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The object of research is the trust problem in the relations of the East and the West. The author in detail analyzes the phenomenon of trust, its principles and distinctive signs. Special attention is paid to conditions of formation of trust as on micro (between individuals) and at the macro level (between societies). The author connects the trust problem with a categorization "friend-or-foe", considered in the civilization aspect of the subject. Thus, the author in the research used the case study method and content analysis. The novelty of research consists in approach to understanding intensity between civilizations of the East and the West through a problem of the possibility of confidential relations between them. The author comes to a conclusion that in the modern international relations there is a paradoxical situation: the trust measure between the countries decreases, in volume time as it is possible to cope with new calls and threats only through consolidation of the world community on the basis of mutual trust.

The object of research is the trust problem in the relations of the East and the West. The author in detail analyzes the phenomenon of trust, its principles and distinctive signs. Special attention is paid to conditions of formation of trust as on micro (between individuals) and at the macro level (between societies). The author connects the trust problem with a categorization "friend-or-foe", considered in the civilization aspect of the subject. Thus, the author in the research used the case study method and content analysis. The novelty of research consists in approach to understanding intensity between civilizations of the East and the West through a problem of the possibility of confidential relations between them. The author comes to a conclusion that in the modern international relations there is a paradoxical situation: the trust measure between the countries decreases, in volume time as it is possible to cope with new calls and threats only through consolidation of the world community on the basis of mutual trust.

International relations are a form of human action so they should become the object of praxiology as a science oriented to efficiency. The traditional approach however must be changed. As it suggested in this article, human action is divided into three sections – cooperation, struggling and rivalry, which correspond to three types of theories. It should be added that cooperation is a positive-sum game, struggling – a negative-sum game and rivalry – a zero-sum game. The theory of international relations should be focused on the link between principles of cooperation and principles of struggling. This means that theory of foreign policy should be a theory of control in the zero-sum game system. ; International relations are a form of human action so they should become the object of praxiology as a science oriented to efficiency. The traditional approach however must be changed. As it suggested in this article, human action is divided into three sections – cooperation, struggling and rivalry, which correspond to three types of theories. It should be added that cooperation is a positive-sum game, struggling – a negative-sum game and rivalry – a zero-sum game. The theory of international relations should be focused on the link between principles of cooperation and principles of struggling. This means that theory of foreign policy should be a theory of control in the zero-sum game system.

Stosunki międzynarodowe są postacią działania ludzi, dlatego powinny stać się obiektem zainteresowania prakseologii jako nauki nastawionej na sprawność działania. Dotychczasowe rozumienie sprawności musi być jednak odmienne od tradycyjnego. Zgodnie z propozycją zawartą w artykule, ludzkie działanie dzieli się na trzy działy – współpracę, walkę oraz rywalizację , którym odpowiadają trzy rodzaje teorii. Charakterystyczne jest to, że współpraca jest grą o sumie dodatniej, walka – grą o sumie ujemnej, natomiast rywalizacja – grą o sumie zerowej. Teoria stosunków międzynarodowych powinna skupiać się na teorii rywalizacji, rozpostartej pomiędzy współpracą a walką. Oznacza to, że teoria stosunków międzynarodowych powinna opierać się na zasadach współpracy i zasadach walki, a teoria polityki międzynarodowej państwa powinna być teorią sterowania w systemie gry o sumie zerowej. ; International relations are a form of human action so they should become the object of praxiology as a science oriented to efficiency. The traditional approach however must be changed. As it suggested in this article, human action is divided into three sections – cooperation, struggling and rivalry, which correspond to three types of theories. It should be added that cooperation is a positive-sum game, struggling – a negative-sum game and rivalry – a zero-sum game. The theory of international relations should be focused on the link between principles of co- operation and principles of struggling. This means that theory of foreign policy should be a theory of control in the zero-sum game system.

