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Political science is in same time old and young science. Old, if we have in mind politics as subject of research, and young if we think about institutions in which politics is only subject of research or education. Having in mind religion as subject of political science research, we can easily conclude that all books in early history of mankind, which were dedicated to political topics, had for the first subject religion. That is clear if we remember that first forms of political organizations in old Babylon, Egypt and Israel are inseparable connected with gods. Gods gave legitimacy to those states. But so political science institutions in generally so political sciences of religions, or politologie des religions in French, was born late. The first subjects of research in political sciences institutions were: state, political regimes, political parties, theory of politics, political systems, etc. Religion was studied very rarely. Modern political science was born under influence of French intellectuals: Diderot, Rousseau, Voltaire etc. They considered that religion will disappear with education and development. Their compatriot Alexis de Tocqueville thought contrary to their prognosis. The time gave right to Tocqueville. In the second part of XX century when the world development was the highest, religion maintained its position in big part of globe and became stronger in a lot of states. That created big challenge for political science. Many of political scientists started with research concerning influence of religion into politics. That create, as the first step, centres for research of relations among religion and politics as is labaratoire RELIGION ET POLITIQUE at Institute d'etudes politiques in Paris or l'Observatoire du Religieux at Institut d'etudes politique in Aix EN Provence en Frence, and finally that created special scientific discipline among political sciences which name is Religion and politics, Political Science if Religion, Politologie of Religion or Politologie des religions in French. Politologia della religione in italien or Religionspolitologie in German.Key words: Religion, Politics, Political Science, Development, Lecturing

Religion plays a powerful role in modern politics, and the relationship between the two is ever-changing. The governing of a state cannot be separated from the religious views of its people that affect the leaders and lawmakers of a country. Law mirrors society. This paper explores the ways that religious beliefs, practices, and communities shape and are shaped by the political expecta-tions and necessities of a nation by using examples from major world religions. Readers will be presented information regarding each religion's perception of the relationship between religion and politics and how religious adherents have upheld or opposed the relationship. Because reli-gion and politics are always changing and adapting, the foundational ideologies of the relation-ship between these two entities are continually challenged, reimagined, modified.

Current approaches for understanding and analyzing religion in international politics insufficiently incorporate the role of ethics in the practices of religious actors. Primordialist approaches essentialize religion, instrumental approaches consider it to be an epiphenomenon, and cosmopolitan approachesa prioridowngrade alternative ethical constructs as insufficiently universalist. An approach to religion that begins with a constitutive understanding of religious belief and economic, social, and political practice as outlined in Weber'sSociology of Religion, is more helpful. However, because Weber's method insufficiently addresses ethical intentionality, the 'neo-Weberian' approach I advance here incorporates the concepts of 'common good' and 'popular casuistry' into socio-historical contextualization. This approach provides a way to understand and theorize how religious adherents connect religious guidelines to moral action that avoids the essentialization of religion which is often characteristic of other perspectives.

Gözaydın, İştar -- (Dogus Author) Conference full title: Istanbul Spring School: Islam and The Non-Muslim Other: Doctrines, Attitudes, and Practices, 26-28 March 2012. Istanbul: Liberales Institute. ; This article is primarily concerned in a power struggle within Turkey for over the last 80 years, leaving aside a much longer one of 200 years. Working on religion, politics and politics of religion anywhere involves varies parties as the state, the society, and the individual of the political body of that given country. In order to try to understand the statereligion relationship in Turkey, I suggest that Presidency of Religious Affairs / Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı should be scrutinized as an initial step. Within the Turkish society, there have been existing an increasing friction between two groups that may roughly be defined as laicists1 and Islamists2 during the whole republican era ongoing since 1923, but has become more visible especially in the 1990's. In this article, I will be debating on the basic and crucial questions, as I perceive it, 'what is a capacitated democracy and how to achieve it?' in the context of law and politics in Turkey. Actually, in order to evolve my argument, I will initially be focusing on the development of the relations among the state, the groups in society, and religion in the Republic of Turkey. Then, I will be discussing the need and possibility of a mutually acceptable ground for a peaceful coexistence in this country. Obviously my preference to work on the last 80 years instead of the 200 year span of the phenomenon stems out of my acceptance of the republican times to be a more visible stage of the above mentioned contestation. ; The Netherlands Interuniversity Scholl for Islamic Studies (NISIS), The Instıtute D'etudes De l' Islam Et Des Societes Du Monde Musluman

