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The study of the relationship between politics and religion is important to understand the current society of Bangladesh. It is believed that the reason for the separation of the Indian subcontinent into two parts: India and Pakistan was a religious factor. East Bengal became part of Pakistan, called East Pakistan. In Pakistan Islam was the state religion, which was reflected in the entire social life of Bengalis. In East Pakistan, most of the people are Bengalis and speak in Bangla, culture, traditions and way of life were historically connected with the peoples of India. In Pakistan, the state language was Urdu. The authorities of west Pakistan pressed the people of East Pakistan to study Urdu in educational institutions, tried to ignore the Bangla language, limiting the activities of newspapers and radio, which caused discontent among the population. A considerable time in educational institutions was devoted to the study of religion. Many decisions of local authorities were adopted and executed on the behalf of Islam. The authorities of Pakistan suppressed the people with this policy by mass repressions. Particularly bloody repressions against the Bengali people were held in 1971. As a result of a popular uprising, armed struggle and the expulsion of troops, this part of Pakistan has become an independent country. In 1972, after the establishment of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, secularism became one of the fundamental principles of the Constitution of Bangladesh. The article analyzes the political process through which religion becomes part of politics, using the historical method of research. Although the Constitution says that religion is separated from the state, but until now religion is considered a very important factor in the politics of Bangladesh. ; Исследование отношений между политикой и религией представляется важным для понимания современного состояния общества в Бангладеш. Считается, что причиной разделения индийского субконтинента на две части - Индию и Пакистан - явился религиозный фактор. Восточная Бенгалия стала частью Пакистана, которая была названа Восточным Пакистаном. В Пакистане ислам стал государственной религией, что отражалось и на всей социальной жизни бенгальцев. Основное население Восточного Пакистана - это бенгальцы, говорящие на языке бенгали (бенгальский), чьи культура, традиции и образ жизни исторически связаны с народами Индии. В Пакистане государственный язык урду. Власти ввели обязательное изучение урду в учебных заведениях, в том числе и Восточного Пакистана, пытались принизить значение бенгальского языка, ограничив ведение журналистской деятельности на бенгальском, включая газеты, радио, что вызывало недовольство населения. Значительное время в учебных заведениях отводилось изучению религии. Многие решения местных властей принимались и исполнялись от имени ислама. На сопротивление народа такой политике власти Пакистана отвечали массовыми репрессиями. Особенно кровавые репрессии против бенгальского народа были совершены в 1971 году. В результате народного восстания, вооруженной борьбы и изгнания войск Восточная часть Пакистана стала независимой страной. Одним из основополагающих принципов Конституции Народной Республики Бангладеш, когда только она формировалась в 1972 году, стал секуляризм. В статье анализируется политический процесс, посредством которого религия становится частью политики, используя исторический метод исследования. Несмотря на то, что в Конституции написано, что религия отделена от государства, но до сих пор религия является очень важным фактором в политике Бангладеш.

Актуальность исследования связана со сложностью и неоднозначностью протекания процесса глобализации в религиозной сфере, а также потребностью в поиске новых методов исследования глобализации, которые не ограничиваются констатацией её объективности и амбивалентности, перечислением положительных и отрицательных сторон. Цель работы: обосновать применение системного подхода и теории социальных полей П. Бурьде для анализа глобализации в религиозном дискурсе. Методы исследования: системный и структурно-функциональный анализ социальных полей, с помощью которых выявлены области дискурса, различающиеся по целям акторов, социальным функциям и содержанию религиозного дискурса о глобализации. Результаты. Выявлены социальные поля, оказывающие наиболее существенное влияние на взаимоотношения религии и глобализации: поле религии, поле политики и массово-коммуникационное поле. Наиболее жесткое противостояние процессам глобализации на основе религиозного вероучения наблюдается в поле религии. В поле политики наблюдается тенденция к идеологизации религии. В этом поле отмечается высокий накал политической борьбы за символическую власть религиозных, политических и иных взглядов. В массово-коммуникационном поле заметны тенденция к упрощению и взаимозаменяемости религий, формирование «усредненной» экуменической религии или новых религиознопсихологических движений. ; The relevance of the research is related to the complexity and ambiguity of globalization in the religioussphere, as well as the need to search for new methods of globalization research, which are not limited to ascertaining its objectivity and ambivalence, transferring positive and negative sides. The aim of the work is tojustify the application of the system approach and P. Bourdieu theory of social fields for analysis of globalization in religious discourse. Methods. The system and structural-functional analysis of social fields used in thework allowed us to identify areas of discourse that differ in the aims of actors, social functions and the content of religious discourse about globalization. Results. The author has revealed the social fields that havethe most significant impact on the relationship between religion and globalization: the field of religion, thefield of politics and the mass communication field. The most severe opposition to globalization on the basis ofreligious dogma is observed in the field of religion. In the field of politics there is a tendency to ideologize religion. In this field there is a high intensity of political struggle for the symbolic power of religious, politicaland other views. In the mass-communication field there is a noticeable tendency towards simplification andinterchangeability of religions, the formation of an «average» ecumenical religion or new religiouspsychological movements.