The author distinguishes threats to international security from challenges faced by the security policy of states and collective international actors but approaches them as a certain continuum. The following phenomena are considered threats and challenges in the second decade of the 21st century: military threats (nuclear weapons and their proliferation, conventional weapons and huge military spending), terrorism, other threats (cybernetic, economic and energy-related, ecological), as well as the migration challenge. A separate major challenge, which the author analyses in detail, is the reconfiguration of the international order that has been taking place for more than a decade now. The author believes that this reconfiguration constitutes a serious challenge to the West, including to its security policy. In order to take up this challenge, benefit from it and prevent the emergence of new threats to international security, the West needs to not only consolidate its security system but also engage in dialogue and cooperation with the emerging competitors and rivals challenging the West's global leadership (the emerging powers from BRICS), as the American political scientist Charles Kupchan proposed in 2010, emphasising that lasting peace can be achieved by turning enemies into friends. It is, however, uncertain what kind of foreign policy will be conducted by the new US President, Donald Trump, elected in November 2016.

The article aims to present the current situation in Ukraine through international relations theory that is able to provide the necessary theoretical background to analyse the complex problems that unfold in the contemporary international environment. These problems are analysed through several perspectives including realist, postmodern and socialconstructivist dimensions, as well as from the point of view of classical institutionalism. What is more, on the basis of their deliberations, the authors describe several possible scenarios of the future events, including the strategy of Russia to continue destabilization in Ukraine in order to seize control over its entire territory and the long-term effects of international sanctions on the Russian economy with the possibility of the collapse of the aggressor state. Nonetheless, the Crimean crisis reveals an important fact that, according to the authors, has deep ramifications for the entire international security system – at present, the international community is not able to exert influence on any of the nuclear powers through military means. While other, non-military means of influence can be used, such as broad economic sanctions or political isolation of an aggressor-state, they are not effective immediately thus allowing the aggressor states to violate international law with a feeling of impunity and invincibility.

The article aims to present the current situation in Ukraine through international relations theory that is able to provide the necessary theoretical background to analyse the complex problems that unfold in the contemporary international environment. These problems are analysed through several perspectives including realist, postmodern and socialconstructivist dimensions, as well as from the point of view of classical institutionalism. What is more, on the basis of their deliberations, the authors describe several possible scenarios of the future events, including the strategy of Russia to continue destabilization in Ukraine in order to seize control over its entire territory and the long-term effects of international sanctions on the Russian economy with the possibility of the collapse of the aggressor state. Nonetheless, the Crimean crisis reveals an important fact that, according to the authors, has deep ramifications for the entire international security system – at present, the international community is not able to exert influence on any of the nuclear powers through military means. While other, non-military means of influence can be used, such as broad economic sanctions or political isolation of an aggressor-state, they are not effective immediately thus allowing the aggressor states to violate international law with a feeling of impunity and invincibility.

The aim of this work is to present the role of Poland in the system of international relations governed by the principles of (neo) liberalism, mainly in the context of crisis phenomena taking place in the West. The hypothesis of this article is as follows: the downturn in Western liberal structures may lead to the modification of the functions and legal and economic system of the Polish state, undermining the principles and rules of liberal democracy applicable there. The turbulence to which the liberal structures of the West are subject may be problematic for those states that have identified their longterm interests with the phenomena of globalization/liberalization and do not have their own strategies of action and more autonomous tools to achieve national goals. Should the western zone weaken, there may be a possibility not only of a geopolitical transformation but also of significant political and economic transformations in countries like Poland. The state may fall into the zone of influence of the new center in a geographical or functional sense, which will impose a different civilization model, based on alternative economic principles and institutional solutions, violating the rights of individuals, minorities, and private businesses. The compulsion to adapt to the new rules that will emerge as a consequence of lowering the role of liberal institutions, the foundations of which are not yet known, may lead to a reduction in the level of protection of citizens and capital in the region. The work includes comments on the functioning of the (neo) liberal system of international relations, the socio-political transformation of Central and Eastern European countries, and Polish internal/foreign policy in the face of the crisis in the Western zone. ; W artykule podjęto próbę przedstawienia roli Polski w systemie stosunków międzynarodowych regulowanym zasadami (neo)liberalizmu, głównie w kontekście zjawisk kryzysowych rozgrywających się na Zachodzie. Postawiono następującą hipotezę: dekoniunktura zachodnich ...