ملخص يتناول البحث علاقة الدين بالسياسة، والسياسة بالدين بمنظور إسلامي حيث إنه من الموضوعات المثارة على الصعيد الفكري والسياسي، كما أنه موضوع شائك محسوس في واقع المجتمعات الإنسانية. لقد حسمت الدول المعاصرة الأمر بتبني العلمانية بما فيها الدول الإسلامية التي جعلت الدين طقوساً وشعائر ومناسبات. لقد اهتم الباحث ببيان موقف الإسلام تحديداً وبيَّن أن السياسة جزء، من الدين الإسلامي بسبب شموليته، ولهذا ساق الأدلة القرآنية والنبوية والمنطقية ورد على دعاة العلمانية وبعض من تبعهم، مؤكداً أن السياسة جزء من الدين الإسلامي باعتبار كماله وشموله بالنصوص والاجتهاد. إن هذا الشمول هو الذي يميز الإسلام عن غيره. وإذا وجد الآخرون في العلمانية حلاً، فإن هذا الحل لواقعهم ولمحدودية التصورات في أديانهم بخلاف الإسلام الذي ينظم علاقات الإنسان كلها تنظيماً دقيقاً. الكلمات المفتاحية: الدين، السياسة، العلمانية. The Relationship Between Religion ­­And Politics In Islam Abstract This research is mainly conducted to tackle the relationship between politics and Islam and vice versa from this perspective of Islam. In fact, this relationship has become one of the most important issues in the lives of people on both the political and the intellectual levels. More importantly, in many countries, including some Islamic countries secular rituals have already been performed. Thus, the researcher is deeply concerned with clarifying the views of Islam and explaining that politics is a crucial part of Islam due to its inclusiveness. Therefore, some Quranic, prophetic, and logical evidence will be shown to secularists in an attempt to prove that politics and religion are inseparable, and also to prove that even some politicians, whether in authority or in political parties, go back to religious texts for their life issues. Key words: religion, politics, secularism.

I will examine the First Amendment to determine if the original intentions were different than how we interpret the separation of Church and State in the 21st Century America. I am going to test that by examining the current Presidential administration against literature and research about the Bill of Rights. Citizens of the United States are faced with certain issues similar to those of when the Bill of Rights was written. There is still a need for equality and tolerance, as the framers articulated, but given the current state of the country, the interaction between politics and religion must be different than it once was. There are certain issues that are clearly in the realm of religion, some in the realm of politics, but it cannot all be so cut and dry. There are certain issues that are controversial both for government and for religions. Who should address what and why? There are government freedoms and individual rights, both are interpreted by the courts but also by religious convictions. It is necessary to go back to the rights guaranteed to us by the Constitution and find the true relationship between the church and state. While there is no obvious solution to the question of the relationship between church and state, it appears that the First Amendment is necessary, establishing a separation between the two. However, a common perception seems to be that wall between church and state is infallible. This is inaccurate, because while the Government and Religion should remain separate, it is necessary for the two to maintain a relationship that allows for some interaction and a cohesive division. ; Religious Politics A closer look at the relationship between government and religion Religion 399 Spring 2006 Gustavus Adolphus College Anna Franzen Gustavus Student Repository - Thesis 2 Table of Contents Introduction 3 1. History of the First Amendment 7 2. Court Appointments and Court Findings 10 3. Faith Based Initiative 20 4. "Life Issues" 26 a. Right to Life: Abortion 26 b. Right to Live: Capital ...

Il est souvent dit que religion, politique et économie s'allient. Emmanuel Orobator, dans son essai, tente de soutenir la thèse suivante: la religion fut le principal instrument qui permit d'asseoir les intérêts politique et économiques britanniques entre 1841 et 1885 dans la région qui, plus tard, se nommera Nigeria. Même si les missionnaires ne sont pas toujours considères comme agents de colonisation, il s'avère que leur collaboration fut largement bénéfique aux colons.

This research focuses on issues of religious, cultural and political conflicts and the integration of Ulama and Umara in Purwakarta which intersect with the political dimensions ahead of the Regional Head Election. The specific focus is on the evaluation of religion over culture and turns into a strategic issue played by interest groups. This research is a type of field research research using a qualitative dialectical phenomenological approach as the method. The collection of data and information was carried out by means of observation techniques. The findings of this study include the first, the religious and cultural relations in Purwakarta due to the perspective of the FPI, KUI and FUI mass organizations in assessing that the preservation of Sundanese culture in Purwakarta is contrary to Islamic teachings. second, the form of conflict between Ulama and Umara begins with the case of "the flute and the Koran, the making of puppet figures, the Hideung Bodas (Black and White) Festival of the Tumpeng Parade, the Bebegig Parade, to the confrontation of Sampurasun vs campurracun, and is closely related to political issues. and religious doctrine and understanding of Sundanese culture. But then it is processed into a religious issue and utilized by interest groups.Third, efforts to integrate ulama and Umara are carried out by holding a Cultural and Religious Workshop, establishing communication and compromising on the conflicts that occur.

