Suchergebnisse

This article addresses the deficiency in the area of human rights scholarship in International Relations (IR) by examining the theoretical advancements in IR theory that have led to the emergence of non-state collective actors as a pertinent research topic. It provides a review of the trajectory of the constructivist theoretical approach, which has brought major advancements in how international non-state actors are conceptualised in the human rights IR literature. This considers the limitations and implications of side-lining collective non-state actors within IR theory, arguing that expanding the theoretical understanding of how different collective actors are constituted and attributed with agency can enrich IR human rights scholarship. The article also proposes a potential way forward with respect to non-state collective actors in human rights in IR by identifying a research programme based on practiceoriented approaches to help broaden the ability of scholars to foster interdisciplinary conversations. Expanding along these lines would bridge the existing boundaries within scholarly and disciplinary contexts. Keywords: non-state actors, state-centrism, collectives, international relations, human rights, international actors, constructivism

The war in Ukraine is the most significant threat to the peace of the Euro-Atlantic area in decades. After 4 years of Trump's weakening of transatlantic relations, Biden's presumed foreign policy doctrine includes their quick renewal, or re-Atlantisation. The article problematises the 'new' strategy of containment given Russia's aggression, the state of transatlantic relations, and the current global order's configuration, whereby the transatlantic bond is being strengthened and the formation of Biden's foreign policy doctrine is being followed by a 'grand-strategic' shift. Four different models of transatlantic relations (mutual autonomy, strategic autonomy, strategic partnership, situational partnership) are discussed where variables include the approach taken by the USA to transatlantic relations, and the approach of Europe's EU and NATO members to transatlantic relations are addressed. The main argument is that transatlantic relations during Biden's mandate have constantly oscillated between a stra-tegic partnership, especially related to common goals of democracy promotion and containment and situ-ational partnership. Situations like the war in Ukraine have simultaneously acted to strengthen the American–European partnership based on the shared security and political interests.Keywords: transatlantic relations, reatlantisation, USA, Europe, Biden doctrine, war in Ukraine, strategic part-nership, situational partnership

Varnost v cestnem prometu je pomemben dejavnik, ki preprečuje ogrožanje ljudi, saj je promet stalnica v našem življenju. Vsakodnevno v prometnih nesrečah ugašajo življenja, posledice nesreč pa so psihološke, finančne in pogosto nepopravljive. Zagotavljanje varnosti v cestnem prometu tako ostaja ena od prednostnih nalog. Odgovornost za varni promet je na plečih vsake države, saj mora ta na nacionalni ravni poskrbeti za varnost svojih prebivalcev. Država zagotavlja varnost na državnih cestah, za občinske ceste pa so odgovorne občine in so na njih po zakonu odgovorne zagotavljati prometno varnost. Ob tem dejstvu se poraja vprašanje, ali niso ravno lokalne skupnosti tiste, ki lahko cestnoprometno varnost zagotavljajo učinkovitejše kot država sama. Smiselno je raziskati, kako lahko lokalna skupnost na svoji ravni zagotavlja prometno varnost na območju skupnosti in kateri so njeni temeljni nosilci. Želeli smo ugotoviti, kakšne pristojnosti imajo občine pri zagotavljanju prometne varnosti glede na zakonodajni okvir in kateri občinski organi so za to pristojni. V empiričnem delu pa smo na primeru Mestne občine Ljubljana z analizo podatkov ugotavljali, kako uspešne so lahko občine pri zagotavljanju varnosti v cestnem prometu. Izvedli smo analizo stanja prometne varnosti v Mestni občini Ljubljana, zagotavljanja varne cestne infrastrukture vsem udeležencem v prometu, izvajanja preventive in prometne vzgoje ter vlogo Mestnega redarstva Mestne občine Ljubljana v izboljšanju