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This empirical investigation contrasts urban food sharing practices in community gardens of two global cities facing the problems of urban vacant land and the violation of the right to food. The central inquiry guiding this investigation is: How do the principles of the right to food relate to food sharing practices within Berlin and Rio de Janeiro community gardens, and what factors explain the similarities and differences in these connections within and between these cities? The hypothesis suggests that urban food sharing within community gardens can be linked to right to food. These connections may vary based on unique socioeconomic contexts and urban challenges in each city. To empirically assess this hypothesis, the study formulated the theoretical proposition that the human right to food, the concept of urban commons, and the establishment of community gardens serve as mechanisms for addressing urban land and food crises. Interviews and questionnaires applied between 2019-2023 characterized community gardens' territorial and sociodemographic profiles by engaging with gardeners and experts (40 in total). The data had a thematic coding and analysis, combining deductive and inductive reasoning. The results confirmed the hypothesis. However, agroecological food production emerged as a unifying factor across both cities, demonstrating a shared commitment to sustainable practices. This suggests a significant international step toward social-ecological transformation in urban food and land management. The findings expanded the existing literature on the role of urban agriculture and alert for the necessary promotion and protection of community gardens.

An evaluation of Argentine, Brazilian and Chilean cooperation on security policies over the last decade demonstrates that high levels of trust have been sustained. This article proposes a heuristic model for the analysis of cooperation between states on matters of security policy. The model that is suggested is based on three levels of analysis that condition the security policies of the countries under consideration: 1) State and society; 2) inter-state relations and 3) international systems. Next, it is argued that common rules shared by different countries are more easily established when this involves small groups of states at a regional level, and not at a world scale, in which it is much more difficult to achieve unanimous or consensual acceptance of rules. Following a macro-theoretical debate on states' motivation to cooperate in an international system, the author introduces Karl W. Deutsch's concept of "security community" and questions whether such a community can be found in southern Latin America. The heuristic model that is introduced should permit answering the questions posed and determine the phase of integration.

Community Land Trusts are established models designed to protect the maintenance of vulnerable communities in certain territories. The figure emerges in the United States in the 1960s, tied to civil rights movements and the population living in rural areas. The present article will evaluate the potentialities and limits of the application of the Community Land Trusts instrument in Brazil as resistance and biopotent practice in an urban space marked by high percentages of irregularity and by a serious situation of socio-spatial inequality. In a context that worsens after the mega-events at the beginning of the second decade of the twenty-first century and with the democratic rupture and deepening of neoliberal logic in cities from 2016 onwards, it is necessary and urgent to establish new practices and forms of property management in a way to draw possible subversions to the logic of Power. CLTs are proposed here as a form of subversive legal practice, either from the defense of the design of a specific legislation on the subject, or by the use of existing legal instruments in order to base the creation of an emancipatory proprietary model. ; O Community Land Trust é um modelo estabelecido com vistas à proteção de permanência de comunidades vulneráveis. Ela surge nos Estados Unidos, na década de 1960, atrelada aos movimentos por direitos civis e à população residente em áreas rurais. Este artigo busca avaliar as potencialidades e os limites de sua aplicação no Brasil enquanto resistência e prática biopotente em um espaço urbano marcado por elevados percentuais de irregularidade e por uma grave situação de desigualdade socioespacial. Em um contexto que agrava após os megaeventos no início da segunda década do século XXI e com a ruptura democrática e o aprofundamento da lógica neoliberal nas cidades a partir de 2016, torna-se necessário e urgente o estabelecimento de novas práticas e formas de gestão da propriedade que desenhem possíveis subversões à lógica do Poder. Os Community Land Trusts são propostos aqui como forma de prática jurídica subversiva, seja a partir da defesa da necessidade de uma legislação própria sobre o tema, seja pela utilização dos instrumentos jurídicos já existentes de forma a basear a criação de um modelo proprietário emancipatório.

Propõem-se, neste artigo, reflexões acerca dos desafios do ensino de história e cultura afro-brasileira e indígena num contexto de radicalização de estratégias midiáticas de promoção da intolerância social e política, com foco na análise do complexo tema da educação para a convivência religiosa num Estado Laico. As autoras consideram os desafios de promoção de uma educação pluralista, não proselitista e cônscia dos direitos constitucionais de rito, crença e manifestação religiosa e agnóstica, o que envolve os docentes em situações de disputas simbólicas, políticas e pedagógicas de fundo religioso. ; This article proposes reflections regarding challenges involved in teaching Afro-Brazilian and indigenous people history and culture in a context where mediatic strategies to promote social and political intolerance have been radicalized. It focuses on the analysis of the complex topic of education for the religious coexistence in a secular State. The authors consider the challenges arising from the promotion of an education that is pluralist, non-proselytic and conscious of the constitutional right to religious and agnostic rite, creed and expression, involving teachers in situations of symbolic, political and pedagogical disputes with a religious background.