W artykule przedstawiono jakościową metodę śledzenia procesu (process tracing) i jej przykładowe wykorzystanie w badaniu stosunków międzynarodowych. Po pierwsze, dokonano ogólnej charakterystyki metody. Po drugie, przedstawiono debatę toczoną w naukach społecznych na temat rozumienia mechanizmów przyczynowych i przyczynowego wnioskowania oraz użyteczności metody śledzenia procesu do testowania hipotez. Po trzecie, omówiono różnego rodzaju dyrektywy kierujące postępowaniem badawczym w ramach metody śledzenia procesu. Po czwarte, w końcowej części artykułu zademonstrowano implementację metody w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych na przykładzie analizy zakończenia zimnej wojny. W końcu sformułowano pewne wątpliwości związane z metodą. Celem artykułu jest wprowadzenie do polskiej nauki o stosunkach międzynarodowych jakościowej metody badawczej, która nie jest wykorzystywana przez polskich badaczy, chociaż większość z nich określa swoje stanowisko metodologiczne jako jakościowe. Autor w szczególności uzasadnia i ilustruje przekonanie, że metoda śledzenia procesu może stanowić mocną propozycję w rozwiązywaniu problemów związanych z rozpoznawaniem stosunków przyczynowych w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych. Autor posługuje się w artykule metodą analizy treści. Metoda śledzenia procesu została przedstawiona w oparciu o analizę tekstów uznanych zwolenników metody w filozofii nauki i nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych oraz prac poświęconych problemom stosunków międzynarodowych badanych przy zastosowaniu tej metody. Wyniki przeprowadzonej analizy pozwalają na sformułowanie rekomendacji do stosowania metody do badania stosunków międzynarodowych. Autor przedstawia również słabe strony metody, których istnienia powinien być świadomy każdy z niej korzystający. ; The article presents a qualitative method known as process tracing and exemplifies its use in the study of international relations. Firstly, the general characteristics of process tracing are shown. Secondly, the debate in social sciences on the understanding of causal mechanisms and causal inference is discussed, and whether process tracing is useful in testing hypotheses. Thirdly, different types of directives that guide the research procedure within the framework of process tracing are presented. Fourthly, the final part of the article demonstrates the implementation of process tracing in International Relations on the example of the analysis of the end of the Cold War. The article is concluded with a few doubts the method raises. The aim of the article is to introduce a qualitative research method to the Polish studies of International Relations. This method has not been used by Polish researchers, although most of them declare their methodological standpoint as a qualitative approach. The author justifies and illustrates the belief that the method of process tracing can be strongly recommended in solving problems related to the identification of causal relations in International Relations. The author uses the content analysis method in the article. The method of process tracing is presented based on the analysis of the texts of renowned supporters of the method in the Philosophy of Science and International Relations and of works dedicated to the problems of international relations studied using this method. The results of the analysis make it possible to formulate recommendations for the application of the method to study international relations. The author also presents the weaknesses of this method, which every scholar employing it should be aware of.

