Suchergebnisse

Articulation of ideological and political position gains special importance in the conditions of cleavage. Structuring of a cleavage and political behavior distinctive to it are to some – albeit considerable – extent dependent on coherent and well-organized political expression of beliefs and postulates, addressed to certain social groups. It is an important role of party manifestos to organize relations between parties and their widely understood socio-political environment. On that account searching for traces of cleavage politics in party manifestos is so important, because some of the statements contained in such documents gain specific sense just in the conditions of cleavage. The aim of this paper is to deliver some research guidelines for those political science studies that aim at identification of traces of cleavage politics in party manifestos, especially bearing in mind Polish political conditions. The study was prepared on the basis of criteria derived from theories of socio-political cleavages, as well as theoretical criteria concerning the functions of party manifestos, integrating dispersed theoretical knowledge and empirical findings. The article points to crucial methodological and theoretical assumptions, as well as directions of research on cleavage politics in matters set in the title of the paper.

The article discusses the shape of the Turkish political scene in the period from the death of Mustafa Kemal to the loss of power by the People's Republican Party, ruling since 1923. The author focuses mainly on the attempts to introduce a multi-party system and the reasons for the change of government in Turkey. The article was prepared based on source analysis (archival and press)and studies on the period under study. The conducted query clearly shows that the main reason for the loss of power by the Kemalists was the economic problems of the state, the lack of a formulated program that would include the interests of peasants and workers, and the lack of interest in their situation, as well as the loss of authority enjoyed by Mustafa Kemal. All these factors led to the election being lost in 1950. ; Artykuł szczegółowo omawia ukształtowanie tureckiej sceny politycznej w okresie od śmierci Mustafy Kemala do utraty władzy przez rządzącą od 1923 r. Partię Ludowo-Republikańską. Autorka skupia się w szczególności na próbach wprowadzenia ustroju wielopartyjnego oraz przyczynach zmiany władzy w Turcji. Tekst został opracowany na podstawie analizy źródłowej (archiwalnej oraz prasowej) oraz analizy opracowań dotyczących badanej epoki. Z przeprowadzonej kwerendy jednoznacznie wynika, iż głównymi powodami utraty władzy przez kemalistów były problemy ekonomiczne państwa, brak sformułowanego programu, który obejmowałby interesy chłopów i robotników, oraz brak zainteresowania ich sytuacją, a także utrata autorytetu w stosunku do tego, jakim cieszył się Mustafa Kemal. Te wszystkie czynniki doprowadziły do przegrania wyborów w 1950 r.

Paul Hamilton przedstawił w książce Realpoetik… pomysłową próbę rewizji europejskiego romantyzmu. W swoim komparatystycznym studium zinterpretował twórczość niemieckich, francuskich i włoskich romantyków jako silnie, choć aluzyjnie upolitycznione (uwarunkowania i konsekwencje kongresu wiedeńskiego stanowią najważniejszy kontekst dla wywodów brytyjskiego badacza) rozwinięcie dawniejszego etosu republiki uczonych, a zarazem świadectwo polemicznej lektury filozofii Immanuela Kanta, przede wszystkim zaś Krytyki władzy sądzenia. Artykuł podejmuje próbę przetestowania poręczności koncepcji Hamiltona w refleksji nad literaturą polskiego romantyzmu. Istnieje wiele przeszkód w łatwej asymilacji tytułowej idei Realpoetik. Są nimi m.in. słaba i z reguły nieufna recepcja pism Kanta, ograniczona żywotność brytyjskich kontekstów literackich, stanowiących dla Hamiltona kluczowy, negatywny punkt odniesienia, oraz, być może przede wszystkim, naturalna i niewymagająca szerokich uzasadnień polityczność rodzimego romantyzmu. Na przykładzie twórczości Maurycego Mochnackiego można wykazać, że pomimo trudności w zastosowaniu tez z książki Realpoetik… na rodzimym gruncie, mogą się one okazać inspirujące w lekturze dzieł polskich romantyków, a nawet więcej, uzupełniają obraz nakreślony przez Hamiltona o ważną, a przemilczaną słowiańską perspektywę. ; In his book Realpoetik. Paul Hamilton presents an ingenious attempt at a revision of European Romanticism. This comparative study interprets the works of German, French, and Italian romanticists as a strong, allusively politicized (for Hamilton the conditions and consequences of the Congress of Vienna are the most important context) development of the former ethos of the republic of letters, and at the same time evidence of polemic reading of Kant's philosophy, especially Critique of Judgment. The paper attempts to present the usefulness of Hamilton's concepts in the reflection on the Polish romantic literature. There are many obstacles that prevent an easy assimilation of Realpoetik, the title idea, such as poor and typically distrustful reception of Kant's philosophy, the limited liveliness of the British literary contexts (which are Hamilton's major negative point of reference), and, perhaps most importantly, the heavily political Polish Romanticism. The example of Maurycy Mochnacki allows to show that despite the difficulties with applying the theses from Realpoetik… on the Polish ground, they can still prove to be inspiring in reading the works of the Polish romanticists, and moreover, they complete the picture presented by Hamilton with an important, Slavonic perspective.