In this study, dedicated specifically to 'The Origins of Greek Thought', we would like to show how Vernant's analysis method of the different moments that defined the human's history proceeds above all through the systematic examination of the constitutive relations that differentiated them as such or such. However, as its development is unfolded, we also believe that we can demonstrate the existence of a thought implicating a series of concepts that, from the perspective of a philosophical reflection, have inseparably bounded to them an understanding on the problem of the nature of action, as well as the relation between action and the sense or animation that it expresses in its performance. When defining the different elements and roles of a historical context, not as isolated terms in and by themselves, but through the complex state of interactions which they found themselves in, Vernant demonstrates to conceive a character as that which distinguishes itself for the actions he performs, but these actions, on the other hand, as an activity that solely differentiates as such or such together with what it's interacting with. Furthermore, this condition has shown us to be accompanied by the capacity of action to express the constitutive relations that it entertains with its surroundings. Far from suggesting a timeless Form that could subsist indifferent to the changes happening at the level of the interactions between the elements of a network of relations, the animations expressed by its characters are autochtonous and varies at the same speed in which their activity transforms.

Forest-dwellers in the Brazilian Amazon public forests share the management of the territory and natural resources with governmental agencies, subjecting themselves to State rules. This study aims to evaluate the perception of stakeholders about the autonomy of traditional communities to carry out community timber forest management (CFM) in two federal protected areas. A Swot analysis revealed mismatches in priorities among stakeholder groups (Communities, Government and Partners). Four autonomy parameters were evaluated by 111 stakeholders using a satisfaction questionnaire. Communities and Government had similar perceptions of the autonomy of communities to develop CFM, while Partners were pessimistic. Stakeholders showed greater satisfaction with communities' social organization than with their business management ability. Licensing, operational tools and administrative knowledge were perceived as bottlenecks for community enterprises. Nevertheless, targeted public policies and a minimum regulatory requirement for CFM may guarantee community autonomy to maintain their way of life and make their forest enterprises viable. ; Forest-dwellers in the Brazilian Amazon public forests share the management of the territory and natural resources with governmental agencies, subjecting themselves to State rules. This study aims to evaluate the perception of stakeholders about the autonomy of traditional communities to carry out community timber forest management (CFM) in two federal protected areas. A Swot analysis revealed mismatches in priorities among stakeholder groups (Communities, Government and Partners). Four autonomy parameters were evaluated by 111 stakeholders using a satisfaction questionnaire. Communities and Government had similar perceptions of the autonomy of communities to develop CFM, while Partners were pessimistic. Stakeholders showed greater satisfaction with communities' social organization than with their business management ability. Licensing, operational tools and administrative knowledge were perceived as bottlenecks for community enterprises. Nevertheless, targeted public policies and a minimum regulatory requirement for CFM may guarantee community autonomy to maintain their way of life and make their forest enterprises viable. ; Forest-dwellers in the Brazilian Amazon public forests share the management of the territory and natural resources with governmental agencies, subjecting themselves to State rules. This study aims to evaluate the perception of stakeholders about the autonomy of traditional communities to carry out community timber forest management (CFM) in two federal protected areas. A Swot analysis revealed mismatches in priorities among stakeholder groups (Communities, Government and Partners). Four autonomy parameters were evaluated by 111 stakeholders using a satisfaction questionnaire. Communities and Government had similar perceptions of the autonomy of communities to develop CFM, while Partners were pessimistic. Stakeholders showed greater satisfaction with communities' social organization than with their business management ability. Licensing, operational tools and administrative knowledge were perceived as bottlenecks for community enterprises. Nevertheless, targeted public policies and a minimum regulatory requirement for CFM may guarantee community autonomy to maintain their way of life and make their forest enterprises viable. ; Forest-dwellers in the Brazilian Amazon public forests share the management of the territory and natural resources with governmental agencies, subjecting themselves to State rules. This study aims to evaluate the perception of stakeholders about the autonomy of traditional communities to carry out community timber forest management (CFM) in two federal protected areas. A Swot analysis revealed mismatches in priorities among stakeholder groups (Communities, Government and Partners). Four autonomy parameters were evaluated by 111 stakeholders using a satisfaction questionnaire. Communities and Government had similar perceptions of the autonomy of communities to develop CFM, while Partners were pessimistic. Stakeholders showed greater satisfaction with communities' social organization than with their business management ability. Licensing, operational tools and administrative knowledge were perceived as bottlenecks for community enterprises. Nevertheless, targeted public policies and a minimum regulatory requirement for CFM may guarantee community autonomy to maintain their way of life and make their forest enterprises viable.

