Suchergebnisse

As a state of law as well as a democratic state, Indonesia guarantees and protects the right to freely express opinions and the right to organize in society. This in the end becomes the basis for every member of the community to be free to establish an Ormas. The freedom to establish these mass organizations in its development is not controlled due to the absence of real government control and supervision. This has resulted in many mass organizations being born into thugs and illegal organizations. This study aims to analyze the current system of supervision of mass organizations in Indonesia, the weaknesses in the current implementation of mass organizations, and the ideal reconstruction of a system of supervision of mass organizations capable of realizing a just law of mass organizations. The research in this dissertation uses the sociological juridical method. As for the results of the research conducted, it can be found that the current implementation of normative supervision has not been effective, as evidenced by the large number of problematic and prohibited mass organizations, weaknesses in the supervision of mass organizations in the community due to a legal vacuum in the regulation of supervision of mass organizations, so it is necessary to reconstruct values by conducting supervision and education. regarding the goals of mass organizations and the goals of the state and nation as well as legal reconstruction in the form of adding provisions for the supervision of mass organizations in the Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 16 of 2017.

Post-Independence federal arrangement of the Nigerian state has suffered undue torture of tinkering, especially during the prolonged military rule. It's coming into power had resulted in the emergence of unitary federalism with the attendant fall-out of over-concentration of powers and resources at the centre, thereby rendering other component units of the federation, a mere appendage in inter-governmental relations. The current agitation for restructuring that is the re-ordering of relationships, distribution of power and resources within the components of the federation, by a wide-spectrum of ethnic nationalities across the geopolitical zones, is a reaction to the current arrangement of the Nigerian federation. This paper using Deils Wrights' models as a framework of analysis with data generated through secondary sources, examines federal-Local and State-Local relates which is receiving scant attention compared to federal-state relations in the current agitation. Findings revealed that Local Governments has been at the mercy of the other two levels of government in fiscal, political and administrative relations. This has rendered the institution mostly ineffective in their functional responsibilities. It is therefore concluded that any reform agenda that will improve the standard of governance in Nigeria, should pay particular attention to this inclusive authority model of inter-governmental relations. Therefore the need arises for constitutional reforms for devolution of power and financial resources to local government for an effective local governance system that ultimately translates to national development.

The paper aims to explore the irritants and opportunities of Pak-Afghan relations after 9/11 period. The paper found that the post 9/11 period involved Pakistan deeply in the peace process and eradication of terrorist activities in the region due to the strategic depth of Pakistan. As a result, Pakistan relations with Afghanistan suffered badly. For the sake of regional peace and harmony, Pakistan's role in US led coalition against terrorism in Afghanistan has been inevitable, however, it resulted counter-productive in respect to Pak-Afghan relations. The paper is qualitative in nature which has focused the historical facts and events of Pak-Afghan relations to trace out the question which factors remained the main hindrance towards to establishment of friendly Pak-Afghan relations. The paper also suggests that friendly Pak-Afghan relations are in the larger interest of both states since collaboration and cooperation between Pakistan and Afghanistan does not ensure peace in the region, they also can be the greatest economic and political partners of the region.

This essay presents a case study (the 2020 Presidential Election in the United States) in order to analyzing ongoing changes at domestic politics and foreign relations of a world superpower. It portrays a qualitative analysis informed by a bibliographic revision of the aforementioned topics. 2020 began with President Donald Trump dully avoiding an impeachment trial and trumpeting his divisive economic achievements (at the expenses of World Trade Organization and US partners). His mastery of a self-professed "art of the deal" at least seemed plausible as a set of political stunts. On the other hand, the Democratic Party remained splintered. The impeachment attempt put the party on the back foot, propelling POTUS' premature campaigning. With populism on the rise on the world stage, for a while – it seemed – Trump could stand a chance at reelection. At the shadow of a global epidemic, Trump's walls and fiery unilateralism fell down pretty quickly.

Saprahan is an eating tradition that developed in the Malaysia community in the Sambas area. The implementation practice is full of positive values and meanings in describing the identity of the Sambas Malaysia community, which has potential in Indonesian gastro diplomacy. Therefore, this paper aims to analyze the state's role in gastro diplomacy through Saprahan at the Temajuk Sambas border. This research is a literature study that focuses on the Saprahan tradition in the Indonesia-Malaysia border area in Temajuk Village, West Kalimantan. The data is obtained through books, journals, and online sources by entering keywords; gastro diplomacy, Saprahan, and Temajuk. The results obtained from the study can be described that specifically, the state's role in implementing gastro diplomacy through saprahan at the Temajuk Sambas border has not functioned as gastro diplomacy. However, from a historical point of view, its value and meaning, the saprahan tradition has excellent potential in Indonesian gastro diplomacy efforts in the border area between Indonesia and Malaysia. This is supported by the development of tourism in Temajuk, attracting local tourists to foreign tourists to promote culinarily and eating traditions where the intimate communication space that can be created through the tradition of eating saprahan makes it easier to negotiate and make decisions.

