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The political system tends towards excess. Thus, some mechanisms of control and a strong civil society are required. Religion may play a part in this regard. By its very nature religion may function as a form of correction and foundation. Democracy can also fall into despotism, the promotion of social conformism, or even fundamentalism. In an exclusively secular context, democracy can commit this kind of abuse, rendering itself absolute and all-encompassing. By contrast, religion may enable the political system to work for the common good. ; La organización política tiende al exceso. Precisa de mecanismos de control y una sociedad civil vigorosa. A esto contribuye la religión. Ella, desde su especificidad, ejerce una función correctora y de fundamentación. Pues también la democracia puede caer en el despotismo, fomentando el conformismo social, o el fundamentalismo. La democracia, de la mano del laicismo, puede incurrir en este abuso, y erigirse en algo absoluto y absorbente. Por el contrario, la religión le ayudará a trabajar por el bien común.

This year, we mark the 70th anniversary of the IMF and World Bank and the 50th anniversary of F&D. The world has seen a staggering amount of change in the past seven decades. So, with these two anniversaries in mind we focused our attention on the transformation of the global economy-looking back and looking ahead. What will the global economy look like in another 70 years?Five Nobel laureates-George Akerlof, Paul Krugman, Robert Solow, Michael Spence, and Joseph Stiglitz-share their thoughts on which single "frontier" issue promises to shape the economic landscape in the years ahead.In "A Wor

The intelligent way of interpreting religious feelings consists of getting away from superstitions and getting into the religion of solidarity between human beings. All religions share a common ground of values that make up the fundamentals upon which a solidarity ethic has to be established. Human beings must use their powers to promote good in the world, excluding nobody and, even more important, not expecting an external power to carry out a task which is their sole responsibility. Key words: anthropology, ethics, religion, politics. ; La posibilidad más inteligible para interpretar las creencias religiosas consiste en salir de las supersticiones y conseguir a través de la solidaridad religiosa lo que lo humano desea ser. Todas las religiones presentan como punto de partida un soporte común de valores que establecen aspectos que están más allá, los cuales señalan una ética solidaria. El ser humano debe utilizar sus fuerzas para promover el bien en el mundo, no excluyendo a nadie y, lo que es más importante, no esperar una fuerza externa para llevar a cabo la tarea de su exclusiva responsabilidad. Palabras-clave: antropología, ética, religión, política.

Young people, hardest hit by the global economic downturn, are speaking out and demanding change. F&D looks at the need to urgently address the challenges facing youth and create opportunities for them. Harvard professor David Bloom lays out the scope of the problem and emphasizes the importance of listening to young people in ""Youth in the Balance."" ""Making the Grade"" looks at how to teach today's young people what they need to get jobs. IMF Deputy Managing Director, Nemat Shafik shares her take on the social and economic consequences of youth unemployment in our ""Straight Talk"" co