The place and role of Islam in our region has specific distinctive features, in contrast to the areas of traditional distribution of Islam. central Asia is one of the centers of the world Islamic heritage - on its territory the largest religious historical centers are located - Samarkand and Bukhara, it is home to the great hadith theologians Imam Al-Bukhari and Al- Termizi, as well as the great saints - the founders of the Sufi orders - Ahmad Yassawi and Naqshbandi. Central Asia has historically been a link between centers of Islamic civilization in the Middle East and Muslim population Russia - Tatarstan, Southern Siberia, the Volga region, the Caucasus and Transcaucasia, Western China (Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region) and North India (Kashmir and Bangladesh). According to the historically established tradition, the indigenous population of the Middle East. In this context it is important to clearly define the relationship between religious beliefs and how it affects the political practices in those countries and identify the threats under the name of Islam

WOS: 000435502100024 ; This article focuses on the relationship between religion and politics in contemporary Turkish novel, based on Orhan Pamuk's novel Kar. The study aims to understand and explain paradigms of religion-politics relations in Kar, which approaches Turkey's recent religious and political debates with a literary fiction, and reflects how religious and political cultures are reflected in Turkey in this frame. In the novel, a new development momentum after 1980, and with the right, conservative and Islamist circles that motivated politics more actively during the 1990s, the modernization that has not undergone in Turkey in a way, in fact, within the framework of the approach of the writer, the values of provincial representatives in Turkey conflicts have been brought forward. In a postmodern perspective, the Kar shared important photographs of religion and politics at this stage of the modernization struggle between Islamist-secular, Eastern-Western conflicts. Finally, religion in the novel was dominated ideologically by the instrumentalist of poverty and deprivation, rather than the character of preventing change according to its place. Politics is described as more Jacobean and secular, and also as provincial in relation to modernization there.

This article aims to discuss the issue of the relationship between Islam and politics in the "Alumni 212" and Ijtima Ulama. this study was motivated by "Action to Defend Islam 212". Therefor in this first study, the author wants to give about the study of background the formation of "Alumni 212" and Ijtima Ulama. second, critical review about the relationship between Islam and politics of "Alumni 212" and Ijtima Ulama. the purpose of this problem has been to trying flowin is ini and critiquing "is there the relationship between Islam and politics of "Alumni 212" and Ijtima Ulama ?". Approsch and method in this research use social religion approach is needed and Qualitative method that is the descriptive analysis with library research genre. The result from this research indicates that analysis and critical review about the relationship between Islam and politics of "Alumni 212" and Ijtima Ulama is that be found relationship from side religion and politics, considering that there are a number of factors that indicate "Alumni 212 and Ijtima Ulama contains elements of politics and religion in it. The Defending Islam Action I,II AND III has become a new phenomenon in Islam, especially for the conditions of religious life in Indonesia. Which then this action becomes the background of the formation of the reunion "Alumni 212" and Ijtima Ulama, it is feared indicated incarnated as a religious movement mass, and could potentially be a movement on behalf of Islam as a form of identity politics. Nevertheless need the existence of functional relationship in the relationship between Islam and state (politics), that is about how Islam can perform its functions in the region or community of the state on the one hand. And how the state (politic) can the state can perform its functions as the governing body of the organization of the citizens and its territory is majority Islam on the other hand.

This paper aims to investigate the construction of secularity in the Tibetan exile society by examining the English-language discourse on the unfolding process of secularization, as well as the emergence of an ideology of secularism and secular democracy. I consider secularization in the exile polity to be occurring in two respects. The first is in the form of differentiation between the political and religious institutions, which culminated in the Dalai Lama's complete devolution of his political powers to the elected government in 2011. The second is in the sense of the transfer and transition of political legitimacy from the Dalai Lama, who holds traditional-charismatic authority, to the elected leadership in exile, particularly the current lay prime minister whose political authority lies more in democratic and legal-rational legitimacy. Secularism is understood here as a political-philosophical ideology to be distinguished from the socio-political process of secularization. In the exile context, the term 'secularism' is translated as chö luk rimé (chos lugs ris med)—a neologism whose key lexical constituent rimé alludes to a much older Tibetan tradition of 'non-sectarianism.' Analyzing the discourse on key events which occurred in exile in 2011 (the Dalai Lama's political retirement and the election of a lay prime minister), this paper claims that a unique Tibetan secularism that upholds religious pluralism is under construction in order to negotiate the exigencies of political modernity, the preservation of Tibetan identity and unity, and the struggle against China. While the two elected exile prime ministers to date have both invoked traditional as well as legal-rational and democratic authority to appeal to their Tibetan constituents and international supporters, this article concludes that there is a definite shift towards secular democracy, where the basis of political legitimacy is transitioning from the sovereignty of the Dalai Lama as a Bodhisattva-King to one grounded in popular sovereignty.