Global developments that are full of dynamics are marked by the emergence of interdependence between countries. Global developments are in line with the development of science and technology which causes countries to seem borderless. The blurring of boundaries between countries and the development of an increasingly dynamic environment are also accompanied by the development of increasingly broad and multidimensional threats. This global development is also marked by the emergence of new actors in international relations. The development of threats and increasing global issues that cannot be handled by the state alone have created a new phenomenon in the international relations order, namely global governance. Previously, the state was the sole actor in the order of international relations. However, with global governance, there is a new arrangement in the international relations system that accommodates all actors who play a role. This research will use a qualitative phenomenological method. The theory used in this research are global governance, defense diplomacy and international organization as a basis theory and concept, and also a security theory as supporting theory. In the end, we can see that the change of international order can bring the positive effect for countries in achieving their national goals and accomplish their national interests.

The Military Campaign is a series of several joint operations carried out sequentially, to achieve strategic and operational goals in a space and time (TNI 2019). This study aims to a). To analyze the implementation of Kogabwilhan I military operations in support of the military campaign in the Natuna region. b) To analyze the Riau Islands Provincial Government in support of the military campaign. c) To analyze the integration strategy of Kogabwilhan I and the Riau Islands Provincial Government in carrying out the military campaign. This study uses a qualitative method. Data collection techniques are interviews, observations and documentation studies. Research Results 1) Kogabwilhan I served as initial action, restorer, and deterrent according to the policy of the Commander-in-Chief. 2) the functions of the Riau Islands Government include security, economic development and infrastructure. 3). The implementation of territorial development activities through the Komsos method with community components. Discussion of the concept of the Kogabwilhan I military campaign in the implementation of the state's Strategic framework to determine goals in national defense and security efforts and develop national resources including the military, but to achieve this the context is also determined by community relations that support and intertwine activities between civilians and the military so that soldiers can love and respect loved by the people and awakened awareness of defending the country. Cooperation is defined as a form of social process to achieve common goals by helping each other and understanding each other's activities. So the implementation of the Defense Area Empowerment policy with the support of the Riau Islands community built a close and positive emotional relationship between soldiers and the community

State defense threats that arise as a result of the development of the global, regional and national strategic environment also include social conflicts that are still widely found in various parts of Indonesia. The preparation of a national defense strategy from an early age is very much needed to face the worst possibility and the government must hold a total war. The involvement of all national resources is needed including human resources, social conflict is a serious problem in the development of the defense force, so a solution must be found. This paper uses a phenomenological qualitative descriptive method and the theory of defense policy implementation by Lukman Yudho Prakoso to analyze the current problems. The research results show that there is still a need to carry out good handling in handling social conflicts that are integrated, can communicate interactively between entities, and implement transparent, controlled and accountable activities. So that the conclusion can be formulated that it is necessary to instill the value of State defense in handling social conflicts, so that it is hoped that awareness will arise in the community for responsibility in defending the State. Another conclusion is that a strategy is needed to build the best network and the involvement of an entity that functions as a Driver Force for handling social conflicts in supporting military campaign strategies.

This essay takes as its focal point the emergence of the development-security nexus, which reproblematised underdevelopment as inherently dangerous. Conflict, having been rediscovered post-Cold War as an ethno-cultural war waged by civilians within states, was internalised within various forms of scarcity to render the underdeveloped prone to violence In light of this, the main contention of this paper is that development is not a problem of security, but an artificially constructed discourse, which generates further insecurity for people living in the Global South. By employing the Foucauldian theory of biopolitics as methodology to demonstrate that the concept of development is a reductionist and colonial disciplinary technique, which creates the underdeveloped. The present study will refer to colonial Jamaica as an example of this. Subsequently, an analysis will be provided in relation to human security, which will be defined as a technology of governance, a method of ruling over the populace of the Global South. Illustrative of this will be Mozambique, post-1992. Lastly, the study will show how the masses have been construed into political consent of development as a problem of security.