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SUMMARY:
Mikhail Dolbilov's article focuses on what can be called a "bureaucratic history" of the 1865 ban and the parallel official Cyrillization of the alphabet. These issues are analyzed in relation to the government's nationalist agenda and as a kind of window on the bureaucracy's mentality, the "inner world" of the Empire's managers serving in the Western borderlands.

Dolbilov seeks to reveal the rather intricate mechanics of bureaucratic decision-making on the question of introducing the ban. Based on a range of archival sources, the study challenges the widespread historiographical notion that the Vilnius higher administrators, Mikhail Murav'ev and Konstantin Kaufman, were the principal initiators of this ban (Murav'ev even seems to have tolerated the preservation of the Latin script for religious publications) and demonstrates the crucial role that lower officials affiliated with the Ministry of Public Education, especially the inspector of the Vilnius Educational District in Kaunas Province ( gubernia ) and Slavophile-oriented journalist Nikolai Novikov, played in the prohibition process. The excessive influence of this local middle-ranking official has come to be treated as a reflection of a broader political and cultural phenomenon in terms of a liberalized model of administrative subordination, which emerged during the Great Reforms, and the growing interaction of enterprising, energetic bureaucrats with the nationally-minded segment of public opinion.

The article goes on to discuss the notions Novikov and his fellow officials were developing about the significance of the alphabet's Cyrillization for the "Russification" of the Lithuanians. Dolbilov argues that these Russifiers were definitely interested in dealing with the Lithuanians in this way, paying a lesser share of attention to fighting the perceived threat of Polonization (i.e., the concept of Lithuanians as potential Poles). Moreover, thanks to such activities, the educational branch of Imperial administration for decades became an informal centre for the provision of special expertise on the Lithuanians and more influential, in this individual instance, than the Ministry of the Interior.

Novikov's attitudes were shaped far less by a linguistically-based knowledge of how to transform Lithuanian peasant children into loyal, Russian-speaking subjects than by the populist and anti-elitist values of the Great Reform era. He heavily accented the social aspects of assimilating the Lithuanians, who he saw as part of the Empire's liberated peasantry. In this light, Cyrillization was intended to help overcome the divergence of the Samogitian and Lithuanian dialects, which had probably been exaggerated by the officials. This unification, for Novikov and his collaborators, was particularly important in that it meant a step towards a supposedly civilizing and integrating social homogenization of the rural masses in Kaunas Province, making them receptive to Great Russian communal ( obshchina ) ways and practices. Such a vision strongly affected the Russifiers' ideas about teaching methods and, moreover, the teaching objectives in the so-called 'people's schools' in Kaunas Province. Even when the Imperial government's reformist spirit began to evaporate, the Cyrillic script continued to be viewed as both a tool and a sign of the benevolent liberation of the peasantry en masse from the domination of a selfish and backward elite, namely the Catholic clergy: the overriding official myth of emancipation having come from the tsar proved to be tenacious.

Until the turn of the nineteenth century, the combination of bureaucratic inertia and lack of co-ordination between the different branches of the administration, on the one hand, and the legacy of the 1860s reformist aspirations, on the other, prevented the Lithuanian case from being thoroughly considered in the bureaucracy from an ethno-linguistic perspective beyond the realm of social stereotypes. In 1881, Lev Makov, the director of the Department for the Religious Affairs of Foreign Faiths under the Ministry of the Interior, supported an attempt by Telšiai Bishop Aleksandr Beresniewicz to lift the 1865 ban, pointing out that it was not the Latin alphabet but its prohibition that was facilitating the assimilation of the Lithuanians by the Poles. However, the attempt was killed by the Ministry of Public Education which saw this concession as a dramatic and compromising break in the continuity of the policies it had been pursuing since the mid-1860s, including restrictions on the Catholic clergy's educational activities.

Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to examine peace as a paradigm for promoting peace culture.


Design/methodology/approach
The paper amalgamates paradigmatic concepts, insights and analytical writing while building on existing literature.


Findings
The findings of this research suggest that the paradigm of peace can be used as a model to promote peace culture and harmony in the 21st century, which is characterized by "hyper" and "super" diversity. Diversity is everywhere, including schools, workplaces and marketplaces. Diversity is very complex and encompasses nearly every element of human life. Diversity should not only be based on the race, culture, ethnicity, religion or gender of an individual. Diversity should be based on the uniqueness of an individual. The fact that we live in a diverse world does not mean that we cannot coexist harmoniously. This paper explores the paradigm of peace research by focusing on how it enhances peace culture to thrive amidst diversity. This study also illustrates that peace and conflict studies cannot be restricted to the resolution of war, violence and conflict. It can likewise aid us in addressing cultural, racial, religious and ethnic concerns. In addition, this research demonstrates that encouraging positive peace (and discouraging negative peace) can be used as a deterrent against violence, including war and conflict. Furthermore, this paper demonstrates the significance of personal peace and some other types of peace. It demonstrates that inner peace combined with external peace yields personal peace. Therefore, an individual may not be able to enjoy the holistic values of personal peace without inner and external peace. Also, this research indicates that encouraging a daily culture of peace can assist us in becoming quotidian agents of peace.