La presencia de la religión en la vida cotidiana, así como las complejas articulaciones que se establecen entre las diversas instituciones religiosas en Argentina con el Estado, la sociedad política y la sociedad civil se constituyen en problemáticas de interés analítico en el campo de los estudios sociales, políticos y culturales. Ampliar el campo de conocimiento sobre el fenómeno religioso y sobre las múltiples interacciones e influencias que se dan entre las instituciones y actores religiosos con las instituciones públicas y políticas, particularmente a la hora de incidir en la formulación, diseño e implementación de políticas públicas, se constituye en un aporte valioso para comprender los complejos vínculos entre la religión y la política en las democracias contemporáneas. La presente propuesta pretende profundizar, a nivel regional, los conocimientos alcanzados en el proyecto de investigación llevado a cabo durante los años 2008-2011, titulado "Religión y Estructura Social en Argentina en el siglo XXI" (ANPCYT, PICT 2005-20666) y se enmarca en un estudio de alcance nacional denominado "Religión, sexualidades, educación y asistencia social. Alcances e influencias de las religiones en las 24 jurisdicciones de la Argentina contemporánea" (ANPCTYT, PICT 2010-2062). En esta línea de investigación, la actual propuesta plantea abordar un recorte de la problemática desarrollada en el proyecto nacional, centrando el análisis en la proyección de las religiones en la provincia de Mendoza y circunscribiéndolo al estudio de las áreas de educación y las relaciones de género (sexualidad). Algunos de los interrogantes que guían esta investigación se formulan en torno al modo en que los grupos religiosos se articulan con los poderes públicos en la provincia, al modo en que las organizaciones religiosas negocian legitimidades con el Estado e influyen en la orientación e implementación de las políticas educativas, de salud sexual y reproductiva. Las hipótesis arriesgadas trazan la existencia de una tensión entre la mayor demanda y visibilidad de derechos ciudadanos y la pretensión de las instituciones religiosas hegemónicas de universalizar su moral religiosa; la discontinuidad entre la normativa inclusiva en términos de derechos ciudadanos y sus grados de aplicación en el marco de determinadas políticas públicas que presentan una fuerte impronta religiosa; la existencia de diferenciaciones en el modo en que se articulan agentes sociales, religiosos y políticos según las distintas representaciones de la legitimidad que tiene la actuación de los grupos religiosos en los distintos ámbitos de la vida social. La estrategia metodológica propuesta para esta investigación se inserta dentro del paradigma interpretativo, a partir del cual se intentan comprender, reflexivamente, los fenómenos sociales desde la propia perspectiva del actor. Se trata de indagar en los motivos y creencias que sustentan sus acciones sociales para analizar cuáles son las categorías o significaciones que utilizan para interpretar su propia realidad. Se utilizarán técnicas propias de un diseño de investigación cualitativo, recurriendo al análisis documental y de contenido; a las entrevistas en profundidad con actores religiosos, funcionarios estatales, agentes que convergen en el marco educativo y agentes de salud pública; a la observación. ; The presence of religion in everyday life, as well as the complex links between the religious institutions and the state, the civil and political society, makes an important analytical issue in the field of social, political and cultural studies. Enhanced knowledge about the religious phenomena and the multiple influences between religious institutions/actors and public and political institutions when formulating, designing and implementing public policies, contributes to comprehend the complex links between religion and politics in contemporary democracies. This research aims to enhance, on a regional level, the results which were obtained in a former project "Religion and Social Structure in Argentina of the XXI Century" (ANPCYT, PICT 2005-20666) and is part of a national study denominated "Religion, sexualities, education and social assistance: Influence of religion in the 24 provinces of contemporary Argentina" (ANPCYT, PICT 2010-2062). The present research focalizes on the projection of religions in the province of Mendoza, considering the areas of education and gender relations (sexualities). It questions how religious groups relates with the public institutions of the province, how religious organizations negotiate their legitimacy with the state and how these organizations influence the design and implement of educational and health policies. The hypothesis formulates the existence of a tension between the demand and visibility of citizen rights and the pretension of hegemonic religious institutions about universalizing their religious moral; the discontinuity between norms that contemplate citizen rights and their implementation as public policies that presents a strong religious pattern; the existence of differentiation in the articulation among social, religious and political agents according to the diverse representations of the legitimacy the religious groups have in the society. The methodological approach of this research forms part of the interpretative paradigm which aims to comprehend, reflexively, the social phenomena. It seeks the motives and believes which sustain the social action of the agents in order to analyze the categories or significances they use to interpret their reality. It employs qualitative techniques, like documental and content analysis; deep interviews with religious actors, public employees and agents of the health and education system; observation.

Review-essay of: DILLON, Michael, Deconstructing International Politics, Routledge, Nueva York, 2012, ps. 213. NEOCLEOUS, Mark, Critique of security, Edinburgh University Press, Edimburgo, 2008, ps. 256 NEOCLEOUS, Mark & RIGAKOS, Georg (ed.), Anti-Security. Red Quill Books, Otawa, 2011, ps. 270 ; Review-essay de: DILLON, Michael, Deconstructing International Politics, Routledge, Nueva York, 2012, ps. 213. NEOCLEOUS, Mark, Critique of security, Edinburgh University Press, Edimburgo, 2008, ps. 256 NEOCLEOUS, Mark & RIGAKOS, Georg (ed.), Anti-Security. Red Quill Books, Otawa, 2011, ps. 270

This article examines the sources, structures and the possible meaning of Clausewitz's theory. The paper suggests an interpretation of Vom Kriege and provides a comparison with Goethe and Fichte. It points out that Clausewitz set the rationale of an integral politics theory, reintroducing human nature as opposed to culture and creating a classical conceptual order prevailing over Romanticism, as well as forging essential concepts for a critical view of liberalism. ; El presente artículo analiza las fuentes, la estructura y los significados posibles del pensamiento de Clausewitz. Propone una interpretación de Vom Kriege en sintonía con el pensamiento de Goethe y Fichte. Señala que Clausewitz construyó los cimientos de una teoría de la política integral, reintroduciendo la naturaleza humana frente a las convenciones. Configurando un orden conceptual clásico dominante sobre ciertos aspectos románticos, Clausewitz forjó conceptos fundamentales para la crítica de la visión liberal de la política.