The article presents a qualitative method known as process tracing and exemplifies its use in the study of international relations. Firstly, the general characteristics of process tracing are shown. Secondly, the debate in social sciences on the understanding of causal mechanisms and causal inference is discussed, and whether process tracing is useful in testing hypotheses. Thirdly, different types of directives that guide the research procedure within the framework of process tracing are presented. Fourthly, the final part of the article demonstrates the implementation of process tracing in International Relations on the example of the analysis of the end of the Cold War. The article is concluded with a few doubts the method raises. The aim of the article is to introduce a qualitative research method to the Polish studies of International Relations. This method has not been used by Polish researchers, although most of them declare their methodological standpoint as a qualitative approach. The author justifies and illustrates the belief that the method of process tracing can be strongly recommended in solving problems related to the identification of causal relations in International Relations. The author uses the content analysis method in the article. The method of process tracing is presented based on the analysis of the texts of renowned supporters of the method in the Philosophy of Science and International Relations and of works dedicated to the problems of international relations studied using this method. The results of the analysis make it possible to formulate recommendations for the application of the method to study international relations. The author also presents the weaknesses of this method, which every scholar employing it should be aware of. ; W artykule przedstawiono jakościową metodę śledzenia procesu (process tracing) i jej przykładowe wykorzystanie w badaniu stosunków międzynarodowych. Po pierwsze, dokonano ogólnej charakterystyki metody. Po drugie, przedstawiono debatę toczoną w naukach społecznych na temat rozumienia mechanizmów przyczynowych i przyczynowego wnioskowania oraz użyteczności metody śledzenia procesu do testowania hipotez. Po trzecie, omówiono różnego rodzaju dyrektywy kierujące postępowaniem badawczym w ramach metody śledzenia procesu. Po czwarte, w końcowej części artykułu zademonstrowano implementację metody w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych na przykładzie analizy zakończenia zimnej wojny. W końcu sformułowano pewne wątpliwości związane z metodą. Celem artykułu jest wprowadzenie do polskiej nauki o stosunkach międzynarodowych jakościowej metody badawczej, która nie jest wykorzystywana przez polskich badaczy, chociaż większość z nich określa swoje stanowisko metodologiczne jako jakościowe. Autor w szczególności uzasadnia i ilustruje przekonanie, że metoda śledzenia procesu może stanowić mocną propozycję w rozwiązywaniu problemów związanych z rozpoznawaniem stosunków przyczynowych w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych. Autor posługuje się w artykule metodą analizy treści. Metoda śledzenia procesu została przedstawiona w oparciu o analizę tekstów uznanych zwolenników metody w filozofii nauki i nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych oraz prac poświęconych problemom stosunków międzynarodowych badanych przy zastosowaniu tej metody. Wyniki przeprowadzonej analizy pozwalają na sformułowanie rekomendacji do stosowania metody do badania stosunków międzynarodowych. Autor przedstawia również słabe strony metody, których istnienia powinien być świadomy każdy z niej korzystający.

This article examines the reasons for adopting a non‑institutional character of the Visegrad cooperation in the years 1991‑1992. Its focus concerns two causes of the initial reluctance to institutionalise the Visegrad Group: the high level of unpredictability in Central Europe after the collapse of Communism and the symbolic role the Group was expected to play outside the region. These issues are considered through the prism of two theories in International Relations: neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism. Both provide theoreti‑ cal grounds to support the research hypothesis which assumes that the infor‑ mal character of the Visegrad cooperation was a pragmatic choice of its found‑ ing members. However, neorealist and neoliberal explanations of how the political background and security issues could have influenced their decision vary. The article concludes that the neorealist approach holds more explana‑ tory power in this regard, suggesting that the choice of the Visegrad states was dictated by the preservation of their national interests and subjected to ex‑ ternal limitations, rather than motivated by a common intention to facilitate their regional cooperation. ; Arkadiusz Nyzio

An element which should be analysed was the underestimation by Poland of the fears of Belarus concerning Polonisation and the activities of the Catholic Church. Initially, issues which were of slight importance to Poland later became the main reason for serious divergences in bilateral understanding. Also of importance is the question of the awareness on the Polish side of the change in the geopolitical future of Belarus following Poland's accession to NATO. Political changes in Belarus in the years 1994-1996 were analysed in this work as well as their influence on the deterioration of mutual relations. It was also important to answer the question about the reasons for the ineffectiveness of the policy of critical dialogue with Belarus and the causes of the conflict concerning the Polish minority in 2005.