prometne varnosti na območju Ljubljane. Analiza je pokazala, da se prometna varnost v Ljubljani izboljšuje, da občina skrbi za urejanje in vzdrževanje občinskih cest in da opravljeno delo s področja preventive v cestnem prometu posebno pozornost posveča najranljivejšim udeležencem v prometu. Ljubljansko Mestno redarstvo igra pomembno vlogo tako pri nadzoru kršitev s področja cestnoprometnih predpisov kot pri izvajanju preventivnih dejavnosti, kateri obseg se povečuje. ; Road traffic safety represents one of the important factors of threats to human, while traffic is a constant in our lives. On daily basis, many lives are lost in traffic accidents ; their consequences are psychological, financial and often irreversible. Ensuring road safety remains one of the priorities in the field of ensuring security. Responsibility for road traffic safety lays in the hand of every country, as it has to ensure safety of their citizens. The state provides safety on state road, on the other hand, safety of municipal road are responsibility of municipalities themselves. Moreover, they are obligated by laws to ensure road safety in municipality. Considering those facts, raises the question of whether local communities are not those, who can assure road safety in more effective way than state itself. It is worthwhile to research, how can local community on their level ensure road traffic safety on their area, as well as which are its basic institutions for ensuring safety. We wanted to define responsibilities of municipalities in ensuring traffic safety in relation of legislative framework and also which authorities have powers for that. In the empirical part, we choose the Municipality of Ljubljana and by analyzing data define how successful can municipalities be in ensuring road safety. We carried out an analysis of traffic safety in the Municipality of Ljubljana, ensuring a safe road infrastructure for all participants in traffic, how affective is the implementation of prevention and traffic education and the role of Municipal wardens in the Municipality of Ljubljana. Analysis has shown, that traffic safety in Ljubljana is improving, that the municipality take care of regulation and maintenance of municipal roads and that implementation of prevention pays special attention to the most vulnerable participants in traffic. Municipal wardens of Municipality of Ljubljana play an important role in exercising control over traffic road offences, as well as in the implementation of prevention activities.

Doktorska disertacija preučuje specifično usmeritev mednarodne ekonomije, in sicer področje politik razvojne pomoči. Znotraj tega vsebinskega okvirja smo se osredotočili na njeno učinkovitost predvsem zaradi aktualnosti problematike kot številnih s tem povezanih globalnih izzivov. Razvojna pomoč, kot osrednja tematika disertacije, predstavlja temeljni koncept, s katerim države poskušajo razreševati razvojne razlike v svetu. Preučevanje učinkovitosti razvojne pomoči je v okviru ekonomskih znanosti zelo perspektiven koncept, predvsem zaradi dejstva, da je prepad med razvitimi državami globalnega severa in globalnega juga večji kot kadarkoli, dosedanje študije, kot tudi modeli razreševanja pa niso ponudili učinkovitih rešitev za spremembe oz. izboljšanje trenutnega stanja. Vse omenjeno smo preučevali na skupini držav Afrike, Karibov in Pacifika (AKP) iz dveh glavnih razlogov. Prvič, ker je velika večina držav v skupini dolgoletnih prejemnic razvojne pomoči, in drugič, ker omogoča dobro podlago za preučevanje, saj v njo spadajo tako najrevnejše podsaharske države, kot tudi otoške države, ki so v zadnjih letih doživele hiter gospodarski napredek. Struktura disertacije temelji tako na teoretičnem kot tudi aplikativnem delu. V prvem delu, tako predstavimo temeljne teoretične pojme iz razvojne ekonomije odnosov sever-jug, zgodovino sodelovanja držav AKP-ja z različnimi mednarodnimi akterji in teoretične opredelitve razvojne pomoči in njene učinkovitosti. Drugi del je namenjen aplikativni raziskavi učinkovitosti politik razvojne pomoči. Države skupine AKP smo tako razdelili v dve skupini. V skupino A, kjer so tiste, ki so prejele več razvojne pomoči, in skupino B, kjer