This article contains a reflection on the survival of art after its end, focusing on its ability to transcend and subvert reality, a capacity that is not always updated or updated and shared with religion and politics. That is why does this reflection look at both religion and politics with the desire to find illuminations to understand the problematic destiny of modern and contemporary art. ; Este artículo recoge una reflexión sobre la pervivencia del arte después de su final, centrada en torno a su capacidad de trascender y subvertir la realidad, una capacidad no siempre actualizada o actualizable que comparte con la religión y la política. Por eso dicha reflexión mira a ambas ¿religión y política¿ con el deseo de encontrar iluminaciones para entender el problemático destino del arte moderno y contemporáneo.

Nos proponemos aquí introducir el debate sobre géneros, sexualidades y religiones en el campo de las ciencias sociales de la religión; interrogarmos acerca de las potencialidades y límites del concepto o la llamada perspectiva de género desde el punto de vista de las interseccionalidades y de los estudios postcoloniales. Asimismo, presentar los artículos de Leïla Benhadjoudja y Micheline Milot, Ramola Ramtohul, Ana María Bidegain y Juan Marco Vaggione como un aporte para los debates teóricos sobre la secularización engenerada, el agenciamiento de los actores sociales, la laicidad, el pluralismo religioso, la política sexual y la deconstrucción del orden heteropatriarcal retomando las imbricaciones entre lo religioso y lo político. ; In this paper we introduce the debate on gender(s), sexualities and religions in the field of social sciences of religion. We discuss the potential and limits of the concept of gender and the "gender perspective' from the point of view of intersectionalities and postcolonialism studies. Moreover, we present the work of Leïla Benhadjoudja and Micheline Milot, Ramola Ramtohul, Ana María Bidegain and Juan Marco Vaggione as contribution to the debates about engendered secularization, agency, läicité, religious pluralism, sexual politics and the heteropatriarchal order's deconstruction analyzing the overlaps between the religious and politics. ; Fil: García Somoza, Mari Sol. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Saavedra 15. Centro de Estudios e Investigaciones Laborales; Argentina. Universite de Paris V; Francia. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina ; Fil: Irrazabal, María Gabriela. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Saavedra 15. Centro de Estudios e Investigaciones Laborales; Argentina