Originality/value
Most publications focused on peace and conflict but made no connection between peace and culture. In addition, the majority of publications did not discuss peace as a paradigm that can aid in promoting a culture of peace and nonviolence. In addition, most papers did not link peace culture with diversity. Moreover, the majority of studies did not connect peace with the environment. This study addresses these gaps by introducing peace as a paradigm for fostering a culture of peace amidst diversity in the 21st century. This paper introduces peace as a paradigm for promoting nonviolence, peace culture and harmony. This study also emphasizes the need for environmental peace, thereby increasing awareness of the problems that affect the planet. This study also includes a discussion of positive and negative peace, as well as other definitions and viewpoints of peace. It also underlines the importance of establishing positive peace. This paper can be used as an introductory pathway to understanding the intriguing aspect of peace that fosters a peace culture if practiced adequately and why a peace culture is important in a world of diversity.

Introduction. Evolution of views on the value of scientific knowledge in various directions of Western philosophy, from the ancient period to the 20th century is analyzed in the article. The relevance of the article is due to the fact that the view of scientific knowledge as the value of scientific reality is a fairly new phenomenon.Methodology and sources. The methodological basis of the work is the cultural and philosophical analysis of various points of view in the works of both ancient philosophers, philosophers of the Renaissance and the New times (Plato, Aristotle, Pythagoras, F. Aquinas, Leonard da Vinci, F. Bacon, Locke, Hobbes, Descartes, Spinoza), as well as in the works of O. Comte, Spencer, Mach, Poincare, Pierce, James, Dewey, Jaspers, B. Russell, etc. (i.e. representatives of positivism, existentialism, neo-Thomism).Results and discussion. Today two directions could be distinguished in the relation to science: either its absolutization, that we name scientism, or the cult of an abstract person opposed to science – anthropologism. This is a consequence of the changes in the views on scientific knowledge that have taken place throughout the history of science. Thus, in the ancient period, the value of science was determined, firstly, not in relation to the practical activity of a human being, but only in relation to science to knowledge and cognition, and secondly, as a way of self-development of the individual. In the Middle Ages, science was the "handmaid" of theology. In the Renaissance science faced new challenges: the first was an anti-religious understanding of the essence of a person, the second was the justification of the role of scientific knowledge both for practice and for the worldview as a whole. It was on this understanding of the meaning of scientific knowledge that the concepts of the philosophers of the XVII–XVIII centuries were built, and they dominated until the middle of the XIX century. From this period, a one-sided approach begins to dominate – the ideological role of the value of science was denied and only its pragmatic value is taken. Along with this, there is also a critical attitude towards science, which then develops into anti-scientism. Today, a pessimistic approach (postmodernism, for example) the approach to the consideration of the value of scientific knowledge is characteristic of modern philosophical trends that deny not only the value of scientific knowledge, but also deny knowledge itself.Conclusion. The evaluation of scientific knowledge in Western philosophy has undergone significant changes. If in classical philosophy, with a few exceptions, the recognition of the comprehensive value of science prevailed, i.e. its ideological, humanistic and practical value, then in the future all these three main aspects of the value of scientific knowledge are analyzed. In the extreme forms, this leads to the emergence of antiscientism, for which it is the development of scientific knowledge is perceived as a source of human misery and suffering.

Introduction. The complex multifaceted essence of human as a biological, psychological, social being has attracted the attention of researchers and has caused hot debates during centuries. Still now, human being, her/his nature requires a broader understanding in the context of the synthesis of long-standing philosophical, psychological, religious traditions and contemporary sciences. Purpose. This paper aims to explore the phenomenon of human being through the lens of the Eastern philosophy and T. Leary's transpersonal perspective. Methodology. Exploratory research design was used for conducting this study. The author has used philosophical hermeneutics, secondary data collected from reports, journals, and periodicals along with own transpersonal experience. Theoretical basis and results. The essence of Eastern worldview is an awareness of unity and coherence of all things and phenomena. All things are the interdependent and interrelated parts of the One Whole: they are the different manifestations of the same unconditional reality. This is Tao for Taoists, Dharmakaya for Buddhists, Brahman for Hindus. These non-dualistic traditions emphasize: we have to transcend our dual thinking in order to perceive true nature of our inner self and to achieve the state of the absolute unity with everything that exists. "Subject – object" duality is illusory. Being disintegrated from the Oneness, a human is dissociated into different parts. The goal of a new interpretation of a human is to reintegrate these poles and transcend them. Merely theoretical approach to the problem of reintegration is insufficient. Reintegration requires a vivid experience of the "liberation" – the experience of enlightenment. This is a transpersonal experience that overcomes our common perception and goes beyond the usual "body-mind" frame. This experience was breathtakingly described by T. Leary. Experimenting with psilocybin and LSD, T. Leary was astonished that creativity was organically based; that human body contained billions of universes; and that human himself was the movement of various forms of energy. T. Leary proposed his own theory of evolution. Originality. The expansion of human horizons leads us to the new understanding/interpretation of a human being. Bringing the Eastern spiritual traditions, which perceive all objects and phenomena as various interrelated aspects of a single supreme reality, transpersonal psychology and modern sciences together, contemporary philosophers are able to design and develop a new approach to a human that will bridge the gap between different interpretations of a human being. T. Leary's ideas resonate with both quantum physics and the Eastern philosophy. In the 21st century, T. Leary's ideas are relevant again. Conclusion. The Eastern spiritual teachings and transpersonal experience put the human problem in a completely different context. It induces us to switch from identifying human beings with the body, mind, ego to embracing them as whole organisms interwoven into the fabric of universal entity. This holistic approach, according to which a human is an undivided, alive and organic, ideal and material being, may be seen as a launching pad for a new transdisciplinary paradigm.

Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton exemplify new forms of old nationalisms that are likely to define politics in the United States for many years to come. Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump exemplify - in Trump's case, to the point of caricature - contemporary versions of what I have previously called the thesis and antithesis of American nationalism. Both of these traditions have undergone important changes over the years in response to social, cultural and demographic shifts. Nevertheless, both also embody very old strains of American political culture, stretching back, in some cases, to the foundation of the republic and beyond. The contest between the new forms of these old traditions is likely to define politics in the United States for many years to come. In terms of overall ideology, the two strands of nationalism in the US resemble similar divides in France and India. Both countries have long possessed one nationalist tradition which stresses the country's identity as a bearer of universal values, and demands loyalty to the state and to those values as the test of being French or Indian; and opposing traditions which define a particular set of religious, racial or cultural characteristics as the test of belonging. In US foreign-policy terms, this divide corresponds, to some extent, to what Walter Russell Mead has called the 'Wilsonian' and 'Hamiltonian' traditions, on the one hand, and the 'Jacksonian' tradition on the other. (Mead describes a fourth, 'Jeffersonian' tradition that is somewhat more complicated in these terms. The two traditions can also be defined as expansionist and defensive (while keeping in mind the old adage about the best method of defence being attack). In cultural and psychological terms, they represent optimistic and pessimistic versions of American nationalism, and it is therefore natural that their respective supporters today correspond roughly to those who feel that, on balance, they have benefited from some aspect of the economic, cultural and social changes of the past half-century (or that they will in future), and those who feel that, on balance, they have lost. Because of their rootedness in American history, and because they are being fed by powerful and ongoing economic, demo-graphic and cultural developments, these opposing nationalist positions will not disappear in the years to come, though both are likely to undergo important modifications. The likelihood of the enduring power and influence of Trump's ideology in the United States is underlined by the fact that, as David Brooks has acutely observed, while the followers of Democratic challenger Bernie Sanders differ bitterly from Trump's on issues of social and economic justice, the role of the state, race, inclusivity and cultural diversity, they are in some ways very similar when it comes to economic nationalism and their support for a reduction in American commitments and engagements abroad (attitudes, fairly or unfairly, dubbed by the bipartisan US foreign-and security-policy establishment as 'isolationism'). (Survival / SWP)

I believe that early American sociologists showed a concern for the relationship between social structure and ideas. What about the nature of their formulation? First, it can be noted that they applied an evolutionary framework to their analyses of thought; they tended toward a macro-analysis of knowledge systems: characterizing the stages of thought from "primitive" to "modern" life. As a consequence, their analyses focused on "things" like traditional and modern knowledge. Second, they also preferred institutional analyses, that is, the types of thought generated by given institutions — religious, political, or economic. In particular, we may note that Sumner was closest to the materialist bent. As he explained it, the mores were products of concrete solutions to survival: in contrast, Giddings and Ross emphasized the development of knowledge from primarily a collectivist-idealist position; knowledge was generated by groups or societies in terms of basic inter-individual influences, Cooley shares the idealist bent of these two, yet he also emphasizes multiple factors in the genesis of knowledge, where Ward stressed a very broad collectivist orientation in accounting for the genesis of knowledge. Although Ward also argued that ideas emerged from feelings and that language was extremely important for the development of knowledge. Small's formulation approached most closely the idea of interest bound knowledge. For him, occupations (through the division of labor) generated ethical systems which basically supported their own interests. In this sense, Small is closely aligned with Sumner's materialist orientation. Giddings and Ross, tended to analyze a collective national (racial) type of knowledge; while Sumner, Ross and Cooley primarily concerned themselves with the mores of everyday life. Small expended a great deal of energy analyzing the history of social thought. Interestingly, all of these sociologists wrote about the foundations of social scientific knowledge. They did not take this aspect for granted and tried to demonstrate the utility and superiority of sociology for analyzing the modern world. In addition, all of these men accepted the pluralist thesis (in some version) that knowledge was generated by a variety of factors — not simply class interests. Concomitantly, they argued that public opinion was the most important source of political and social control in the modern world; therefore, it was not classes which needed to be accounted for but public opinion. Public opinion was not a nefarious term in their vocabulary, rather it meant a kind of collective conscience on the part of the middle classes. It should also be noted that early American sociologists utilized the sociology of knowledge to discredit other social theories. However, they did not criticize from a "Marxian" or "critical theory" type formulation (Habermas, 1968; Horkheimer, 1974; Lukacs, 1971; Marcuse, 1964; Wellmer, 1971; Schroyer, 1975). These early sociologists mainly showed that other social theories were limited or relied on partial explanations, From their point of view, other social theories were not scientific but rather utopian or fragmented: the writings of early American sociologists were primarily social-technological in nature than critical-emancipatory.