Russian scientists attach great importance to one of the fundamental principles of private international law – the principle of the closest connection. The concept of the closest connection was developed in England on the basis of case law, the rules of which were created by judges in court decisions on specific cases. The legislator has included the principle of closest connection to the civil code, however, in light of the changes it made in the reforms of 2013, the closest connection principle was assigned a secondary role in relation to the principle of characteristic performance. The main purpose of the principle of the closest connection is to find the law and order that can most effectively regulate cross-border relations. The court will have to determine the will of the parties to the contractual relationship, aimed at choosing the right. Therefore, a close relationship is established based on the court's assumption of what right the parties would have chosen if they had considered this issue. The principle of the closest connection, in connection with this approach, often loses its independent significance. Article 1187 of the civil code of the Russian Federation does not specify the conditions of its application, as well as the scope of its action. For this reason, the category of the closest relationship is universal and applies regardless of the nature of the cross-border civil relationship. Russian legislation does not have clear criteria for determining the closest relationship, which may lead to a subjective decision by the court. In this regard, the study of problems related to the application of the principle of the closest connection in judicial practice is undoubtedly relevant.

New forms of manifestations of religious intentions in socio-political space have constituted themselves as markers of transformation in the contemporary socio-political coordinates. Revision of the dominant traditional linear approaches placed the focus of ideological and political discussions about the correspondence of stable and variable, traditional and modern in a religious prism. Emerging new configurations in the public and private spheres mark transformation of the traditional relations between religion, society and the state corresponding to the logic of the project of modernity and the paradigm of secularization and require new interpretation optics. The contours of the new designs are evident in the contexts of new challenges and threats related to global political risks of religious terrorism, loss of monopoly on the description of reality, including moral connotations in the understanding of progress of the principle of secularism, with the increased importance of religious and confessional identity, civilizational, local and personal-individual levels, forming the hierarchy of values that determines horizons of public and personal goal setting. The penetration of religious meanings in the political and social reality of various areas, their incorporation into ideological discourses of identity build a wide variety of interpretations in the extreme poles of which is religious outline of internal and external threats to social stability and understanding of religion as a resource of optimization of the political system. Institutional, axiological and ontological projection refracts the religious factor in Russian society in polyvalent and nonlinear ways, reflecting the multidirectional vectors of ongoing transformation. On the basis of sociological data of The Institute of Sociology, RAS, the given article analyzes a number of subjects, reflecting qualitatively new social relationships. The emphasis is on multi-scale conflicts, correlation between the secular and the religious in the coordinates of importance of the democracy attributes and social significance of religion, institutional and value aspects as well as the dominant ideas in the Russian society about the role of Church, religion and religious faith in human life and society. Growing importance of religious factors and religious identities in contemporary conditions, the incorporation of religious meanings in different spheres of society intersect with ' the needs of ensuring the unity of values and stabilization of the social system, as well as close attention to Russian civilization experience. Despite increased sensitivity of contemporary debates on the tragectory of political practices in Russia, the religious factor could be a factor of social cohesion, determining the search of new forms of relations between the state and religious organizations based on the challenges and needs of society and identifying the need for improving mechanisms and practices of state-confessional relations.