In the current context of crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, we observe a rearrangement of federative relations in Brazil, in force since the Federal Constitution of 1988. With the vacuum left by the lack of action by the federal government, new action arrangements have been designed by the other entities of the federation, by the states and municipalities. In this context, this paper aims to map the intergovernmental relations developed during the COVID-19 pandemic in Brazil based on the actions of the states. For this, we analyzed the regulations elaborated by the 26 Brazilian states and the Federal District and published in the O"icial Gazettes of these states between February and December 2020 were analyzed. ; No atual contexto de crise causada pela pandemia da COVID-19, observamos um rearranjo das relações federativas do Brasil, vigentes desde a Constituição Federal de 1988. Com o vazio deixado pela ausência de atuação do governo federal, novos arranjos de ação vêm sendo desenhados pelos outros entes da federação, ou seja, pelos estados e municípios. Nesse contexto, o objetivo deste artigo é mapear as relações intergovernamentais desenvolvidas durante a pandemia da COVID-19 no Brasil a partir da atuação dos estados. Para isso, foram analisadas as normativas elaboradas pelos 26 estados brasileiros e pelo Distrito Federal e publicadas nos Diários Oficiais desses estados entre fevereiro e dezembro de 2020.

The paper analyzes the process of constitution of the Movimento de Educação de Base – MEB –, reflecting about the dynamics of relations between Church and State in Brazil, at a time when education in the rural environment was disputed by diverse social groups. Its objective is to understand how, within an officially secular state, an agreement can be signed and justified in which the Brazilian Government financed a movement proposed and coordinated by the Catholic Church. Theoretically based on the notions of elite groups and influence, it investigates the approximations between governmental and religious agents involved in establishing the agreement. Finally, it analyzes the decree formalizing the agreement, relating some of its main points with the previous process. ; El artículo analiza el proceso de constitución del Movimento de Educação de Base - MEB -, reflexionando sobre la dinámica de las relaciones entre Iglesia y Estado en Brasil, en un momento en que la educación en el medio rural era disputada por diversos grupos sociales. Tiene por objetivo comprender cómo, en un Estado oficialmente laico, pudo ser firmado y justificado un convenio en el cual el gobierno financió un movimiento propuesto y coordinado por la Iglesia Católica. Fundamentado teóricamente por las nociones de grupos de élite e influencia, investiga los acercamientos entre los agentes gubernamentales y religiosos involucrados en la consecución del acuerdo. Finalmente, analiza el decreto del convenio, relacionando sus puntos principales con el proceso antecedente. ; O artigo analisa o processo de constituição do Movimento de Educação de Base – MEB –, refletindo sobre a dinâmica das relações entre Igreja e Estado no Brasil, em um momento em que a educação no meio rural era disputada por diversos grupos sociais. Tem por objetivo compreender como, no interior de um Estado oficialmente laico, pôde ser firmado e justificado um convênio no qual o governo federal brasileiro financiou um movimento proposto e coordenado pela Igreja Católica. Embasando-se teoricamente nas noções de grupos de elite e influência, investiga as aproximações entre os agentes governamentais e religiosos envolvidos na consecução do acordo. Finalmente, analisa o decreto de formalização do convênio, relacionando alguns de seus pontos principais com o processo antecedente.

In many texts, Buffon, resuming Locke's conceptions, is in favor of the idea of a natural conjugal bond existing between man and woman. Rousseau, otherwise, critiques this idea. He assumes a state where men and women would live under certain conditions in which no relations (to each other) would be possible. Therefore, they would not be coerced into reciprocal duties and obligations, living in a state of absolute dispersion and isolation. To establish his theory, Buffon needs to burst with Rousseau. The main objective of this article is to elaborate and discuss the content of this rupture.

Occupational divisions in any country are understood largely as change in the activities of the membersin a given society and the way to earn their livelihood. Mostly, the change is observed in terms of changes in the distribution activities in the socio-economic structure of the society. India is a traditional caste-based society and so it is pertinent to describe occupational activities in terms of socio-cultural rather than the socio-economic structure. The socio-cultural implications of these occupational changes of the communities' opted alternative occupational options and understanding their development, requires interrelations of various aspects with holistic approach. The researchers felt that there is inadequacy of empirical studies relating to socio-cultural, economic and political attributes of different occupational groups. The point of departure of this paper is the caste affirmation and its ramifications on traditional communities by claiming their traditional occupations for new social identity. This affirmation in turn is expected to lead to a shift in the socio-political relationships of the community with the other dominant communities in social hierarchy. In India, occupational changes are taking place more widely than statistical changes and emerging with alternative social movement. This paper also critically analyses the existing caste theories, lacuna in the existing nomenclature, and gives a glimpse of Constitutional Privileges and their reflection on contemporary Government Orders (GOs) with special reference to a community (Scheduled Caste) in Tamil Nadu (State in South India). The paper empirically validates the emerging alternative collective social movement of a community, their social status through traditional occupation, knowledge system and their resistance to inclusion in the existing nomenclature