National consolidation of society: theoretical and methodological problems of research. In the article there are considered theoretical and methodological problems of question of national consolidation of modern society. National consolidation is an ethnopolitics, the process that is sent to strengthening ethno national groups that form nation, by the gradual removal of barriers and forming of general values, institutes (political, economic, social, spiritual). It is marked that nations for that peculiar low level of national identity and national consolidation easily become deformed and collapse under act of self-contradictions and by external pressure. The decline of a level of national identity and the reduction of the process of national consolidation, that we can observe in many European states, predefined the globalization processes, height of unintegration moods of separate ethnic minorities, problems of migration

requires a "renovation" in the face of increasing globalization and new security threats. The European Union and the United States, being the natural pillars of a multipolar world, are aware of need to revive the mutual relationship. France as a one of the traditional European powers strongly determines the shape of transatlantic cooperation. This article attempts to identify the French point of view on the transatlantic relationship. French interests and their perceptions in the security area are important and needs to be taken into account. So then, how France views transatlantic relations? What goals France wants to achieve in the context of transatlantic cooperation? Why France is not "easy" partner for the United States? The article focuses on the issue of economic cooperation liberalization in the light of the EU - the U.S. free trade agreement (under negotiation) and the political and military aspects of cooperation focused around the NATO and the "European Defense" concept.

Article focus on direct and indirect effect on EU consumer law. In this work we want to present the difference between indirect and direct effect in the light of "Faccini Dori", "Dillenkofer" and other EU cases. It will also be illustrated two varieties of direct effect: vertical direct effect and horizontal direct effect and their relationship between EU law and national law. Then it will be studied the role of directives as legislative instruments. This will allow to have a final analyze and critic view on this all subject. ; Article focus on direct and indirect effect on EU consumer law. In this work we want to present the difference between indirect and direct effect in the light of "Faccini Dori", "Dillenkofer" and other EU cases. It will also be illustrated two varieties of direct effect: vertical direct effect and horizontal direct effect and their relationship between EU law and national law. Then it will be studied the role of directives as legislative instruments. This will allow to have a final analyze and critic view on this all subject.

Afghanistan has been suffering because of military conflicts for 30 years. Due to the soviet military occupation and later on civil war thousands of people have lost their lifes and millions were forced to abandon their homes. Civil service and enterprises collapsed. Ruling the state from the 1996 Talibs changed the country into confessional state, almost completely closed for the entire world. Terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center from the 11 September 2001 and in the consequence NATO's military intervention in Afghanistan got rid ofthe Talibs but at the same time entangled NATO into long-lasting peacekeeping mission. In the polish-afghan's relationship we can single out to periods: 1989-2001 which limited our relationship due to the internal situation in Afghanistan and priorities of the polish foreign policy ( NATO and UE accession). The decision ofsending the polish military troops in 2001 opened the second period - the active polish participation in creating interior safety and balance in Afghanistan and also establishing political and economical cooperation. ; Projekt Operacyjny Polska Cyfrowa POPC.02.03.01-00-0039/18