The authors in this volume discuss contemporary Islamic reformism in South Asia in some of its diverse historical orientations and geographical expressions, bringing us contemporary ethnographic perspectives against which to test claims about processes of reform and about trends such as 'Islamism' and 'global Islam'. The very use of terminology and categories is itself fraught with the dangers of bringing together what is actually substantially different under the same banner. While our authors have often found it necessary, perhaps for the sake of comparison or to help orient readers, to take on terms such as 'reformist' or 'Islamist', they are not using these as terms which imply identity—or even connection—between the groups so named, nor are they reifying such categories. In using such terms as shorthand to help identify specific projects, we are following broad definitions here in which 'Islamic modernism' refers to projects of change aiming to re-order Muslims' lifeworlds and institutional structures in dialogue with those produced under Western modernity; 'reformism' refers to projects whose specific focus is the bringing into line of religious beliefs and practices with the core foundations of Islam, by avoiding and purging out innovation, accretion and the intrusion of 'local custom'; and where 'Islamism' is a stronger position, which insists upon Islam as the heart of all institutions, practice and subjectivity—a privileging of Islam as the frame of reference by which to negotiate every issue of life; 'orthodoxy' is used according to its specific meaning in contexts in which individual authors work; the term may in some ethnographic locales refer to the orthodoxy of Islamist reform, while in others it is used to disparage those who do not heed the call for renewal and reform. 'Reformism' is particularly troublesome as a term, in that it covers broad trends stretching back at least 100 years, and encompassing a variety of positions which lay more or less stress upon specific aspects of processes of renewal; still, it is useful as a term in helping us to insist upon recognition of the differences between such projects and such contemporary obsessions as 'political Islam', 'Islamic fundamentalism' and so on. Authors here are generally following local usage in the ways in which they describe the movements discussed (thus, Kerala's Mujahid movement claims itself as part of a broaderIslahi—renewal—trend and is identified here as 'reformist').2But while broad terms are used, what the papers are actually involved in doing is addressing the issues of how specific groups deal with particular concerns. Thus, not, 'What do reformists think about secular education?', but, 'What do Kerala's Mujahids in the 2000s think? How has this shifted from the position taken in the 1940s? How does it differ from the contemporary position of opposing groups? And how is it informed by the wider socio-political climate of Kerala?' The papers here powerfully demonstrate the historical and geographical specificity of reform projects, whereas discourse structured through popular mainstream perspectives (such as 'clash of civilizations') ignores such embeddedness.

Soviet intervention in Afghanistan clearly indicates the strategic implications of its location. The political instability in the region (rise of fundamentalism in Iran, Iran-Iraq War and so on) has added to this significance. Be that as it may, Afghanistan's situation can be expressed in terms of its susceptibility to external pressures and intense factionalism within the land-locked state's dynamic populations. This latter aspect had divided the country several times over. Afghan foreign policy, therefore, has been viewed in this perspective. The present article reviews the stated facts to highlight the geographical significance of the location and its impact on the foreign policy. Introduction of the armed forces in national politics (this formed an important element in the country's politics right from the beginning) has been the most conspicuous development; it determined the who's and what's of the government. Traditional pressure groups, despite retaining some of their old hold on the society, had given way to radical groups or factions, armed forces and insurgent elements. These penetrated various strata of the Afghan society. Since 1963, when political liberalisation and participation was introduced, disruptive tendencies gradually impinged on the state's activities. Generally, this was evident between 1963–73 and was particularly so after the 1973 coup, when the Monarchy was replaced by a republican regime under Daud. Both, the Armed Forces and the Communist Party were involved but were sidelined once power was secured. This change did not bring the expected transformations in the patterns of administration. The change was only in name and power was still concentrated with Daud who began to implement his own policies that emerged between 1953–63. The period of his first stint in power coincided wiih an aggravation of problems, political and economic, caused by a closure of transit facilities. However, this pause was fully exploited by the radical parties who gradually brought the dominant elements of the Armed Forces under their influence, so that, they were able to deliver a coup d'etat under the leadership of Tarakki in April 1978. The new regime was not able to maintain effective control over the political situation that for the next twenty months brought internal political instability to its height and compelled the Soviet Union to move (this was perhaps to protect its vulnerable southern underbelly). The period from April 1978 onwards, saw active non-cooperation, large scale desertions from the Armed Forces and a deterioration of the economy. In addition, open opposition by the religious groups and insurgent elements presented a political picture that has been so vividly illustrated by Afghan political history. Intense factionalism and infighting within the regime saw Amin replacing the moderate Tarakki in September 1979. This led to a worsening of the political situation with the state at war with itself. This compelled the Soviet Union to move into Afghanistan. In a short but bloody war, Amin was disposed and a government under Karmal was established with Soviet support1. These developments then, clearly suggest the need to review the background of the patterns and problems of the foreign policy of Afghanistan as determined and identified by its locational characteristics.

