Suchergebnisse

Problem przystąpienia Polski do strefy euro jest ponadczasowy, ważny nie tylko w kwestiach gospodarczych i politycznych, ale przede wszystkim cywilizacyjnych. Nasz kraj po upadku komunizmu opowiedział się za włączeniem do struktur europejskich (NATO i Unia Europejska). Była w tym wyborze zgoda elit politycznych, podporządkowano temu całą polską politykę wewnętrzną i zagraniczną. Cel został osiągnięty w latach 1999–2004. Wydawać by się mogło, że po osiągnięciu tego sukcesu państwo polskie dalej będzie się integrować z Zachodem, wpisywać się w krąg cywilizacji zachodnioeuropejskiej. To jedyna droga wyjścia z peryferii i zajęcia miejsca w centrum Europy i zachodniej cywilizacji, do czego Polska dążyła bezskutecznie przez kilkaset lat. Tymczasem okazało się, że większość elit politycznych z koniunkturalnych i doraźnych pobudek zmieniła w tej fundamentalnej sprawie zdanie. Jest to bardzo niebezpieczny trend polityczny, ponieważ możemy być w najbliższej przyszłości jako państwo, ale również społeczeństwo zmarginalizowani jako peryferie w przestrzeni europejskiej. Euro to nie tylko wspólna waluta, ale gwarant stałego miejsca w centrum Europy co mogłoby zapewnić Polsce bezpieczny byt, stabilność gospodarczą obecnie i w przyszłości, wyzwolenie się od przeszłości wschodnioeuropejskiej. ; The issue of Poland's accession to the eurozone is universal and crucial both in economic and political terms, as well as with reference to civilizational processes. After the collapse of communism, Poland opted to join European structures (NATO and the European Union). This choice was concordantly made by the political elite, and the entire internal and foreign policy of Poland was aimed at these goals, which were eventually achieved in 1999–2004. It might seem that having succeeded there, Poland would continue to integrate with the West and become a part of Western European civilization. This is the only way to escape the peripheries and take a central position in Europe and western civilization, something Poland has unavailingly endeavored to achieve for centuries. It has turned out, however, that on account of opportunistic and short-term gains the majority of the political elite have changed their standpoint on this fundamental issue. This political trend is quite dangerous as it may result in the Polish state and society being marginalized on the peripheries of European circles. The euro is more than a single currency, it is also a guarantee of Poland's permanent position in the center of Europe, that could ensure secure its existence, its present and future economic stability, and liberation from its Eastern European past.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze public discussion on the place of the artist Nergal in Polish society (or outside of this society). This discussion has significantly expanded the present context of the tabloidization of political stage and the dimension of politicality. As indicated by Chantal Mouffe, modern politicality is played out in the "moral register". The conflict between "right and left" wing is replaced by the "struggle between good and evil". Politicians have 'used' a private individual, or the artist-celebrity - Adam Darski, to create a powerful social dichotomy, dividing society into good, religious, Catholic believers who condemn the staged artistic expression of the Behemoth band and the bad, non-religious, non-Catholic non-believers who are indifferent to how religious symbols are used. What is peculiar is the fact that this discussion took place in the opinion-forming press on the one hand and in tabloids and gossip services on the other. This undoubtedly demonstrated the tabloid-like dimension of the Polish political stage, which has been observable for some time now, although all sides were convinced they were acting as a defender of Polish democracy.

