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Any reflection on the relationship between religion and politics in the Catholic thought cannot do without reminding the Augustinian distinction between the civitas Dei and civitas terrena. The goal and foundation of any just political community should be the orientation to wards the common good. In the contemporary catholic thought, Johann Baptist Metz proposes a political theology revolving around the concepts of the value of the human person, the necessary refusal, on the part of the Church, of any mundane ideology and the necessary use of the socially critical potential of theological thought. Hans Küng criticizes any politicization of theology. He insists on the development of an internal pluralism within the Church and advocates a self-limitation of the magisterial intervention in the world in the name of a necessary "eschato logical reserve". Joseph Ratzinger/Pope Benedict the XVIth , invested with the magisterial authority, relies heavily on official documents of the Catholic social doctrine. He emphasizes the necessity of founding the state on the central value of justice and its acting according to the principle of subsidiarity. In this context, the Christian faith and the Church in particular may have a pedagogical role, as it may guide reason to follow the right priorities. All three thinkers agree on the public significance of the Christian vision of society and on the fact that it may help society both by its critical and by its constructive dimension.

Pierre Manent is viewed as a French thinker that develops in modern times the liberal tradition of political thinking. One of the most important issues of Manent's thinking that was not enough underlined it is the relationship between religion an politics and how this evolved from the beginning of Christianity until the main consequences of modernity. Manent view on religion and politics is the core of this paper analysis. The main contributions of Manent, such as Naissances de la politique moderne. Machiavel, Hobbes, Rousseau (1977), Histoire intellectuelle du lib.ralisme (1987) La cit. de l'homme (1994), Cours familier de philosophie politique (2001), La raison des nations. R.flections sur la d.mocratie en Europe (2006) are analyzed from this perspective. Our conclusion is that in the way Manent deals with the relationship between politics and religion there are some constants that may be found in all his work. These are: the relationship between the Church and the different forms of political organization in Europe (Civitas, Imperium, monarchy); the fact that Christianity is one of the few current relevant concepts for political, due to the failure of totalitarian ideologies; the idea that secularization in Europe is not irreversible; we live in "an age of separations", and Church-State is one of these separations; we witness the religion transformation process and the .tat la.que cannot survive to .tat-nation; the role of Islam in modern societies and his perpetual finding of a political form; the relationship between Judaism, state and nation; the issue of the Christian identity of Europe.

Siyaset sahnesine çıkması 1990'lı yıllara rastlayan ve ağır-lıklı olarak Kürtlerin sorunlarını, etnik siyaseti ve kimlik prob-lemlerini ön plana çıkaran Kürt siyaseti; ana omurgasını Halkın Emek Partisi (HEP), Özgürlük ve Demokrasi Partisi (ÖZDEP), Demokrasi Partisi (DEP), Halkın Demokrasi Partisi (HADEP), Demokratik Halk Partisi (DEHAP), Demokratik Toplum Partisi (DTP), Barış ve Demokrasi Partisi (BDP) ve Halkların Demokra-tik Partisi (HDP) gibi sol tandanslı partiler oluşturmaktadır. Sol söylemi benimseyen ve sosyal demokrat partilerle ittifak eden bu hareket, özellikle nüfusun yoğunluğunu Kürtlerin oluştur-duğu Doğu ve Güneydoğu Anadolu bölgesinden oy almakta-dır. Bu makalede; Kürt siyasal hareketinin dine, laikliğe, din eğitimine, Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı'na, İmam Hatip Okullarına, Aleviliğe bakışı partinin resmi yayınlarına, parti sözcülerinin ve eş başkanların konuşmalarına müracaat edilerek analiz edile-cektir. HDP'nin din söylemi bütüncül bir perspektifle ortaya koymak için belirlenen metodoloji ise deskriptif yöntem ve kısmen söylem analizidir. Bunın içinde öncelikle Kürt siyasal hareketinin kısa tarihçesi ve ideolojik bagajı verilerek HDP'nin din söylemi, belli parametreler doğrultusunda incelenecektir. ; The Kurdish politics which go on political scene coin-cided with the 1990s and predominantly address Kurdish prob-lems, ethnic politics and identity problem; its main backbone is formed with left-handed parties such as The Peoples' Labor Party (HEP), Freedom and Democracy Party (ÖZDEP), Democ-racy Party (DEP), The People's Democracy Party (HADEP), Democratic Peoples Party (DEHAP), The Democratic Society Party (DTP), the Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) and the Pe-ople's Democratic Party (HDP). This movement which embra-ces the left-wing discourse and alliances with social democratic parties takes votes in the eastern and southeastern Anatolia re-gion where the population is especially consist of mostly by the Kurds. In this article, The Kurdish political movement will be analyzed by referring ...

