdziwych źródeł inspiracji doktryny politycznej i sztuki Stanisława Szukalskiego w oparciu o kontekst historyczny, społeczny i kulturowy epoki.
The year 1989 was both in Poland and in many other European countries, which were in the sphere of the Soviet influences, the beginning of revolutionary changes: political, economie, social and cultural ones. They also influenced the Polish language of politics which has changed radically for the last 20 years. An important reason for a variety of styles and registers is the instability of the Polish political scene, the abundance of political parties, constantly forming new parliamentary groups and government coalitions, and the disappearance of the others. In the language of the contemporary politics the lexis is particularly extensive and includes thousands of words referring to the public life of the Poles. The major point of the article is the claim that the language of contemporary politics is getting poorer, loses its elegance and becomes more and more primitive. The author sees the reasons for this pauperization in the trends of contemporary culture. He shows the main features of the phenomenon: a turn towards commonness and informality, an emotionality of expressions, a hermetic vision of the world, an impossibility of a dialogue and an increase in populist attitudes.
Analyses show that the mutual relations between the EU and Russia are marked by profound pragmatism on the one hand (in Russia) and a certain complex of a powerful neighbor and the fear of political turmoil on the other (in the EU). Russia tries to take advantage of these fears in order to maximize her profits and skillfully oscillates between the policy of the USA and that of EU which both count on the benefits to be obtained from the opening of the Russian market. However, the recently popular Russian alliance with China does not pose an actual alternative for the commercial exchange with Europe. This is due to the abundance of Chinese natural resources and expanding Chinese economy that is looking for sales markets rather than offering its purchasing market. In the long run the Russian alliance with the EU will have to be based on new principles that will restrict financial support by the United Europe that will be required to finance its new members.
Przedmiotem artykułu jest ‒ w pierwszej części ‒ próba odpowiedzi na pytanie, w jakim stopniu fakt powoływania sędziów Trybunału Konstytucyjnego przez organ polityczny, tj. Sejm RP, determinuje polityczny charakter samego Trybunału Konstytucyjnego. Autor wskazuje m.in. na podstawie swoich własnych doświadczeń sędziego TK, że poszukiwanie iunctim pomiędzy aktem politycznego wyboru sędziów a ich aktywnością orzeczniczą nie znajduje uzasadnienia, co wyraźnie potwierdzają przykłady konkretnych rozstrzygnięć sądu konstytucyjnego w tzw. hard cases. Sędziowie wyposażeni w bardzo silne gwarancje niezawisłości potrafią zachować obiektywizm ocen i niezależność także od swoich własnych przekonań politycznych. Prawdziwym zagrożeniem niezależności Trybunału Konstytucyjnego jest natomiast presja polityczna wywierana przez rządzących, której przejawem jest np. bezpośrednia personalna krytyka sędziów TK lub odmowa wykonywania orzeczeń sądu konstytucyjnego. Szczególnie niebezpiecznym instrumentem jest próba ingerowania ustawodawcy w sprawy wewnętrznej autonomii proceduralnej TK, zmierzająca m.in. do narzucenia kolejności rozpatrywanych spraw, wprowadzenia większości kwalifikowanej 2/3 przy podejmowaniu orzeczeń w pełnym składzie czy określenia quorum na takim poziomie, który może paraliżować funkcjonowanie sądu konstytucyjnego. W drugiej części artykułu podjęto próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy Trybunał może zbadać konstytucyjność procedur wprowadzonych nową ustawą o TK, zanim przystąpi do stosowania tych procedur. Autor udziela odpowiedzi twierdzącej na to pytanie, przytaczając argumenty na rzecz bezpośredniego stosowania Konstytucji, która w takich wypadkach staje się jedynym punktem odniesienia oceny nowych regulacji proceduralnych. ; In the first part of this paper an attempt is made to answer the question to what extent the fact that judges of the Constitutional Tribunal are appointed by a political organ (the Seym of the Republic of Poland) determines the political character of the Tribunal itself. Based, among otherthings, on his own experience, the author, a retired judge of the Constitutional Tribunal, states that the search for a iunctim between the political appointment of constitutional judges and their adjudicating activity is unjustified, as can be seen from the example of particular judgments delivered by the Constitutional Tribunal in what might be termed hard cases. Judges endowed with very strong guarantees of independence are capable of remaining impartial in their judgments and making decisions independently of their personal beliefs. The real threat to the independenceof the Constitutional Tribunal is political pressure exercised by government, which manifests itself in, for example, direct and personal criticism of Constitutional Tribunal judges or a refusal to implement judicial decisions issued by the Constitutional Tribunal. A particularly dangerous situation arises when a legislator attempts to intervene in the internal procedural autonomy of the Constitutional Tribunal with a view to determining the order in which the matters before the Tribunal should be dealt with, setting a 2/3 qualified majority for decisions 'when sitting as a full court' or determining the required quorum at a level which may paralyse the work of the Constitutional Tribunal altogether. In the second part of the paper the question is asked whether the Constitutional Tribunal may examine the constitutionality of the procedures being introduced by a new law on the Constitutional Tribunal before it proceeds to apply them. The answer to this question is in the affirmative, followed by arguments calling for the direct application of the Constitution which in such cases becomes the only point of reference when new procedural regulations are to be evaluated.