Historical policy versus the politics of remembrance is undoubtedly a policy, or a peculiar way to 'conduct policy,' where the optimally true knowledge of history as well as falsified and mythicized information about the past are a means to maintain, win and participate in power. By this token, historical policy is about the instrumentalization of the knowledge of history and mythicized accounts or opinions of the past for the sake of the implementation of a political agenda.So far, the concept of 'historical policy' has not yet become a clear academic category, which makes it difficult to agree what it actually encompasses. Still, the concept of 'historical policy' stands a chance of becoming an objective category in political science. Some professional historians may lean towards a certain skepticism, especially if they accept the traditional paradigm of studying the history of society.Misunderstandings regarding the issue of 'historical policy' sometimes result in a tendency to reject the possibility of this concept being applied by academics from the humanities and social fields of science. Recently, the issue of 'historical policy' has become of interest to political scientists, whose area of study involves the multiplicity of 'detailed policies.''Historical policy' is also discussed by many journalists who do not always present deepened reflections and concrete attitudes, as they rather tend to express their subjective views. It turns out that some Polish historians, political scientists and journalists are embroiled in the current political dispute in Poland. They frequently assume the role of lobbyists or opponents of one option of historical policy or another. The issue of historical policy requires analysis and explanation in an objective and multidisciplinary manner. It is a positive phenomenon that more and more publications with academic aspirations are emerging on this subject in Poland. One should recommend the cooperation between political scientists and historians in order to review and reliably explain planned and executed historical policy in a comparative manner. ; Historical policy versus the politics of remembrance is undoubtedly a policy, or a peculiar way to 'conduct policy,' where the optimally true knowledge of history as well as falsified and mythicized information about the past are a means to maintain, win and participate in power. By this token, historical policy is about the instrumentalization of the knowledge of history and mythicized accounts or opinions of the past for the sake of the implementation of a political agenda.So far, the concept of 'historical policy' has not yet become a clear academic category, which makes it difficult to agree what it actually encompasses. Still, the concept of 'historical policy' stands a chance of becoming an objective category in political science. Some professional historians may lean towards a certain skepticism, especially if they accept the traditional paradigm of studying the history of society.Misunderstandings regarding the issue of 'historical policy' sometimes result in a tendency to reject the possibility of this concept being applied by academics from the humanities and social fields of science. Recently, the issue of 'historical policy' has become of interest to political scientists, whose area of study involves the multiplicity of 'detailed policies.''Historical policy' is also discussed by many journalists who do not always present deepened reflections and concrete attitudes, as they rather tend to express their subjective views. It turns out that some Polish historians, political scientists and journalists are embroiled in the current political dispute in Poland. They frequently assume the role of lobbyists or opponents of one option of historical policy or another. The issue of historical policy requires analysis and explanation in an objective and multidisciplinary manner. It is a positive phenomenon that more and more publications with academic aspirations are emerging on this subject in Poland. One should recommend the cooperation between political scientists and historians in order to review and reliably explain planned and executed historical policy in a comparative manner.

The Church, accepting the paschal gift of peace, carries it onto the next generations of the faithful, at the same time dissociates itself from pacifist ideologies. Nevertheless, it does not fear to use military provenance vocabulary in the proclamation of the Gospel. Freedom that Christ brings may be the foundation of freedom for particular nations and states. Apart from philosophers', historians' and political scientists' opinions, theologians' statements regarding anthropologies founding pacifisms send out an important message that can contribute to the national and international security development. ; Kościół, przyjmując paschalny dar pokoju, niesie go w kolejnych pokoleniach wierzących, jednocześnie odcinając się od ideologii pacyfistycznych. W głoszeniu Ewangelii zaś nie obawia się on posługiwać słownictwem militarnej proweniencji. Wolność, którą przynosi Chrystus, może być fundamentem dla wolności poszczególnych narodów i państw. Wypowiedzi teologów o antropologiach fundujących pacyfizmy to obok opinii filozofów, historyków i politologów ważny głos mogący się przyczynić do tworzenia bezpieczeństwa tak narodowego, jak i międzynarodowego.

One of the consequences of Poland's membership in EU is the necessity to pursue politics, within the union, which is optimal for EU's interest. This involves, among other things, identifying potential gains, challenges or threats, making choices and decisions, formulating goals and selecting tools to achieve them. This article is an attempt at indentifying major dilemmas and challenges facing Poland as a EU member country in the second decade of the 21st century. They pertain to the following issues: membership in the eurozone, diversification of integration in EU, further deepening of integration within the organization and of its model, development of EU's safety and defence policy, energy and climate policy, accepting new members and the exit of Great Britain from the union. The author outlines some conditions and options that Poland has to take into consideration as a EU member country.