Some aspects of traditional psychiatry were investigated in a sample of 80 Nigerians, varying in terms of sex, educational level and locality (rural or urban). The results suggest that at titudes towards traditional healers are generally favourable, that mystical causes of madness are the most popular; and that traditional healers are felt to have an important role to play in treating mad people. These conclusions apply regardless of educational level or locality. What people consider to be causing an abnormal behaviour is determined by their knowledge and belief systems. Our knowledge and belief systems are acquired through day to day infor mal education and, if one attends school, through formal education. It has been suggested that for African villagers, all diseases and misfortunes are religious experiences. Indeed, tradi tional informal education in Nigeria appears to teach people that psychiatric disorders are often caused by mystical means, which include spirit possession, witchcraft, black magic (often referred to as 'poisoning') and cursing. For example, a man who was hallucinating claimed it was because someone he owed money had cursed him; and a seriously depressed woman thought she was that way because her mother-in-law had gone to a magician to make black magic against her. It would seem reasonable to suppose that beliefs in mystical causes of psychiatric disorders would be strongest amongst uneducated people and those living in the more isolated rural areas. In contrast, people who have attended formal schools, or who are living in urban areas, might be expected to have more knowledge about other possible reasons for psychiatric disorders, e.g. medical, sociological or psychological. When a Nigerian is exhibiting a psychiatric disorder, he may be taken either to a medical doctor or to a traditional healer for treatment. Since the traditional healer may be considered the expert in mystical matters, and the medical doctor the expert in medical and psychological matters, one might expect some consistency between the perceived causes of psychiatric disorders and the type of treatment sought. Thus, if the disorders are seen as basically due to the intervention of spirits or to black magic, then the traditional healer's help would be ex pected to be enlisted. But if they are seen as caused by other means such as medical ones, it might be supposed that the aid of a medical doctor would be sought. However, it is possible that this analysis is somewhat of an oversimplification, for the following reasons. First, people may simultaneously hold conflicting beliefs about the causes of a psychiatric disorder. Second, regardless of one's beliefs, treatment may be sought because of its familiarity and availability. And third, people may simply have more confidence in one type of treatment over another. When considering psychiatric disorders, there is much scope for conflicting, inconsistent and confusing beliefs and actions. This is probably due partly to the fact that most abnormal behaviours are such that it is not possible to provide a single explanation or treatment for them. With this in mind, the present study was designed to investigate beliefs amongst a group of Nigerians about the causes of madness, and the types of treatment considered appropriate for a mad person.

To be sure, not just any attack will do: attacks from the left are dismissed as cranky, while religious conservative antifeminism, for all its political clout, has no media cachet. What flies is 'facts'--statistics and anecdotes drawn from biological, sociological, or psychological studies or from journalistic surveys--purporting to reveal that one or another aspect of the feminist project has unforeseen troubling consequences and that the quest to 'have it all' (that is, have as much as men take for granted) must bow to intractable limits. Bonus points if you can get the facts to show that failure to recognize those limits has hurt women themselves, not just children or society, so that it's in women's interest to rethink their aspirations. The journalists who publicize these reports usually do so with a sympathetic and sober mien: it's a shame women can't get what they want, but what can you do--facts are facts! Still, there's no denying the undercurrent of relish, characteristic of those who mouth the conventional wisdom but have never really reconciled themselves to it. Which is why, as feminist critics are quick to point out, reporters so eagerly swallow questionable 'facts' as well as interpretations that may be faulty even if the data are correct. The book proposes a number of legal and corporate reforms aimed at curbing the imperialistic claims of work on women's time, but these would hardly have inspired headlines like 'Baby Panic.' Rather, the irresistible hook is Hewlett's exhortation to women themselves: while she speaks of empowering young women with knowledge, giving them freedom to make the choices that will allow them to have work and children too, her practical advice boils down to Katha Pollitt's acerbic summary in the Nation: 'Spend your twenties snagging a husband, put your career on the back burner and have a baby ASAP.' Toward this end, the achievement-oriented, feminist-minded woman may need an attitude adjustment; Hewlett lauds the example of an interviewee who, in the middle of a grueling medical residency, hosted business dinners for her lover several times a week. (Reader, he married her.) Hewlett recognizes that men contribute to women's 'time crunch,' whether by asking them to host dinners or by not doing housework; she ruefully acknowledges their tendency to prefer 'younger, less-accomplished and more-easily-impressed women' to female peers with ambitions of their own. But she offers no proposals for changing male behavior; evidently it just comes with the y chromosome. Rhetorically, the dilemma reveals itself in the ubiquitous 'yes, but ...' construction of antibacklash critiques. Yes, the critics concede, Hewlett raises some real issues. Women do pay a price for achievement, and many do end up involuntarily childless. But ... Some of the 'buts' have to do with Hewlett's numbers (her claim that the 'vast majority' of childless professional women are unhappy about their state is based on the fact, of dubious relevance, that only 14 percent of her interviewees knew in college that they didn't want children; according to a study cited in the American Prospect, the only difference in the birth rates of high-achievers and working women in general reflects the former's greater reluctance to be single mothers). But mostly they add up to a defense of female achievers' priorities. We (that is, those of us who want children or male partners or both) would rather postpone childbearing till we're really ready and take our chances; would rather throw ourselves into our work and hold out for a man who will make room for it; would, indeed, rather be alone than like the hostess of those dinners, 'willing to surrender part of her own identity to enhance that of the man she wanted to be with.' Furthermore, we take responsibility for our choices and refuse to make melodrama out of the rough spots. We know the difference, as Joan Walsh put it in Buzzle.com, between 'an occasional twinge of regret and life-darkening despair.'.

