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A random sample of 912 persons in Delft, the Netherlands, was used to investigate the influence of several variables on the independent variable of SP progressiveness (SPP). A matrix of correlations between 15 items of the original questionnaire was computed: 8 items which were highly related to each other were found. These items were used as indicators for SSP by summing the answers of each R on every item. On these scores an analysis of variance was carried out with 5 independent variables: religion, age, income, level of educ, & sex. The following findings were obtained: (a) Religion had a signif influence on SPP scores; R's who do not have any specific religion tend to be more progressive than others. Furthermore, Catholics tend to be more progressive than Protestants & Dutch-Reformed. (b) The level of educ & income had signif influences on SPP-scores; the higher the income or the educ'al level, the lower the progressiveness-score. (c) The variables age & sex did not have signif influences on SPP-scores. (d) The 5 variables included in the design explained 32% of the total variance in the SPP-scores. Of the remaining 68%, about 27% can be explained in terms of error-variance. This means that about 41% of the total variance in SPP-scores has to be explained by factors which are not included in the design. 3 Tables. Modified HA.

Following some general observations on the growing secularization of Western societies & after producing statistical data documenting the percentages of Muslim populations in Belgium & the Netherlands, three major issues are addressed from a Belgian perspective: (1) Islam bashing in the context of the recognition of freedom of religions & worldviews in a modern democratic society, (2) policies & attitudes toward visible religious symbols worn in public places; the banning of the hijab (the headscarf worn by Muslim females) in Antwerp public schools, & (3) the degree of separation between state & religion in Belgium. It is argued that the Islamic religion should not be associated with violence, terrorism, or oppression of women; Islam should be integrated on equal rights with other religions into the Belgian society, while emancipative & liberal movements within it should be actively supported. The banning of head scarves for Muslim teachers & students in Flanders is assessed from the broader perspective of similar policies, either implemented or planned, in France, Germany, & other European countries. Articles from the Belgian constitution are quoted to illustrate that the separation between state & religion in this country is incomplete; although the government adopts a neutral stance toward all worldviews, the state recognizes six official religions whose practice is partially supported with tax-payer's money & their clergy receive state pension; the favoring of the Catholic Church in this arrangement is pointed out. It is concluded on a general note that despite the secularization of the society, religious issues figure prominently in the public sphere. Z. Dubiel

Results from the 1986 parliamentary elections in the Netherlands are examined to assess the impact on voting behavior of several major factors: pillarization, based on religion & SC; issues; candidate orientations; & ideology. The importance of religion & SC has declined since the 1950s, with religious voters supporting secular parties & secular voters also supporting religious parties, especially the Christian Democrats. Issues & economic ideology are strongly related to party choice; candidate orientations also have some influence. Each of these perspectives explains part of voter behavior; together they yield two discriminant functions, one correlated with Left-Right orientation, various political issues, & support for various candidates, the other with religiosity & abortion attitudes. Together, these discriminant functions correctly classify 52% of voters by party preferences. 20 Tables, 2 Figures. Modified HA

In 2008, the Dutch politician Geert Wilders (Partij voor de Vrijheid PVV, Party For Freedom) published on the Internet his film Fitna, discussing the Islam in what the author of the present article calls an amateurish series of stereotypes, prejudices, decontextualized images and (purposeful) mistranslations. The Dutch debate surrounding the movies was almost exclusively directed in terms of freedom of opinion and expression, and their alleged threat. An upheaval amongst the Dutch political elite and within media circles that was, however, disappointingly short. In the present article, the author discusses the obsession for Islam as a symptom of growing political incapacity to make a rational and nuanced analysis of the diversity and complexity of the Islam on the one hand, and the role and place of religion in the 21st century in general. The first part is a criticism of the conducted debate, the second part an effort to formulate the right questions that can lead to some realistic answers. References. O. van Zijl