Kłodzko Fortress - an undisputed witness of the stormy Silesian wars between the two powers: Austria and Prussia, whose course changed the map of 18th- century Europe, but above all the building which is a unique example of modern military architecture in Europe, where the architectural solutions of several fortification schools intersect, preserved to this day and making the Kłodzko fortress a kind of encyclopedia of fortifications - remains outside the list of monuments recognized as Monuments of History. The efforts undertaken in 2009 to include the fortress on this list of prestigious monuments did not bring the expected result, and the past decade has provided many valuable conclusions on the role and scope of protection of monuments in relation to both local and central politics. This article is an attempt at a synthetic presentation of the case of the Kłodzko Fortress in connection with a renewed attempt to obtain the title of a Monument of History. It is also an echo of the voices focusing on the strictly Polish heritage that emerged during the conference Monuments of History - protection, management, promotion. ; Twierdza Kłodzko – niekwestionowany świadek burzliwych wojen śląskich między dwoma mocarstwami: cesarską Austrią i rosnącymi w silę Prusami, których przebieg zmienił mapę XVIIIwiecznej Europy, ale przede wszystkim obiekt stanowiący wyjątkowy w skali Europy przykład nowożytnej architectura militaris, gdzie krzyżują się rozwiązania architektoniczne kilku szkół fortyfikacyjnych, zachowane do dziś i czyniące z kłodzkiej twierdzy swoistą encyklopedię fortyfikacji – pozostaje poza listą zabytków uznanych za Pomniki Historii. Podjęte w 2009 r. starania o wpisanie twierdzy na tę listę prestiżowych zabytków nie przyniosły spodziewanego rezultatu, a miniona dekada dostarcza wielu cennych wniosków na temat roli i zakresu ochrony zabytków wobec zarówno lokalnej, jak i centralnej polityki. Niniejszy artykuł stanowi próbę syntetycznej prezentacji przypadku Twierdzy Kłodzko w związku z ponownie podjętą próbą uzyskania tytułu Pomnika Historii. Jest również echem głosów koncentrujących się na dziedzictwie stricte polskim, wybrzmiałych podczas konferencji Pomniki Historii – ochrona, zarządzanie, promocja.

This article describes why the Polish government has pushed for an invocation to Christian traditions in the European Union Constitution. It is ar- gued that this is a rather 'unfortunate' outcome of the political alliance between the Catholic Church and the Polish left, especially between President Alek- sander Kwas ́niewski and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD). This alliance al- lowed the SLD to legitimize their rule in the post-socialist Poland, and it was a result of a political competition between them and the post-Solidarnos ́c ́ elites. As a result, John Paul II became the central integrative metaphor for the Polish society at large, which brought back in the marginalized as well as allowed the transition establishment to win the EU accession referendum in 2003. The arti- cle (which was written when Leszek Miller was still Prime Minister) demon- strates how this alliance crystallized and presents various elements of the cult of the Pope in Poland that followed. Finally, it argues that the worship of the Pope is not an example of nationalism, but of populism, understood not as a peripheral but as a central political force, and advocates for more research on the 'politics of emotions' at work in the centers and not in peripheries.

The article examines the Polish regional differences after 1990. It shows the evolutionary process of creation and re-creation of a regional identity (from administrative regions to regions of identity). The author characterizes types of political representation in the Polish regions and wonders if the regions are independent entities of the EU policies. The author also asks about the relationships beetwen regions and the center from the perspective of construction of regional development strategies and about the advantages and disadvantages of concentration of capacity building in Warsaw. ; Udostępnienie publikacji Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego finansowane w ramach projektu "Doskonałość naukowa kluczem do doskonałości kształcenia". Projekt realizowany jest ze środków Europejskiego Funduszu Społecznego w ramach Programu Operacyjnego Wiedza Edukacja Rozwój; nr umowy: POWER.03.05.00-00-Z092/17-00.