The article discusses the significance of geopolitical paradigms and their implementation by main actors in global politics in the transition from a unipolar to a polycentric world. The system of relations between the «great powers» is analyzed, their content and significance in the world politics of today. The authors substantiate the position that in the context of confrontational opposition, the priority of polycentricity allows in the historical perspective to take into account not only their own interests, but also the interests of regional actors. The characteristics of the status quo in the world and the place of Russia in it are given. It is shown that the conceptual provision of the interaction principles between the main actors in world politics gains not only theoretical but also practical importance in the process of formation and organization of geopolitical space. ; Рассматривается значение геополитических парадигм и возможность их реализации основными акторами глобальной политики в условиях перехода от монополярного к полицентричному миру. Анализируются отношения между великими державами, их содержание и значение в мировой политике сегодняшнего дня. Обосновывается положение, что в условиях конфронтационного противостояния приоритетность полицентричности позволяет в исторической перспективе учитывать не только интересы великих держав, но и интересы региональных акторов. Дана характеристика сложившегося в мире статус-кво и места в нем России. Показано, что концептуальное обеспечение принципов взаимодействия между основными субъектами мировой политики приобретает не только научно-теоретическое, но и прикладное значение в процессе формирования и организации геополитического пространства.

The author aims to show that the forecasts of some theorists, philosophers and sociologists about the secularization and inevitable disappearance and marginalization of religion in the process of modernization of society, did not come true. Religion as a social institution has survived and has indicated its return to society and its importance not only for the individual but also for the collective consciousness and action. Deterministic frameworks of the processes of religious changes toward desecularization of society are the result of important changes in society itself: on the one hand the religious traditions acquire political significance and importance in the society, while on the other side they deprivatize faith and behavior of individuals, which can be considered as representing the crucial elements of the process of desecularization of society. These examples compelled the authors like David Martin and Peter Berger to review their theories about secularization of society during 1960s and 1970s, by presenting new ideas about desecularization of society or by limiting the theory of secularization to Western Europe countries only.

This article focuses on the role of Islam in the life of arabic countries. The consequences of revolutionary explosion of early 2011 for the fates of Egyptians, and specially for Copts who which confess Christianity in Egypt are shown. ; В статье на примере Египта освещается роль ислама в жизни арабских стран. Показаны последствия революционного взрыва в начале 2011 г. в Египте для судеб египтян и, в частности, коптов, исповедующих христианство.

Fear is fast becoming - if it has not already become - a central object of analysis for understanding today's politics. As fear is, supposedly, increasingly saturating our everyday lives, politicians and political strategists of all ideological stripes are rediscovering that fear is a handy tool in influencing voters. Our argument, however, is that rather than simply seeing the most recent exercise of a "politics of fear," our contemporary moment is distinguished by the emergence of "fear as politics". The paper argues that rather than fear acting as an expedient but ad hoc political tool, it has become the de facto essence of politics. Fear now provides the impetus and reason for politics, substituting other sources of legitimation of power such as democracy, justice, and the common good. The argument of the authors is being developed in a three-step process. Firstly - the authors argue - fear has become a projection of the political will aiming at changing existing order - that is to say that fear becomes the main reason and main motive for institutional / social change domestically and internationally. Secondly, fear cements power relations by creating a new "political dogma", a supra-ideology of sorts that being trans-ideological in spectrum (that is to say, "fear" becomes enclosed in every current ideology from populism to neo-conservatism), and shapes and restricts social imagination and political action. Thirdly - authors continue - fear provides alternative legitimization of state authority and action (that is to say that fear provides justification and sense of purpose for those in power). The authors have provided a set of interlocked ideas to show that fear can be rationalized, operationalized, that it is imbedded into diversified social strata, included into mainstream politics, politically utilized and form a bedrock of the new regnum (with a rationality based on fear) by whoever play politics.

Extension of the theory of politics to include sociocultural meanings in its explanatory scheme reflects the current uncertainty of its theoretical and methodological foundations, politico-institutional references, political and ideological implications. Fluctuation of the contours of the "familiar world" corresponds to rising distrust in the existing institutions and actors, suggesting a crisis of their legitimacy and effectiveness. A qualitatively new nature of conflict in society, archaization of political ideologies and practices, transformation of the structures of social and power configurations indicate a change in the reference values of load-bearing structures of political life, reflexive schemes and ideological intentions. Redefinition of the standard linear epistemes and ideological discourses of modernity is accompanied by incorporation of socio-cultural referents and new references of modernity into the theoretical constructs. Religion ceases to be just a private affair of a particular person, and returns to the public space in various forms, reflecting the diversification and diversity of the semantic and practical presence in the theoretical schemes and political practices. Many political issues acquire social resonance only because they are given a religious meaning, whereas religious intentions are in demand primarily in the political space. The religious reference is perceived differently in the modern world, causing controversy and debate about the prospects for human development, actualizing new methodological and ideological constructions.