so tiste, ki so prejele manj. Predpostavljali smo, da so države, ki so prejele več razvojne pomoči, naredile večji razvojni napredek. Njihov napredek smo preučevali na petih ekonomskih in socialnih razvojnih indikatorjih: BDP na prebivalca, obseg izvoza blaga in storitev, smrtnosti otrok do petega leta starosti, rast pričakovane življenjske dobe in število migracij. Na podlagi pridobljenih rezultatov za posamezno področje smo nato generalno sklepali ali so politike razvojne pomoči dosegle svoj namen, torej ali so bile učinkovite. Iz vsebinskega vidika je disertacija izvirni doprinos k ekonomski znanosti pri preučevanju problematike sedanjega sistema podeljevanja razvojne pomoči in posledično njene učinkovitosti, raziskovanja razvojne problematike v državah skupine AKP ter predlogom razreševanja sodobnih izzivov mednarodnega razvoja. Prav tako zapolnjuje vrzel pri preučevanju koncepta mednarodnega razvoja s kvalitativnimi metodami raziskovanja, saj so obstoječe raziskave izrazito kvantificirane. Ker je disertacija napisana v slovenskem jeziku je tudi prispevek k maloštevilni literaturi na tem področju in k nadaljnjem raziskovanju mednarodne razvojne problematike in s tem povezanih globalnih izzivov. ; This PhD dissertation studies a specific direction of international economics — the field of development aid policies, and focuses on its efficiency, mainly due to the relevance of the issue, since it is associated with numerous global challenges. Development aid, as the central theme of this dissertation presents the underlying concept, with which countries attempt to resolve developmental differences around the world. Studying the efficiency of development aid in terms of economic sciences is a very promising concept, mainly due to the fact that the gap between the developed countries of the global South and the global North is larger than ever, and current studies, nor resolution models, offered any effective solutions for changing or improving the current state. All of the above was studied on the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States (ACP) for two main reasons: Firstly, because the vast majority of these countries is a long-term beneficiary of development aid and secondly, because this provides us with a sound foundation for studying, including both the poorest Sub-Saharan countries and island states, which experienced rapid economic development in recent years. Thus the structure of this dissertation relies on both theory and application. The first part presents the fundamental theoretical terms from developmental economics, North-South relations, the history of cooperation among ACP countries with various international players and theoretical determination of development aid and its efficiency. The second part is intended for applied research of the efficiency of development aid policies. ACP countries were divided into two groups, group A with those receiving the most development aid and groups B with those receiving the least. We presumed that countries that received the most development aid made the most progress. Their progress was studied according top five economic and social indicators of development: GDP per capita, exports of goods and services, mortality of children under five years of age, growth in life expectancy and the number of migrations. Based on data retrieved for specific fields, we generally presumed whether development aid policies had achieved its purpose – if they were efficient. From the substantive aspect, this dissertation is an original contribution to the science of economics in its study of the problems in the existing system for distributing development aid and consequently its efficiency, to research of development problems in ACP countries and to proposals for meeting the modern challenges of international development. It also fills the gap in the study of the concept of international development through qualitative research methods, since existing research is extensively quantified. Since this dissertation is originally in Slovenian, it also adds to the scarce literature in this field and to future research of international developmental issues and the global challenges they bring.