In the author's opinion we can agree that the theories of contractualism provide an excellent foundation for the legitimization of democracy. At the same time, he claims that democracy, and liberal democracy in particular, cannot be said to be the necessary outcome of social contract. Hobbes was the advocate of absolute monarchy, although his theory permiabsolute aristocracy as well as absolute democracy. Locke, a supporter of a limed monarchy, emphasized the principles of people's sovereignty. Rousseau, an apologist for thel will, tended to support such the solon that it is not the people's will but the wisest ones' whichrulthe sciety as long as they have the people's benefit in mind. Glorifying hisgeneral will, Roussau has become the founder of modern political totalitarianism. When discussing the relations between state and religion/church the above three classic speculators on the theory of social contract assumed the individual freedom of religious beliefs. Ultimately, it is the state though that regulates the external manifestations of faith, as it is the only political entity to arbitrate conflicts between individual interests, and express the pubgood, whatever that means.
Analyses of the development and systematization of liturgical gestures, postures, signs and symbols undertaken in history and studies on the provenance of today's etiquette and principles of ceremony and protocol used in diplomacy both reveal a number of interrelationships between the two seemingly distant fields of liturgy and diplomacy. This article presents the relationship that exists between diplomacy as the oldest institution in relations between states (expressed by ceremonial, protocol and etiquette) and the liturgy of the Church. Due to the difficulties resulting from the ambiguity of the terms, the article also attempts to systematize the relevant terminology ; Zarówno analizy kształtowania się i systematyzowania liturgicznych gestów, postaw, znaków i symboli podejmowane w historii, jak i badania nad proweniencją dzisiejszej etykiety oraz zasad ceremonialnych i protokolarnych stosowanych w działaniach dyplomatycznych ukazują szereg zależności pomiędzy tymi dwiema, jakby się mogło wydawać, odległymi płaszczyznami, jakimi są liturgia i dyplomacja. W opracowaniu przedstawiono relacje zachodzące pomiędzy dyplomacją jako najstarszą instytucją w stosunkach między państwami (wyrażaną poprzez ceremoniał, protokół i etykietę) i liturgią Kościoła. Ze względu na trudności związane z niejednoznacznością tych terminów, w artykule podjęto także próbę usystematyzowania odnośnej terminologii.
Analyses of the development and systematization of liturgical gestures, postures, signs and symbols undertaken in history and studies on the provenance of today's etiquette and principles of ceremony and protocol used in diplomacy both reveal a number of interrelationships between the two seemingly distant fields of liturgy and diplomacy. This article presents the relationship that exists between diplomacy as the oldest institution in relations between states (expressed by ceremonial, protocol and etiquette) and the liturgy of the Church. Due to the difficulties resulting from the ambiguity of the terms, the article also attempts to systematize the relevant terminology ; Zarówno analizy kształtowania się i systematyzowania liturgicznych gestów, postaw, znaków i symboli podejmowane w historii, jak i badania nad proweniencją dzisiejszej etykiety oraz zasad ceremonialnych i protokolarnych stosowanych w działaniach dyplomatycznych ukazują szereg zależności pomiędzy tymi dwiema, jakby się mogło wydawać, odległymi płaszczyznami, jakimi są liturgia i dyplomacja. W opracowaniu przedstawiono relacje zachodzące pomiędzy dyplomacją jako najstarszą instytucją w stosunkach między państwami (wyrażaną poprzez ceremoniał, protokół i etykietę) i liturgią Kościoła. Ze względu na trudności związane z niejednoznacznością tych terminów, w artykule podjęto także próbę usystematyzowania odnośnej terminologii.