Abstract : This research was conducted to reveal the relationship between kiai and politics in its journey in Indonesia. Also, it explores whether the relationship that occurred to be a pattern of religious and political reconciliation. Therefore, it is obvious that the kiai's interaction as a religious figure which holds political power has a principal meaning in bringing peace. Furthermore, it find out whether the kiai's involvement in politics solely for the sake of power itself, or for the benefit of the ummah and humanity. This research collected data by in-depth interviews with kiai who became head of the region, and political observers from universities, also supported by the search of existing literature either online or offline. The findings showed that there are at least five relationship models identified. Furthermore, the relationship became one of the media for the establishment of political harmony which is considered dirty and full of intrigue with religion. Finally, it is suggested that more specific research is required on what factors influencing to be the conservation of political and religious harmony in Indonesia, thus, the involvement of religious leaders/kiai in politics never leads to conflict.الملخص :جري هذا البحث العلمي لجلاء علاقة خاصة بين العلماء و السياسية في إندونيسيا منذ إستقلال هذا البلاد حتى الأن. تبعا لهذ, تستفاد هذا البحث لإلمام نوع هذه العلاقة, أهي كإحدى الوسائل في اتحاد بين الدين و السياسية كالأسس الحياة الوطنية في إندونسيا. و لعلّ بهذا البحث ظهر مباني العلاقة علماء إندونيسيا بقواد السياسية (على قصد قوة السياسية كان أم فردية, أو غيره) في تحصيل إتحاد الجماعة والإجتماعية معنا حقيقيا. جمع هذا البحث البيانات المتنوعة مما يتعلق بهذا البحث و ملاحظة وقيعية. و بجانب ذالك جمع البيانات من كتب و رسائل العلمية بما يتعلق به. و في تفسير البيانات جاء بمقابلات عميقة بالأفراد الذي يعتبر كالعلماء أو القواد السياسي أو المراقب في مجال السياسي. وأما نتيجة لهذا البحث هو هناك خمسة علاقة مهمة التي تأثرت به الموازنة في حياة الإجتماعية أو السياسية في إندونيسيا.Abstrak: Penelitian ini dilakukan untuk mengetahui relasi yang terjadi antara kiai dan politik dalam perjalanannya dari waktu ke waktu di Indonesia. Hal ini sekaligus untuk mendalami apakah relasi yang terjadi menjadi salah satu pola mendamaikan agama dan politik. Sehingga dengan begitu akan menjadi lebih jelas interaksi kiai sebagai tokoh agama dengan kekuasaan politik, memiliki makna penting dalam perdamaian. Apakah keterlibatan kiai dalam politik semata-mata untuk kepentingan kekuasaan itu sendiri, atau karena kepentingan umat dan kemanusiaan. Penelitian ini mengumpulkan data dengan wawancara mendalam (indeph interview) dengan kiai yang menjadi kepala daerah, dan pengamat politik dari perguruan tinggi, juga ditopang dengan penelusuran literatur yang ada baik yang bersifat daring maupun luring. Dari penelitian yang dilakukan, ditemukan beragam relasi politik dan kiai yang terjadi di Indonesia. Sedikitnya ada lima model relasi yang berhasil diidentifikasi dalam kajian ini. Selanjutnya relasi tersebut menjadi salah satu katalisator bagi terjalinnya harmoni politik yang selama dianggap kotor dan penuh intrik dengan agama yang dianggap suci. Diperlukan penelitian lebih spesifik mengenai faktor apa saja yang akan terus menjadi kelestarian harmoni politik dan agama di Indonesia, sehingga keterlibatan tokoh agama, kiai dalam politik tidak pernah berujung pada konflik.

Revista Perspectivas del Desarrollo Vol.2(2) 2013; 13-41 ; Revista Perspectivas del Desarrollo Vol.2(2) 2013; 13-41

Examples of religion's recent political impact abound in states at varying levels of economic and political development. The paper examines the relationship between religion and politics over the last quarter century in a variety of countries; in effect, a global survey. What was new and became 'news' in the 1980s was the widespread and simultaneous refusal of the so-called 'world religions' - Islam, Christianity, Hinduism and Buddhism - to restrict them selves to the private sphere. Religious organizations of various kinds seem openly to be rejecting the secular ideals dominating most national policies, appearing as champions of alternative, confessional options. In keeping faith with what they interpret as divine decree, increasingly they refuse to render to nonreligious power either material or moral tribute. They are also refusing to restrict themselves to the pastoral care of individual souls, instead raising questions about, inter alia, the interconnections of private and public morality and the claims of states and markets to be exempt from extrinsic normative considerations.