Evropska unija se je na pragu leta 2011 začela srečevati s prvimi begunci, ki so pribežali z bojnih območjih Sirije in drugih držav Bližnjega vzhoda ter islamskih držav Severne Afrike in skušali ujeti svojo svobodo, osebno varnost in prihodnost prav v državah članicah Evropske unije. Politična kriza in vojna na Bližnjem vzhodu nista pojenjali, še več, vsak dan je na tisoče ljudi po sredozemskih in balkanski poti skušalo prebežati v Evropo. Evropska unija je leta 2015 z vrhuncem migracijskih tokov v Evropo doživljala najhujšo begunsko krizo po drugi svetovni vojni. Znašla se je pred hudim migracijskim vprašanjem, na katerega pa je sama našla odgovor v pomoči in sodelovanju Turčije – države, ki je pred 69 leti zaprosila za članstvo v Evropski uniji, vendar do danes še ni postala njena polnopravna članica. Turčija danes gosti največji delež sirskih beguncev na svetu – 3,6 milijona. Z Evropsko unijo sta po mnogih letih njunega intenzivnega političnega delovanja in diplomacije odprli novo poglavje sodelovanja, lahko bi ga poimenovala kar migracijsko sodelovanje, skovali sta skupno migracijsko politiko, le ta pa je bila ovekovečena 18. marca 2016 s podpisom izjave EU-Turčija, katere namen je bil ustaviti tok nedovoljenih migracij preko balkanske poti iz Turčije v Evropsko unijo in ga nadomestiti z organiziranimi, varnimi in zakonitimi potmi v Evropo. Seveda ni ostalo zgolj in samo pri turški uslugi Evropski uniji, le-ta je bila za to pripravljena dobro plačati, skupno je Turčiji namenila tri milijarde evrov in ji obljubila še druge ugodnosti, med drugim vizumsko liberalizacijo. V Evropski uniji se danes nahaja več kot 1,8 milijona beguncev. Mnoge Evropejce skrbi za osebno varnost, Evropsko unijo pa za nacionalno in mednarodno, med najbolj rizične varnostne implikacije, ki so jih s seboj prinesli begunci, se najpogosteje uvrščata terorizem in organiziran kriminal - tihotapljenje migrantov. ; At the beginning of 2011, the European Union faced the first refugees fleeing from the war-torn areas of Syria, other Middle East countries and Islamic countries of North Africa, trying to secure their freedom, personal safety and future in the member states of the European Union. The political crisis and war in the Middle East did not subside, on the contrary, every day thousands of people took the Mediterranean and Balkan routes to reach Europe. In 2015, when migration flows into Europe peaked, the European Union experienced the worst refugee crisis after the Second World War. The EU had to face a grave migration issue and eventually settled it with the help and in cooperation with Turkey – country that 69 years ago applied for the membership in the European Union but has not become its full member to this day. Turkey today hosts the largest share of Syrian refugees in the world – 3,6 million, and after many years of intensive political activity and diplomacy, it started a new chapter of cooperation with the European Union, we could call it migration cooperation. Together, they forged a common migration policy by signing the EU-Turkey Statement on 18th March 2016. Its aim was to put a halt to the irregular migration flows on the Balkan route from Turkey to the European Union and to replace it with organised, safe and legal ways to enter Europe. Of course, Turkey was not merely doing a favour to the European Union and the EU was ready to pay well in exchange, sending 3 billion euros to Turkey and promising other benefits, including visa liberalisation. Today, there are more than 1,8 million refugees in the European Union. Many Europeans worry about their personal safety and the European Union is concerned about the national and international security. As the riskiest security implications brought by refugees are most often mentioned terrorism and organised crime – smuggling of migrants.

The need for legal regulation of essential local community relations derives from the nature of these relations, because vital conditions for life & work are regulated in a local community. In a locally conditioned form of association of people, the relative stability & predictability of relationships, which present a potential conflict of interest, can be achieved through the legal institutionalization of citizens' communication. The necessity for rationalizing the legal regulation of social relations has been emphasized lately. These trends need to be followed also in legal defining of regions. A detailed normative definition & over-organization of local self-government & performing governmental functions represent an obstacle to the implementation of authentic interests of local residents. The very satisfaction of the common needs & interests of the population in the future region represents a functional element in the legal image of the regional self-government. This image includes also territorial & organizational components. From this point of view, it is necessary to very carefully analyze the new Article 143 of the Constitution of the Republic of Slovenia that allows starting establishing regions as a second level of local self-government. In adopting acts that define system frameworks of regions, particular attention needs to be paid to the process of forming regions, to their financing & to delegating some tasks from the state competence to regions. References. Adapted from the source document.