The article presents the most recent Polish analyses concerning the thought of Niccolò Machiavelli on the background of trends in the contemporary international literature on this thinker, focusing on Romuald Piekarski's book Koncepcja cnót politycznych Machiavellego na tle elementów klasycznej etyki cnót (Machiavelli's Concept of Political Virtues against the Background of the Classical Virtue Ethics, Gdańsk 2007). The author points out that Piekarski's work uses the methodology appropriate to the philosophy of politics, while the important monograph by Igor Kąkolewski, based on modern methodology of the study of political discourse, seeks to reconstruct an image of tyranny in the political culture of the Renaissance, and the book by Piotr Kimla devoted to political realism utilizes fairly typical methodological assumptions for the studies of political and legal thought. While in Piotr Kimla's opinion Machiavelli is a "philosopher of security" seeking to stabilize the state with a strong power, Piekarski regards Machiavelli as a philosopher whose postulates assume the superiority of foreign policy over domestic one, and thus lead the unsettling of the political institutions. In turn, Kąkolewski argues that Machiavelli's works are the key to understanding the sixteenth-century discourse on tyranny, which began the process – culminating in the nineteenth century – of axiological neutralization of such terms as "dictatorship" or "despotism". Romuald Piekarski's analyses, though carried out from a completely different point of view, correspond with those theses. According to Piekarski (who refers to famous Leo Strauss' thoughts), Machiavelli was a thinker who broke with the classical, i.e. antique and Christian, concept of virtue in politics, and the contemporary research on politics which assumes refraining from value judgment and axiological pluralism is a specific legacy of Machiavelli's approach. Following the considerations of Piekarski and Kąkolewski, the author of the article states that distant heritage of that approach is a kind of inability of contemporary reflection on the politics to explicitly, i.e., in an unambiguous manner, asses such political phenomena as tyranny.

The article presents the most recent Polish analyses concerning the thought of Niccolò Machiavelli on the background of trends in the contemporary international literature on this thinker, focusing on Romuald Piekarski's book Koncepcja cnót politycznych Machiavellego na tle elementów klasycznej etyki cnót (Machiavelli's Concept of Political Virtues against the Background of the Classical Virtue Ethics, Gdańsk 2007). The author points out that Piekarski's work uses the methodology appropriate to the philosophy of politics, while the important monograph by Igor Kąkolewski, based on modern methodology of the study of political discourse, seeks to reconstruct an image of tyranny in the political culture of the Renaissance, and the book by Piotr Kimla devoted to political realism utilizes fairly typical methodological assumptions for the studies of political and legal thought. While in Piotr Kimla's opinion Machiavelli is a "philosopher of security" seeking to stabilize the state with a strong power, Piekarski regards Machiavelli as a philosopher whose postulates assume the superiority of foreign policy over domestic one, and thus lead the unsettling of the political institutions. In turn, Kąkolewski argues that Machiavelli's works are the key to understanding the sixteenth-century discourse on tyranny, which began the process – culminating in the nineteenth century – of axiological neutralization of such terms as "dictatorship" or "despotism". Romuald Piekarski's analyses, though carried out from a completely different point of view, correspond with those theses. According to Piekarski (who refers to famous Leo Strauss' thoughts), Machiavelli was a thinker who broke with the classical, i.e. antique and Christian, concept of virtue in politics, and the contemporary research on politics which assumes refraining from value judgment and axiological pluralism is a specific legacy of Machiavelli's approach. Following the considerations of Piekarski and Kąkolewski, the author of the article states that distant heritage of that approach is a kind of inability of contemporary reflection on the politics to explicitly, i.e., in an unambiguous manner, asses such political phenomena as tyranny.