While Christian Democratic parties in several Western European countries are often said to be in crisis, the European People's Party holds the largest parliamentary group in the European Parliament since 1999. This paradox relies on the specificity of the different 'national' electoral logics, on the one hand, & the realization of a long-term 'European' majority strategy, on the other. The alliance with Conservatives & Conservative parties has to overcome an absolute electoral decline in 'old' EU countries & a relative decline through the accession of 'new' member states without Christian Democratic parties. The EPP majority strategy is realized through various ways: the key position of the transnational party & party group, the role of political leadership, the way of decision making, the cooperation with side organizations, the problem solving of ideological conflicts, etc. Our analysis proves how the majority strategy of the European Christian Democrats realizes its ultimate 'survival strategy' despite (or thanks to) several national party crises. 2 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

The present article discusses the differences between the Islam debate in the Netherlands and its European neighboring countries and whether the Dutch perception of Muslims, Islam and themes related to fundamentalism and terrorism differ from those in other countries. The article explains that the decrease in tolerance as experienced over the last years is only partly similar with developments in other West-European societies and structures the discussion around 4 subjects: essentialist monists (rejecting the presence of Islam and Muslims in Western societies); evolutionary monists (rejecting the integration of the Muslim culture in a western society, but not the Muslims); essentialist pluralists (multicultural aspirations, rejecting western superiority and welcoming Islam and Muslims without far stretching adaptation by the cultures involved); and evolutionary pluralists (integration of the autochthonous and foreign culture). The article concludes by stating the Dutch multiculturalism will remain through a rapid cultural modernization of the country on the one hand, and an only partly assumed World War II trauma on the other. O. van Zijl

A review of the literature indicates that only a minority of youth shift to a more extreme (leftist or rightist) political position because of their experience with unemployment. Rather, unemployment deepens the political apathy of youth because it serves to isolate youth. The learned-helplessness experience of unemployment also contributes to their political apathy. Analysis of 1985 survey data from 536 employed & 220 unemployed youth regarding their political, socioeconomic, & religious attitudes, & their voting behavior, reveals that the unemployed described themselves as "center left," & were more radical on socioeconomic issues & favored a more leftist vote than the employed. The unemployed were also more skeptical about religion & more permissive in sexual ethics. 3 Tables. Modified HA

An alternative approach to studying the relationship between the working class & authoritarianism is presented to overcome the difficulties found in the debate between C. P. Middendorp's & J. D. Meloen's "Over het autoritarisme van de arbeidersklasse" ([Working-Class Authoritarianism] Acta Politica, 1989, 24, 83-96) & P. Dekker's & P. Ester's "Klassepositie als determinant van autoritarisme; een reactie op Meloen en Middendorp" ([Class Position as a Determinant of Authoritarianism; A Response to Meloen and Middendorp] Acta Politica, 1989, 24, 97-104). Analysis of statistical data compiled in A. Felling, et al (Religion in Dutch Society 1985. Documentation of a National Survey on Religious and Secular Attitudes in 1985, Amsterdam: Steinmetz Archive, 1987), shows that it is not the working class, but rather small independent businessmen & farmers, who are the most authoritarian segments of the Dutch population. 4 Tables, 21 References. M. Meeks

Sociological research concerning three Catholic "pillar" organizations (the Catholic school system, the Christian hospitals, & the Catholic U) indicates that secularization is not followed by "depillarization" or weakening of the Catholic pillars. It is suggested that there is a process of secularization within the Catholic organizations, with as main components the development of a sociocultural Christianity (a secular surrogate for church religion) & professionalization by which Christian organizations ensure job security & social advancement for its loyal members. Thanks to its informal ties with the Christian pillar organizations, the Parti Social Chretien (Christian Democrat Party) acts on both components by stressing the specific identity & defining the interests of the pillar organizations. This explanation reveals some major aspects of the ties between Catholics (in the sociological sense) & their party, a bond that is certainly not affected by the secularization process. Modified HA.