POVZETEK Prvi del magistrske naloge zajema razlago ustavnih ureditev treh držav, Združenih držav Amerike, Francije in Slovenije, ter instrumente in institucije, podobne slovenski interpelaciji. Ustavne ureditve so vključene zaradi razumevanja razmerja med parlamentom in vlado, saj to igra ključno vlogo pri sprožitvi procesa interpelacije ter pri postavljanju poslanskih vprašanj. Interpelacija po slovenski ureditvi pomeni formalno vloženo pisno vprašanje skupine deset ali več poslancev z namenom, da bi odstavili bodisi ministra ali vlado. Interpelacija je orodje opozicije, da izpostavi trenutno oblast in jo postavi v položaj, kjer se mora javno zagovarjati. V ta kontekst so postavljeni primeri interpelacije v Sloveniji, ker so primer dejanskega nadzora parlamenta nad delovanjem vlade. Interpelacij se je v naši 26 let stari državi zgodilo kar nekaj, za magistrsko delo smo izbrali obdobje devete vlade Republike Slovenije, ki jo je vodil Borut Pahor. V času od novembra 2008 do februarja 2012 so se zgodile štiri interpelacije, ki so dober primer tega, kako je delovalo določeno ministrstvo v tistem obdobju, kakšen je bil sproten pritisk parlamenta na vlado in stališče opozicije do takratne oblasti. Z najprej opisanim razmerjem med parlamentom in vlado ter s primerjavo z drugimi državami smo pojasnili razmerje v slovenski ureditvi, nato pa s primeri interpelacije prikazali, kako to razmerje deluje v praksi. ; ABSTRACT The first part of the thesis consists of the overview of constitutional orders from three states: United States of America, France and Slovenia with the instruments and institutions similar to Slovenian interpellation. Constitutional orders are included because of the easier understanding of relationship between the Parliament and Government, which is crucial for the initiation of the interpellation process and for asking the parliamentary questions. Under the Slovenian constitution interpellation means a formal written question handed in by a group of ten or more members of the parliament with the intent to remove the minister or the government from its position. Interpellation is the instrument of the opposition, to call the coalition in question. In this context we have included the actual cases of interpellation in Slovenia, because they represent the control of Parliament above the work of Government. In our 26 years old country, there has been a significant number of interpellations, and the selected period is the ninth Government of Republic of Slovenia, which was under a leadership of Borut Pahor. In this precise time, from November 2008 to February 2012, four interpellations were processed, which show a good example of how a specific Ministry worked at the time, and what was the consistent pressure of Parliament on the Government, and the position of opposition towards the leadership at that time. With firstly described correlation between Parliament and Government and with the comparison with other countries, we have explained a relationship in Slovenian constitutional order, and afterwards I have presented how this relationship practically works with the cases of interpellations.

Different organizational structures of the Catholic Church in Slovenia were a reflection of the circumstances in the Christian community in the Central European region. Being a basic structure, a diocese has existed since the antique period. The diocese is a religious community with a centre in a large settlement (civitas). With the spread of Christianity into the rural areas and into the peasant environment, parishes began to come into existence. In historiography, the terms 'primitive parishes' began to be used to refer to the oldest parishes. They were characterized by their vastness. The number of primitive parishes increased in the 12th century. Due to remoteness of diocesan centres from the communities in rural areas and because of the inability of bishops to be in touch with the priests in rural areas, intermediate stages of organization were coming into existence during centuries, i.e., archdeaconries and deaneries at some places. Some important changes occurred in the operation of the Catholic Church and in its organization in Slovenia during the years after the Second World War. New parishes were established. The change of the state boundaries required changing the diocesan boundaries. Finally, the creation of the independent state of the Republic of Slovenia required a new setting up of the pastoral work and a new territorial organization of dioceses. Adapted from the source document.