As concepções e práticas de saúde e doença estão relacionadas às conjunturas sociais, econômicas, políticas e culturais de cada indivíduo e englobam aspectos individuais, subjetivos, multidimensionais e intersetoriais. O padrão hegemônico de masculinidade distanciou os homens do objeto saúde, contribuindo para a falta de cuidado e escassez de pesquisas envolvendo esses sujeitos. Objetivo: Analisar a influência da masculinidade nas concepções e práticas de saúde de estudantes de um curso superior em saúde. Método: Participaram desta pesquisa 76 discentes homens, que responderam a um questionário semiestruturado. As respostas foram interpretadas nos moldes da análise de conteúdo de Bardin. Resultados: Concepções de saúde associadas às dimensões físicas e psicológicas e à qualidade de vida foram prevalentes. A doença foi relacionada às ideias de desequilíbrio e alteração da normalidade. Concepções de saúde como ausência de doença e vice-versa foram minoritárias. Dentre as ações para manter a saúde e prevenir doenças, destacam-se a atividade física e a alimentação saudável. Quando doentes, 93% dos entrevistados afirmam buscar um profissional da saúde e 71% praticar a automedicação, enquanto as práticas alternativas e/ou complementares ocorrem em menor proporção (32%), bem como as religiosas (20%). Conclusão: Nota-se que entre os discentes o binômio saúde-doença é percebido como fenômeno complexo e multifatorial. Majoritariamente há preocupação com hábitos preventivos e de vida saudável – características de cuidado e noções de saúde que se distanciam do modelo hegemônico de masculinidade e saúde discutido entre pesquisadores(as) desta temática. The conceptions and pratices of health and disease are related to conjunctures social, economic, political and cultural of each individual and include aspects individual, subjective, multidimensional and intersectoral. The patter hegemonic's masculinity distanced men's health object, contributing to the lack of care and scarcity of research involving these subjects. Objective: Analyze the influence of masculinity in conceptions and health practices of students of higher education in health. Method: Participated in those study 76 students men who answered a semi-structured questionnaire. The answers were interpreted along the lines of Bardin content analysis. Results: Health's conceptions associated with physical and psychological dimensions and quality of life were prevalent. The disease was related to the ideas of imbalance and change normality. Health's conceptions as sickness absence and contrariwise were minority. Among the actions for maintain health and prevent diseases, stand out the physical activity and healthy eating. When sick, 93% of interviewed claimed seek a health professional and 71% practices self-medication, while the practices alternatives and/or complementaries occurs to a lesser extent (32%), as well the religious (20%). Conclusion: It is noted what among students the health-disease binomial it is perceived as a phenomenon complex and multifactorial. Mostly there is concern with preventive habits and healthy life – features of care and notions of health what to moved away of patter hegemonic's masculinity and health discussed among researchers of this theme.KEYWORDS: health; masculinity; education, higher. Las concepciones y prácticas de salud y enfermedad están relacionadas con las coyunturas sociales, económicas, políticas y culturales de cada individuo y incluyen aspectos individuales, subjetivos, multidimensionales y intersectoriales. El modelo hegemónico de masculinidad distanció los hombres del objeto salud contribuyendo para la falta de cuidado y escasez de investigaciones que envuelvan estos sujetos. Objetivo: analizar la influencia de la masculinidad en las concepciones y prácticas de salud de los estudiantes de un grado en salud. Método: Participaron de la pesquisa 76 estudiantes hombres, que respondieron a un cuestionario semiestructurado. Las respuestas fueron interpretadas en los moldes del análisis de contenido de Bardin. Resultados: concepciones de salud asociados con las dimensiones físicas y psicológicas y la calidad de vida predominaron. La enfermedad fue relacionada con las ideas del desequilibrio y alteración de la normalidade. Concepciones de salud como ausencia de enfermedad y viceversa fueron minoria. Entre las acciones para mantener la salud y prevenir la enfermedad, se destacan la actividad física y la alimentación saludable. Cuando enfermos, 93% de los encuestados afirman buscar un profesional de la salud y 71% practicar la automedicación, mientras que las prácticas alternativas y/o complementarias se presentan en menor medida (32%), así com las religiosas (20%). Conclusión: Se observa el binomio salud-enfermedad es percibido como fenómeno complejo y multifactorial. Predominantemente existe una preocupación con hábitos de prevención y de vida saludable – características de cuidado y nociones de salud que se distancian del modelo hegemónico de masculinidad y salud discutido entre los investigadores de ese tema.PALABRAS CLAVE: salud; masculinidade; educación superior.