Europe/the European Union, with its obvious trump cards, should be an active and efficient player on the international arena. Such are the expectations of the United States, formulated especially by the administration of Barack Obama. However, from the American perspective, the EU has not proved successful as an important international actor, engaged in resolving global problems and prepared to assume greater responsibility for the course of events in the world. This inertia of the EU resulted in the marginalisation of Europe in American politics, as manifested by the latter's pivot to the Pacific Rim. It was only after the developments in the Ukraine, which resulted from Russia's imperial tendencies, that a greater activity and coherence in American and European politics was triggered, having a positive influence also on transatlantic relations. ; Europe/the European Union, with its obvious trump cards, should be an active and efficient player on the international arena. Such are the expectations of the United States, formulated especially by the administration of Barack Obama. However, from the American perspective, the EU has not proved successful as an important international actor, engaged in resolving global problems and prepared to assume greater responsibility for the course of events in the world. This inertia of the EU resulted in the marginalisation of Europe in American politics, as manifested by the latter's pivot to the Pacific Rim. It was only after the developments in the Ukraine, which resulted from Russia's imperial tendencies, that a greater activity and coherence in American and European politics was triggered, having a positive influence also on transatlantic relations.

Europa/Unia Europejska, dysponując niekwestionowanymi atutami, powinna też być aktywnym i skutecznym graczem na arenie międzynarodowej. Takie były oczekiwania Stanów Zjednoczonych, formułowane zwłaszcza przez administrację Baracka Obamy. Jednak z amerykańskiej perspektywy Europa nie sprawdziła się jako ważny aktor na scenie międzynarodowej, zaangażowany w rozwiązywanie problemów globalnych i gotowy brać większą odpowiedzialność zabieg spraw w świecie. Tainercja Unii Europejskiej powodowała, że nastąpiła marginalizacja Europy w polityce amerykańskiej, czego wyrazem był "pivot to the Pacific Rim". Dopiero wydarzenia na Ukrainie, będące efektem imperialnych tendencji w działaniach Rosji, spowodowały większą aktywność i koherentność polityki amerykańskiej i europejskiej, prowadząc też do wzmocnienia układu transatlantyckiego ; Europe/the European Union, with its obvious trump cards, should be an active and efficient player on the international arena. Such are the expectations of the United States, formulated especially by the administration of Barack Obama. However, from the American perspective, the EU has not proved successful as an important international actor, engaged in resolving global problems and prepared to assume greater responsibility for the course of events in the world. This inertia of the EU resulted in the marginalisation of Europe in American politics, as manifested by the latter's pivot to the Pacific Rim. It was only after the developments in the Ukraine, which resulted from Russia's imperial tendencies, that a greater activity and coherence in American and European politics was triggered, having a positive influence also on transatlantic relations.

The paper has the objective to present public diplomacy as a discipline requiring interdisciplinary approach. At the current stage of development of the discipline, the approach rooted in the theory of international relations is dominating. The author suggests inclusion of the tools used for the analysis of political communication into the body of research on new public diplomacy. Therefore, there is nothing more as an aggregate of paradigms and tools of two disciplines implemented at the moment.Public diplomacy was defined in the paper as a symmetrical form of international, political communication targeted at foreign public opinion in order to facilitate the achievement of the goals of state abroad. Currently, the adjective "new" as added to public diplomacy, means that new public diplomacy is different from informational public diplomacy of United States before the liquidation of USIA. The new public diplomacy acknowledges non state organizations as actors of international relations and adjusts to the logic of globalization. New public diplomacy should not be equalized with political propaganda. ; The paper has the objective to present public diplomacy as a discipline requiring interdisciplinary approach. At the current stage of development of the discipline, the approach rooted in the theory of international relations is dominating. The author suggests inclusion of the tools used for the analysis of political communication into the body of research on new public diplomacy. Therefore, there is nothing more as an aggregate of paradigms and tools of two disciplines implemented at the moment.Public diplomacy was defined in the paper as a symmetrical form of international, political communication targeted at foreign public opinion in order to facilitate the achievement of the goals of state abroad. Currently, the adjective "new" as added to public diplomacy, means that new public diplomacy is different from informational public diplomacy of United States before the liquidation of USIA. The new public diplomacy acknowledges non state organizations as actors of international relations and adjusts to the logic of globalization. New public diplomacy should not be equalized with political propaganda.