The victory of the National Front Party led by Ms. Marine le Pen within the European Parliamentary Election in France by May 2014 raised the question whether or not it signals the end of the French left-right bipolarized party system. This option remains uncertain. The far-right party of the 45-year-old daughter of National Front founder, Jean-Marie Le Pen, gained new voters, deepening the national audience of the extremist party geographically and in the different categories of the population. But the still remaining French "presidentialist" constitutional political regime continues to operate under a strong constraint in favor of bipolarization. Meanwhile, the possible presence of Ms. Le Pen as the two-qualified opponent for the second round of the presidential election is currently determining, and will continue to determine for the next two years, the political strategies of the 2017 future running candidates and parties.
The victory of the National Front Party led by Ms. Marine le Pen within the European Parliamentary Election in France by May 2014 raised the question whether or not it signals the end of the French left-right bipolarized party system. This option remains uncertain. The far-right party of the 45-year-old daughter of National Front founder, Jean-Marie Le Pen, gained new voters, deepening the national audience of the extremist party geographically and in the different categories of the population. But the still remaining French "presidentialist" constitutional political regime continues to operate under a strong constraint in favor of bipolarization. Meanwhile, the possible presence of Ms. Le Pen as the two-qualified opponent for the second round of the presidential election is currently determining, and will continue to determine for the next two years, the political strategies of the 2017 future running candidates and parties.
The Church, accepting the paschal gift of peace, carries it onto the next generations of the faithful, at the same time dissociates itself from pacifist ideologies. Nevertheless, it does not fear to use military provenance vocabulary in the proclamation of the Gospel. Freedom that Christ brings may be the foundation of freedom for particular nations and states. Apart from philosophers', historians' and political scientists' opinions, theologians' statements regarding anthropologies founding pacifisms send out an important message that can contribute to the national and international security development. ; Kościół, przyjmując paschalny dar pokoju, niesie go w kolejnych pokoleniach wierzących, jednocześnie odcinając się od ideologii pacyfistycznych. W głoszeniu Ewangelii zaś nie obawia się on posługiwać słownictwem militarnej proweniencji. Wolność, którą przynosi Chrystus, może być fundamentem dla wolności poszczególnych narodów i państw. Wypowiedzi teologów o antropologiach fundujących pacyfizmy to obok opinii filozofów, historyków i politologów ważny głos mogący się przyczynić do tworzenia bezpieczeństwa tak narodowego, jak i międzynarodowego.
In the recent decade, the Polish efforts seeking extension of the U.S. Visa Waiver Program to Poland have been one of the major themes in U.S. -Polish relations and an important issue for the Polish public opinion. Polish politicians and media have often presented it in terms of American "ingratitude" for Polish support for U.S. positions like the Iraq war and the Ballistic Missile Defense program. This article, after brief outline of the provisions of the U.S. law governing visas and the Visa Waiver Program, presents a historical account of the issue and its role in bilateral relations since 1989, and describes legislative responses to Polish requests that have been introduced in Congress. After the analysis of those measures, the article concludes that the failure of Polish efforts for Poland's inclusion in the Visa Waiver Program was caused primarily by mistaken strategy (overemphasis being put on conventional diplomacy over congressional lobbying), congressional reluctance to single out individual countries for exemption from generally applicable rules, and post -9/11 political climate, unfavorable to easing of immigration rules. ; Arkadiusz Nyzio
W swych rozważaniach nad globalnym kryzysem edukacji, autor koncentruje się nad coraz ściślejszym splotem między edukacją a ekonomią i polityką, skupiając się przy tym na często pomijanym wymiarze światowego kryzysu edukacyjnego, a mianowicie na braku uznania edukacji za cel znaczący sam w sobie. Ilustrując swoje przemyślenia trzema przykładami z USA, Izraela i Polski, autor naświetla obecny kryzys jako ogólny atak na życie intelektualne oraz ukazuje jego rolę w życiu jednostek i społeczeństwa. ; In his reflection on the global crisis in education, the author points to the growing conflation of education with economics and politics and considers a generally neglected dimension of worldwide educational crisis, namely, the persistent lack of appreciation of education as a significant end in itself. He illustrates his point on three national cases - the United States, Israel and Poland – and shows the current crisis as a general attack using the life of the mind and the role it plays in the life of society and individuals.