The Church-State relationships in EU Member States are in a process of a radical transformation. This is the result of a rapid political integration and also of the major transformations of the modernity. Religion is still part of the European public space even if, according to modernity premises, it should be only a private matter. According to Max Weber and other authors, secularization diminishes the role of the religion in society. However, these theories are being contested in recent years, due to the interpretation of statistical data and to the emergence of fundamentalist religious movements spreading around the world. Consequently, secularization is a tendency and not an "iron law". As regards the current role of the religion, Silvio Ferrari developed the theory according to which there is a common European model. This model does not exist yet, but certainly we live in an era defined by the continuous searching of such a model. There is no European identity without common values. Some of these values, like toleration, do have a profound religious foundation. European integration is based on the action of different actors, including interest groups located in Brussels. The Churches and the religious organizations are also part of this category of actors and they try to be part of a process by which a common space for consultation will emerge.

Toplumun bir nevi şahsi manevisi olan lider, etkileme ve yönlendirmegücü ile siyasete yön verirken, toplumu ve kendi seçmen kitlesini olumluveya olumsuz yönde dönüştürebilmektedir. Türkiye gibi siyasetin vedemokrasinin lider merkezli olduğu bir toplumda, liderin geçmişi,düşüncesi, kişilik yapısı, dini, ideolojisi, amaçları ve stratejisi oldukçaönem arzetmektedir. Değişimin ve dönüşümün mimarı olan lider,siyasetin manivelası olma özelliği taşır ve belirleyici etkilere sahiptir. Bumakale, Türkiye siyasetinde güçlü bir ağırlığa sahip olan siyasal liderlikolgusunu, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan örnekliği üzerinden incelemeyihedeflemektedir. Erdoğan'ın başarısının yapı taşlarını; içinde bulunduğutoplumsal sınıf, almış olduğu eğitim, yüklenmiş olduğu ideoloji ve erkenyaşta benimsemiş olduğu dini değerler oluşturmuştur. Erdoğan,neredeyse ortaokuldan itibaren siyasetin içinde politik bir aktör olarakvar olmuştur. 2001 yılından itibaren AK Parti ile Türk politik hayatınadamgasını vurmuş ve vurmaya da devam etmektedir. Oyunu sürekliartıran ve gücünü konsolide eden Erdoğan'ın incelenmesi, başta Türksiyasetine ve toplumuna ardından da küresel politik düşünceye katkıanlamını taşır. Bundan dolayı Erdoğan'ın başarısının parametrelerini velider olarak çizdiği siyasal portreyi incelemek vazgeçilmez öneme sahiptir.Bu çalışma, Erdoğan'ın medyaya yansıyan konuşmalarının analizedilerek başarısının kodlarının yakalanmaya çalışması ile ortayaçıkmıştır. Deskriptif bir yönteme dayanan bu çalışma, Erdoğan'ın geçmişiüzerinden lider merkezli siyasetin okunması, değerlendirilmesi veyorumlanmasına dayanmaktadır. ; The leader, a pattern of society as a role model, can transform society and his own constituency in a positive or negative way while politics has given direction by power of influence and management. Like Turkey, in a society which is based on leader- oriented politics and democracy, the leader's past, thoughts, personality, religious aspects, ideologies, goals and strategies are very important. Namely, the leader, who is the architect of ...

This article intends to analyze the role of religion in the public sphere in Habermas's theory. Despite the fact that the concept has been launched in a book published in 1961, only in 2005 the well-known German thinker has dealt explicitly with this issue. Even the critics of his public sphere model do not mention the lack of religion from the whole paradigm. Some of Habermas writings related to religion prior to 2005 are discussed. The role of religion in the public sphere is, according to Habermas, related with the issue of religious freedom and the State- Church separation, a model opposed to French laicïté. For Habermas, the state must not only be neutral to the religious discourse, but it must also encourage the participation of political organizations to public life. Another issue that is discussed by Habermas is the relationship between religious majorities and minorities. Habermas does assume a middle position between laicïté and the refuse of the modernity-imposed borders between religion and politics. The article takes an insight into the way Charles Taylor deals with the role of religion in the public sphere, a helpful argument for showing that the debate on this issue is only at the beginning.

At the end of World War I, Germany was neither politically, nor culturally
"attendable", for most of the European countries. In this context, one of the main
cultural aims of the Weimar Republic will be the resumption of the cultural and
academic relations with other countries. The foreign students were invested with a
major role in this respect. The Weimar Republic has taken institutional and financial
steps in order to intensify the student migration and to repopulate its universities
with foreign students, measures that have paid off in the mid 20s. In 1925, the
percentage of foreign students in Germany reached again the pre-war level. The
groups of foreign students best represented in the German universities were the
Romanians, the Bulgarians and the Polish. The paper also takes a look at the
evolution of the foreign students in Germany during 1918-1933, focusing on their
country of origin, the preferred institutions of higher education and fields of study,
as well as on the presence of female students from foreign countries in Germany.