Artykuł spogląda na polską politykę po 1989 roku z perspektywy instytucjonalnej. Wychodząc z teoretycznych przesłanek neoinstytucjonalizmu, broni tezy, że obecny stan polskiej polityki stanie się zrozumiały, gdy opowieść o jego ramach instytucjonalnych będzie przedstawiona na dwóch poziomach. Poziom pierwszy to reguły konstytucyjne, które strukturyzują konflikt polityczny i sprawiają, że Polska uznawana jest za skonsolidowaną demokrację. W tym wymiarze głównym wątkiem ostatniego ćwierćwiecza była udana próba stworzenia z rządu dominującego ośrodka podejmowania wiążących decyzji publicznych. Reguły konstytucyjne są jednak korodowane przez operacyjne reguły działania administracji i tworzenia prawa. To ten poziom kształtowania ram instytucjonalnych, analizowany w artykule na przykładzie rządowego procesu legislacyjnego, odpowiada za jakość polskiej demokracji. Na tym właśnie poziomie konstytucyjnie silny rząd traci możliwość wyznaczania strategicznych celów polityki państwa, strategicznego alokowania zasobów, koordynowania działań swoich jednostek organizacyjnych.The article is an attempt to interpret the developments of Polish politics after 1989 from an institutionalist perspective. In order to understand the current state of Polish politics the narrative on the institutional framework of politics has to be presented on two levels. On the first level, constitutional rules structure political conflict and make Poland a consolidated democracy. The main line of development of this narrative of the last 25 years is a successful attempt to make the government the dominating pole of taking binding political decisions. However, constitutional rules are weakened by the rules at the second level – operating rules of administration and lawmaking. This level of the institutional framework of politics, analyzed in the article as an example of the governmental legislative process, is responsible for the quality of Polish democracy. This is the level where the constitutionally powerful government loses the capacity to make strategic policy choices, strategically allocate resources or coordinate the activities of its sub-units.

The aim of this article is to analyze the manner in which the chosen Polish weekly news magazines – Newsweek, Polityka and Wprost – presented Africa in the years 2001–2010, mainly the problems of its current situation and prospects for the future, as well as the issue of the most prominent leaders of the continent. Using two research methods – content analysis and discourse analysis – the author establishes that none of the magazines published articles about Africa in a systematic planned manner. The magazines focused mainly on political and security issues. Economy, societies and religions were also on the agenda but to a lesser extent. The problems of the continent were often presented through the activities taken by the dictators – Muammar Gaddafi and Robert Mugabe. As far as the perspectives of Africa for the future are concerned, the most critical and pessimistic was Wprost, whereas Newsweek and Polityka took a more optimistic approach to the issue.

The purpose of this article is to capture one of the key features of the political thought that developed in the United States of America. Assuming that the USA's political culture is indeed exceptional, the author attempts to find the common denominator that would reflect the singularity of the American political mind. The author states that such a feature is the radical anti-historicality of the American mode of thinking about politics. It is a phenomenon that is deeply-rooted in the political and spiritual past of the United States and seems to be crucial because it never developed to such an extent in other traditions. Furthermore, even today to a large extent it defines both the American left and right. It is also very much present in academic discussion as well as in ordinary political activities. By anti-historicality the author means the rejection of the thesis that politics within a given society depends on that society's past experience. The phenomenon defies simple normative assessments. On the one hand, it protects American politics from the perils of radical historicism; on the other hand, it hinders the USA's contacts with other political bodies. However, the author concludes that understanding American anti-historicality is crucial when entering into any relations with the USA.

The COVID-19 pandemic that has affected the world in 2020 and 2021 has had, is having and will have an impact on most areas of human life. This is a direct impact – such as health or economic consequences, as well as indirect – reevaluation of social relations, systems of values and culture norms. Since the fight against pandemic is in most regularly functioning countries a matter of public policy, this pandemic has a very serious impact also on the sphere of politics in general. This article aims to analyze what impact this pandemic had on the political situation in the United States in 2020. The year 2020 was a presidential election year in the United States, an election for which a significant part of the international community was waiting for mostly because of the clarity and diversity of the candidates. The aim of this paper is to answer the question to what extent the emergence of the COVID-19 pandemic influenced the course of the campaign and especially the rhetoric and behavior of the candidates. It will also consider the impact going in the other direction, i.e. how and if at all, the fact that in 2020 we were dealing with the election period influenced the actions taken by the authorities at different levels in the fight against the pandemic. One of the main conclusions of the analysis is that the pandemic, given both the context of this particular election, the specific polarization of American society, and the opinions of individual electorates on important values, put Donald Trump in a particularly uncomfortable position and knocked out of his hands many of the advantages that had contributed to his victory four years earlier. The specific constellation of analyzed factors meant that, in the opinion of the author of the article, Donald Trump could not emerge victorious from this situation unlike many other leaders of countries whose ratings and evaluation in the reality of the fight against the pandemic were growing and improving. ; Pandemia COVID-19, która dotknęła świat w 2020 i 2021 r., miała, ...