SummaryIntelligence in Amsterdam in connection with demographic and sociological characteristics of the population.Since the end of the war Dutch recruits, after having passed a medical examination, have been submitted to five psychological tests, measuring general intelligence, aptitude for mathematics and languages, respectively, technical ability and ability to carry out orders. This investigation is based on the results of some 13,700 recruits examined in Amsterdam from 1947 up to and including 1949. It is restricted to the results of the test for general intelligence, as this test is supposed to be most free from environmental influences and as its results are available for all recruits. General intelligence has been measured by the test of progressive matrices devised by f. C. Raven. The correlation matrix for the five tests (based on approximately 9,500 recruits) has been calculated and although the correlation coefficients are all positive and highly significant, they vary between 52 and 76; showing that the possibility cannot be excluded of finding greatly deviating results when using the results of one of the other tests.In order to be able to compare intelligence with characteristics not available for the individual recruits, either as a consequence of lacking statistical data, or even due to logical impossibility (e.g. in the case of fertility), the average level of intelligence has been calculated for each of the 54 wards of Amsterdam for which the Amsterdam Municipal Bureau of Statistics regularly compiles statistical data. Consequently the assumption has been made that these averages may be considered as fair measures for the average intelligence of the whole adult population of the wards.The first part of the study deals with the statistical material, i.a. some defects in the scale by which intelligence is expressed, the advantages and disadvantages of the fact that test results were not available for the recruits rejected at the medical examination and the shape of the frequency distributions of the results per ward. The inter‐ward differences in intelligence are submitted to an analysis of variance and prove to be highly significant.The second part of the study gives an enumeration of the results obtained by correlating intelligence with various demographic and sociological factors. Very significant and positive correlations were found with income (average income assessed for income tax) and social status (measured by the percentage of unskilled workers among the occupationauy engaged population). The high correlation between intelligence and social status, in itself probably due to a process of social selection based on intelligence, may also be drawn upon to explain the results obtained as to political conviction. This conviction measured by the percentage of votes per ward as given to the various political parties, shows highly significant coefficients for the communists and the liberal party, negative in the former and positive in the latter case. For the labour party and the Roman‐Catholic party, two important groupings chiefly appealing to the middle classes, no significant correlations are found.Fertility in marriage, generally considered as having strong links with intelligence, gives rise to a hardly significant though negative correlation. This result, however, can considerably be improved, although still remaining rather low, by introducing the percentage of Roman‐Catholics among the population of the wards. This is in accordance with the well‐known fact that the fertility of the various religious groups in the Netherlands is strongly diverging, being highest among the Roman‐Catholics.A very high correlation again is obtained with the number of children begot before marriage as a percentage of the total number of first born (children born alive within J months after contracting marriage). Here probably the influence of changing social standards in the various wards makes itself felt.The last part of the article gives an interpretation of the results of the investigation. Although the significant correlations under certain reservations may be interpreted as being due to causal interrelationship, intelligence itself need not be a direct cause. A model may be conceived in which all characteristics together with intelligence are explained by a number of hereditary and environmental factors. Now assuming that intelligence as measured in this investigation is entirely free from environmental influences (there are some indications that this is not so) it can be interpreted as representing only one aspect of the hereditary complex. But even under this assumption many other factors may be involved in a complete explanation of the characteristics. A factor analysis which may perhaps partly clear up the complicated network of interrelations is under consideration.

The active ageing concept, which implies individual and broader social
benefits, is defined for mitigating the negative effects of intensive
population ageing. It redefines the perception of ageing in accordance with
the positive trends in terms of health and life span of older persons' life.
One of the factors which has certain impact on some aspects of active ageing
is education. The researches confirm its influence on the health and vitality
of the elderly, as well as on their economic activity. It is important not
only as a dimension of socio-economic status, but also from the perspective
of certain behavior, the availability of learning, the possibility of
adopting valid information and the use of new technological achievements for
the purpose of healthy lifestyle. The top ten countries in 2015 regarding
Active Ageing Index have up to four times higher shares of highly educated
persons among those aged 50 or over (between 23% and 34%), compared to the
countries which are at the back of the AAI list. However, Italy is ranked
second, regarding the participation in society despite the fact that less
than 10% of persons aged 50 or over are highly educated. By contrast, Estonia
has only high index in employment, while in relation to the other spheres is
very low ranking, regardless there are 34% of highly educated among persons
aged 50 or over. The first example shows that it is possible to achieve
partial progress despite low prevalence of high education. Another indicates
that the attainment in active ageing can be limited by other factors despite
high proportion of highly educated. It is possible to conclude that in either
of these two cases high education did not impact, but that these
characteristics of active ageing are the consequences of other factors.
Participation in society, in addition to volunteering and political
engagement, implies caring for children or the elderly. It is possible that
the incidence of these activities have more important influence on the
positioning of Italy in this sphere. Relatively high index of employment
could be explained by the influence of socio-economic conditions and the
necessity of working engagement of older persons due to social security and
living standards of households. This could be said for Estonia because it is
placed into the group of countries with lower GDP per capita. The research
regarding the time use in Serbia, used in this paper as the framework for
studying the lifestyle of older people, shows that the paid work is the most
evident differentiation between those who have entered the older age (65 or
older) and those who are on the threshold of this limit (55-64 years).
Regarding leisure time, it is clear that more passive forms (watching
television and resting) prevail. Reading, walking, visiting, spending time
with family and the provision of informal help partially mitigate this
picture. However, weak commitment to cultural events and physical activity,
poor involvement in different spheres of social life, almost the absence of
voluntary work and additional training undermine the concept of active
ageing. Highly educated persons have the most of leisure time but, in
relation to persons with lower educational levels, there is no substantial
differentiation regarding the activities that mark active ageing. In
comparison with others, they spent less time watching TV and movies as well
as resting, but more time walking, visiting, reading, using a computer or
providing informal support. Tertiary education has proved to be a point of
differentiation among females who approach the entry into older age. It does
not only mean more time in paid work, but also less time in unpaid
activities, compared to women with lower educational levels. In addition,
highly educated women aged 65 or over more frequently perform paid jobs than
those with primary education. It is not the specificity of male population.
High education did not eliminate the specificities of overpowering cultural
pattern of gender roles. Men more engage in paid jobs and have more leisure
time, while women spend more time in performing household tasks. Women more
devote to reading books, going to the cinema, volunteering, and the
participation in religious activities as compared to men. Male respondents
spend more time resting, exercising and visiting sport events. However, in
both cases passive forms of leisure time prevail, although there are some
specificities. In comparison with those who had lower educational levels,
highly educated persons evaluated their health as good or very good two times
more frequently, but it has not resulted in significant difference in terms
of commitment to the activities that mark active ageing. The widespread of
tertiary education does not mean unconditional acceptance of this model. In
addition to social conditions, living circumstances and cultural norms,
lifestyle is important as an advantage or a disadvantage for the realization
of active ageing. Lower education levels are an additional challenge in terms
of advancing all preconditions for accepting and spreading the model of
active aging.