*This series is the result of an adaptation of a paper presented as part of a seminar on "Theories and Research in International Relations" at Hebrew University, July 2012. Commentaries are welcome to daniel.wajner@mail.huji.ac.il Controversial discussions about the nature of Power have characterized the study of Social Sciences, in general, and International Relations (IR) in particular. This seems logic - if we consider politics as a "game", their "participants" tend to develop a range of "skills", which allow them to assume different "roles", influencing thus in the "results". Thus, understanding the mechanisms by which this whole process ("the game") operates is intrinsic to the analysis of the outcomes, what explains why the revision of the concept of power has always been especially popular, including in recent times.Throughout this series we will review some academic approaches to the concept of power and its implementation in international politics. We will present in this first article the debates on the ontology of power (generally referred as "the faces of power"), and the ways in which this influenced the theoretical divisions in IR.In a second article we will introduce epistemological approaches, leading to controversies on the mechanisms involved in the activation of power and its dimensions (such as today's mantra "hard vs. soft power"). Finally, we will deal in a third article with some methodological schemes for Power Analysis in IR, while indicating areas for possible innovation using cases of the "Arab Spring" as illustrations.Power, Powerful, Powerless: The Ontological DebateThe first ontological debate around the concept of power could be placed in the dispute between those who address it as an interaction and those who understand it as a resource.To this end, Weber constitutes our first station. He identifies power in a relationship as the ability to control the behavior of others, even against its will. Weber is focused on the context of that relationship (one's position vis-à-vis others), which determines the capacity of empowerment.1That led him to approach the topic of legitimacy by dividing between power (Macht) and authority (herrschaft, i.e. legitimate power), issue that will be reminded in next articles.Against Weber's integral approach came out Dahl with his renowned definition: "A has power over B, if A gets B do something that B would not otherwise do", which installed "officially" the controversy in political sciences on how power is operated. According to Dahl, that "something" must be based in a change of behavior produced by an observable act - possible to analyze and be measured. His attention was centered on the characteristics of the material resources (their Base, Means, Amount and Scope) and how they are utilized to get certain effects; however, power is still conceptualized as a relationship, since what needs to be clearly discernible is the conflict, the interaction. Non-observable acts, according to Dahl, should be included in a different concept, such as Influence.2The Realist tradition in IR, as well as many scholars in the Liberal tradition, adopted Dahl's definition as a starting point for their analysis on Power Relationships, and even went one step forward. They saw the context as secondary, since certain power bases are so critical that do not really depend on circumstances or specific nature of interaction. Consequently, for classical realists as Carr, Morgenthau and Aron, the military force is "that" observable act which represents the power of the actors (albeit in most of the cases the economic resources were a prerequisite, as explain Berenskoetter and Williams).3Against that mainstream idea, some scholars battled in the sixties and seventies by presenting two approaches which became popularly known as The Second Face of Power and The Third Face of Power. It is important to note that both approaches emerge from this ontological debate on "what is power?", but their main implications would be on the epistemological discussion on "how do we study power relations?", which helped to the development of Critical and Constructivist research programs, as we will see in the next article.In the first approach, Bachrach and Baratz argue that not always a concrete change in behavior needs to be detected to confirm the existence of a conflict in Power Relationships; it could be expressed through the "mobilization of bias", an "unmeasurable element".4 In the second approach, Lukes went beyond that idea and expressed that the mere existence of conflict is not a condition; in other words, the absence of conflict do not necessarily indicate the absence of Power Relationships.5 Lukes, as a neo-marxist building on Gramsci, introduced the structural sphere of the concept of Power. Powerful and powerless agents are characterized in function of their ability to shape the system through culture and education, which will determine the interests of the actors. Foucalt and Bourdieu, with their vision of Knowledge-as-Power6 and Symbolic Power7 , respectively, went in the same direction.More recently, a similar ontological debate could be found in terms of Power Over-Power To, presented by Barnett and Duvall. In the first one, they define power as "the capacity of the actor to determine his own actions", so the perspective is based on the actor itself; by contrast, in the second one a Power Relationship is needed.8 In that sense, the famous article of Nye about Soft Power, which would be broadly approached in the following articles, builds also on this issue - power could be understood as "the ability to get the outcomes one wants" (in the form of Power-To), but also as "the ability to influence the behaviors of others to get the outcomes one wants." (in the form of Power-Over)9.1 Max Weber, Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology. (California: University of Berkeley, 1978. Edited by Guenther Roth and Claus Wittich).2Robert A. Dahl, "The concept of Power", Behavioral Science 2(3), July 1957, 201-2153Felix Berenskoetter and Michael .J. Williams. Power in World Politics. (NYC: Routledge, 2007), p.64Peter Bachrach and Morton S. Baratz. "Two Faces of Power". The American Political Science Review 56 No4 (December 1962), 947-9525Stephen Lukes, "Power and the Battle for Hearts and Minds", Millennium, 33, No3 (2005), 477-4936Michael Foucalt, Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings 1972-77 (Brighton: Havester, 1980)7Pierre Bourdieu, Language & Symbolic Power (NYC : Polity Press, 2001)8Michael Barnett and Raymond Duvall, "Power in International Politics," International Organization 59, No1, (Winter 2005), p. 469Joseph S. Nye, Soft Power- The Means to Success in World Politics (NYC: PublicAffairs, 2004), p.2 Fabian Daniel Wajner is a Research and Teaching Assistant at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem (Department of International Relations) and a Fellow of the Liweranth Center for Latin America Studies.

Review of: Steven C. Roach, (2020). Handbook of Critical International Relations. Edward Elgar, 384 pp. ; Reseña de: Steven C. Roach, (2020). Handbook of Critical International Relations. Edward Elgar, 384 pp.