In the author's opinion we can agree that the theories of contractualism provide an excellent foundation for the legitimization of democracy. At the same time, he claims that democracy, and liberal democracy in particular, cannot be said to be the necessary outcome of social contract. Hobbes was the advocate of absolute monarchy, although his theory permiabsolute aristocracy as well as absolute democracy. Locke, a supporter of a limed monarchy, emphasized the principles of people's sovereignty. Rousseau, an apologist for the l will, tended to support such the solon that it is not the people's will but the wisest ones' whichrulthe sciety as long as they have the people's benefit in mind. Glorifying his general will, Roussau has become the founder of modern political totalitarianism. When discussing the relations between state and religion/church the above three classic speculators on the theory of social contract assumed the individual freedom of religious beliefs. Ultimately, it is the state though that regulates the external manifestations of faith, as it is the only political entity to arbitrate conflicts between individual interests, and express the pubgood, whatever that means. ; In the author's opinion we can agree that the theories of contractualism provide an excellent foundation for the legitimization of democracy. At the same time, he claims that democracy, and liberal democracy in particular, cannot be said to be the necessary outcome of social contract. Hobbes was the advocate of absolute monarchy, although his theory permiabsolute aristocracy as well as absolute democracy. Locke, a supporter of a limed monarchy, emphasized the principles of people's sovereignty. Rousseau, an apologist for the l will, tended to support such the solon that it is not the people's will but the wisest ones' whichrulthe sciety as long as they have the people's benefit in mind. Glorifying his general will, Roussau has become the founder of modern political totalitarianism. When discussing the relations between state and religion/church the above three classic speculators on the theory of social contract assumed the individual freedom of religious beliefs. Ultimately, it is the state though that regulates the external manifestations of faith, as it is the only political entity to arbitrate conflicts between individual interests, and express the pubgood, whatever that means.

This article analyses the Brexit debate within the UK. It examines the historical roots of the debate from 1973 when the UK joined the European Economic Community, but focuses primarily on the debates that occurred between 2013 when David Cameron pledged to hold a referendum up and the 2019 UK General Election. Section one briefly introduces the topic. Section two examines the rise of social hatred during the referendum campaign. It focuses on the history of British euro-scepticism, the immediate context of the Brexit campaign, concerns over UK sovereignty and immigration, and the increasing use of threats and political violence. Section three examines the decline of trust in politics due to the increasing failure to challenge lies in the Brexit debate. It explores the idea of "Project Fear", the anti-expert narrative, and the anti-elitism narrative. Section four asks what this period tells us about UK democracy. It focuses on weak and disorderly government, the democratic status of the referendum, the erosion of trust in parliamentary institutions and mechanisms, and some reasons for (limited) optimism. The article concludes by considering possible ways forward for the UK government and polity following the decisive Conservative victory in the 2019 UK General Election. ; This article analyses the Brexit debate within the UK. It examines the historical roots of the debate from 1973 when the UK joined the European Economic Community, but focuses primarily on the debates that occurred between 2013 when David Cameron pledged to hold a referendum up and the 2019 UK General Election. Section one briefly introduces the topic. Section two examines the rise of social hatred during the referendum campaign. It focuses on the history of British euro-scepticism, the immediate context of the Brexit campaign, concerns over UK sovereignty and immigration, and the increasing use of threats and political violence. Section three examines the decline of trust in politics due to the increasing failure to challenge lies in the Brexit debate. It explores the idea of "Project Fear", the anti-expert narrative, and the anti-elitism narrative. Section four asks what this period tells us about UK democracy. It focuses on weak and disorderly government, the democratic status of the referendum, the erosion of trust in parliamentary institutions and mechanisms, and some reasons for (limited) optimism. The article concludes by considering possible ways forward for the UK government and polity following the decisive Conservative victory in the 2019 UK General Election.