One reflection of the rising discontent among Israelis and Palestinians concerning the prospect of continuing violence is the intense debate surrounding a private Israeli-Palestinian ""civil society"" peace initiative announced in Jordan on 10 October. The so-called Geneva Accord, described by its signatories as a ""model draft framework final status agreement,"" has no official standing: it was negotiated in secret by Israeli opposition figures and prominent Palestinians, some of them PA officials but acting in their private capacities. More important, the framework agreement was vigorously denounced by Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon as soon as it was made public, its Israeli drafters branded in some quarters as ""traitors."" Despite this official rejection, it has met with considerable international backing: its formal unveiling in Geneva on 1 December was attended by Nobel Peace Prize laureates including former U.S. president Jimmy Carter, and it has been praised by, among others, British prime minister Tony Blair, French president Jacques Chirac, former U.S. president Bill Clinton, former South African president Nelson Mandela, and former Soviet president Mikhail Gorbachev. It was warmly endorsed by the European Parliament. The United States remained cool toward the plan itself, though Secretary of State Colin Powell received the accord's main drafters while they were in Washington promoting the initiative. The interest generated by the Geneva Accord also drew attention to an earlier effort, the Nusseibeh-Ayalon Agreement (see Doc. A1).
The project was initiated by former Israeli justice minister Yossi Beilin and PA cabinet minister Yasir ""Abid Rabbuh soon after Israel called off the Taba talks of January 2001; both had been senior negotiators at Taba as well as at earlier Palestinian-Israeli talks. (Beilin had been one of the prime movers behind the Oslo Accord.) In the course of more than two years of meetings, which were underwritten by the Swiss Foreign Ministry, the two negotiating teams called on over 100 Israeli and Palestinian experts in hammering out joint positions on the various issues. In addition to Beilin, the Israeli team comprises Professor Arie Arnon, Brig. Gen. (Res.) Shlomo Brom, MK Avraham Burg, Giora Inbar, Brig. Gen. (Res.) David Kimche, Dr. Menachem Klein, MK Amram Mitzna, MK Haim Oron, and Amos Oz. The Palestinian team, in addition to ""Abid Rabbuh, includes Khadura Faris, Muhammad ""Abd al-Fattah al-Hourani, Basil Jabir, Radi Jamil Jarai, Nazmi Ju'beh, Samih H.A. Karakra, Saman Khouri, Ibrahim Muhammad Khrishi, Zuhayr al-Manasra, Nabil Qassis, Hisham Ali Hassan ""Abd al-Raziq, and Jamal Awad Zaqut.
The drafters themselves recognize the blueprint as a ""nonstarter"" as long as the present Israeli government remains in power. Their main goal, beyond formulating a document that can serve as a guide for future negotiations, was to revitalize the Israeli and Palestinian peace camps by demonstrating that there is ""a partner"" on the other side and that a comprehensive agreement ""taking into account the vital interests of both parties"" could be reached even after three years of intifada. An ambitious two-year public information campaign, aimed inter alia at getting a copy of the plan into every Israeli and Palestinian household, has been launched to promote it. By mid-November, this effort was well underway.
The draft accord reflects significant ""advances"" by both sides relative to the Taba understandings (see Special Documents in JPS123). It represents the first time that agreement on final status issues has been reached and committed to paper; in this sense, the drafters have argued that the accord, to which Yasir Arafat reportedly gave his blessing, complements the U.S. road map by supplying detailed solutions missing from what is essentially a timetable emphasizing preliminary steps. The document has aroused heated debate in both the Israeli and Palestinian camps. A November 2003 poll in Israel and the occupied territories jointly commissioned by the James Baker Institute at Rice University and the Brussels-based International Crisis Group found 53 percent of Israelis and 56 percent of Palestinians supporting the accord; the survey questions, however, neglected to mention the agreement's more controversial aspects, including renunciation of the refugee right to return, Israeli retention of the largest settlement blocs (but ceding Ariel), and Palestinian control of the Temple Mount (Haram al-Sharif). A poll carried out in October by the Nablus-based Palestinian Center for Public Opinion (where survey questions gave a more complete picture of the accord) found only 31 percent of Palestinians in favor and 51 percent opposed (33 percent strongly). Palestinian opposition among refugees, both in the territories and in surrounding countries, as well as by Palestinian human rights groups has been particularly strong. The accord also includes the ""end of claims"" clause that has bedeviled earlier efforts: Article I (""The Purpose of the Agreement"") specifies that implementation of the agreement ""will settle all the claims of the parties arising from events occurring prior to its signature"" and with the agreement ""no further claims ……mayberaised by either party.""
The ""authoritative English version"" of the accord was made available to Ha'Aretz in mid-October. It comprises seventeen articles dealing with relations between the parties, the formation of joint and verification committees, territory, security, Jerusalem, refugees, road use, religious sites, Palestinian prisoners, and dispute settlement mechanism. Three articles, notably on water, economic relations, and legal cooperation, have yet to be completed, and the annexes referred to in the text have not been made available. JPS is reproducing four articles in their entirety, those dealing with territory, security, Jerusalem, and refugees. The numbering of the paragraphs is as in the original, including inconsistent section numbers and crossreferences.