Констатируется, что экстремизм связан с политическими амбициями обретения властных полномочий с помощью насилия. Такие амбиции могут присутствовать и в религии, особенно если она выдвигает универсалистские претензии. Утверждается, что религиозно-мотивированный экстремизм присутствует в движениях, для которых характерно представление о невозможности толерантного отношения к иным религиозным формам и воззрениям. Религиозный экстремизм, показательным примером которого сегодня является исламизм, ориентирован на установление теократии, а не политической диктатуры. Показано, что постоянно готовый к насилию религиозный экстремизм дрейфует в сторону религиозного терроризма, который представляет собой агрессивные насильственные действия против несогласных с экстремистами людей. Насилие служит достижению религиозных, политических или идеологических целей, а терроризм является средством оказания давления. ; Extremism is associated with the political ambitions of gaining power through violence. Such ambitions can also be present in religion, especially if it imposes universalist claims. There is religiously motivated extremism in the movements for which the conception of the impossibility of tolerant attitude to other religious forms and views is typical. Religious extremism, exemplified by Islamism today, is directed toward establishing a theocracy, not a political dictatorship. Constantly ready for violence, religious extremism is drifting towards religious terrorism, which is an aggressive violent act against people who disagree with extremists. Violence serves religious, political or ideological purposes, and terrorism is a mean of putting pressure.

Religion plays an important role in human life, influencing it,forming its value orientation. In the same way religion impacts on society as a whole. Religion is closely connected with the society, it forms a social institution, and ensures the integrity of society and the state. Religion appears as in the relationship between people and government relations in their degree and by nature. In different periods of the existence of the society the statechurch relations were various.The article presents some of the doctrines of the founders of sociology on the interaction of religion and state. ; Религия играет большую роль в жизни человека, воздействуя на него, формируя его ценностные ориентации.Таким же образом религия воздействует и на общество в целом. Религия находится в тесной взаимосвязи с обществом, образует социальный институт и обеспечивает целостность общества и государства. Религия проявляется как в отношениях между людьми, так и в государственных отношениях. В различные периоды существования общества государственно-церковные отношения по степени и характеру были разными. В статье представлены некоторые учения основоположников социологии о взаимодействии религии и государства.

Рассмотрены особенности политической институционализации религии обусловленные образованием и функционированием религиозных политических партий и общественных религиозно-националистических организаций. ; Розглянуто особливості політичної інституціоналізації релігії, що обумовлені утворенням та функціонуванням релігійних політичних партій і громадських релігійно-націоналістичних організацій. ; Peculiarities of political institutionalization of religion is due to the formation and functioning of the religious political parties and public religious-nationalist organizations.

The paper analyzes the regulatory protection of the rights of religious Russians. According to the results of the comparative historical and legal study, the author proves the redundancy of legal regulation of religion in the current legislation of the Russian Federation

In the article the mechanisms of legal regulation of French language are analyzed. Particular attention is paid to politicians in France, as initiators and developers of regulations in support of national language. Speech portraits of representatives of French political elite are considered,politiciansviolations of standardliterary French are identified. ; В статье анализируются механизмы законодательного регулирования французского языка. Особое внимание уделяется политическим деятелям Франции, выступающим инициаторами и разработчиками нормативных актов в поддержку национального языка. Рассматривается речевой портрет представителей французской политической элиты, выявляются случаи нарушения политиками литературной нормы французского языка.

The article examines the attitude to radical means of political struggle, in particular, to terror, Russian party of the early twentieth century, referring to the populist direction of socialism — the socialist–revolutionaries (SRS) and people's socialists (Anosov). The similarities and differences of views of the most prominent representatives of these parties on the need to use extreme methods of struggle, as well as the evolution of their attitude to terror due to changes in the political situation in Russia are shown. Main research methods: analysis, synthesis, biographical method, analogy, comparison.