Ekonomski interesi treh ključnih velikih sil, Združenih držav Amerike, Rusije in Kitajske, ki se uveljavljajo oziroma uresničujejo skozi njihove konkretne politike in dejanja, imajo pomemben, če že ne velik vpliv na varnost in politične razmere drugih držav. Ker so ekonomski interesi ključni za katerokoli državo, so medsebojna dinamika, prepletanje in vplivanje teh interesov izrednega pomena za razumevanje trenutnih razmer v mednarodnih odnosih. Analiza primarnih in sekundarnih virov, predvsem pa poglobljeni intervjuji s strokovnjaki nakazujejo, da se politične in varnostne posledice ekonomskih interesov velikih sil največkrat manifestirajo na regionalni ravni. Izjema pri tem so ZDA, ki za doseganje svojih ekonomskih interesov politično in varnostno spreminjajo razmere na globalni ravni. Pri tem so najbolj osredotočene na širitev neoliberalnih ekonomskih praks in zagotovitev energetske varnosti, ki velikokrat poteka s pomočjo znatne uporabe vojaške moči. Rusija, po drugi strani, je trenutno še osredotočena na svojo vlogo energetskega velikana, pri čimer najbolj konkretno vpliva na države iz bližnje soseščine, tudi preko političnih pritiskov in industrijskih sabotaž. Analiza trendov sicer kaže, da bo cilj ekonomske diverzifikacije postajal še pomembnejši v prihodnosti. V osnovi ta zaključek pomeni, da bo Rusija skušala zmanjšati svojo odvisnost od izvoza energentov in na tak način zagotoviti večjo ekonomsko, kot tudi politično in varnostno stabilnost države. Ključna karakteristika ekonomske politike Kitajske je usmeritev v zagotavljanje energetskih virov za rastoče gospodarstvo. V ta namen se poslužuje multisektorske politike, ki je najbolj jasno vidna v Afriki. Ta poseben, quid pro quo pristop se kaže v velikih infrastrukturnih investicijah na strani Kitajske, v zameno za zagotovitve izvoza energentov iz določenih afriških držav. Analiza vse treh držav jasno kaže, da ekonomski interesi vidno vplivajo na odnose med državami v mednarodni skupnosti in usodno določajo dinamiko in ravnovesje sil. ; Economic interests of great powers, specifically United States of America, Russia and China, and the process of attaining these interests through the set of concrete policies and actions has considerable, if not predominantly important effects on political and security situation of other countries. Since economic interests are of pivotal importance for any state, the recognition and understanding of intertwined dynamics and cross-section of these interests is essential for establishing an accurate perception of the current situation in contemporary international relations. Analysis of primary and secondary resources, and especially the in- depth interviews with experts revealed that the majority of political and security implications of the process of attaining economic interests have been manifesting on the regional level. An exception to this rule is the United States, which is affecting political and security characteristics around the globe. In doing so, it is mostly concentrated on continuous expansion of neoliberalism, as well as ensuring energy security, often through utilization of military power. Meanwhile, Russia is currently still focused on its role as an energy giant, and has the ability to strongly influence the countries in its near vicinity through considerate political pressures and industrial sabotage. Many trends within the country and its internal policies seem to suggest that this is likely to change in the near future, and the goal of economic diverzification will become even more important. Essentially, this means that Russia will attempt to reduce its dependence on energy exports, and thus ensure far greater economic, but also political and security stability of the country. Finally, we analyzed China. The key characteristic of its economic policy is focus on ensuring energy resources for its growing economy. In order to succeed, China has been utilizing a multisectoral approach, most clearly visible in Africa. These quid pro quo deals were realized through large infrastrucral investment on the Chinese side, and accompanying insurance of energy exports on the side of the African countries. The analysis of all three states draws the conclusion that economic interests are thus visibly affecting the nature of the intra- state relationships in the international community, and faithfully account for the ultimate dynamics and balance of world powers.

V okviru aktualnih procesov v mednarodni skupnosti je mogoče opaziti večje poudarjanje vloge nedržavnih akterjev v tradicionalnih državocentričnih oblikah vladanja. Aktivnosti slednjih so zaznane na področju problematike, povezane z oskrbo z globalnimi okoljskimi dobrinami. Magistrsko delo poskuša ovrednotiti vlogo nedržavnih akterjev, natančneje mednarodnih nevladnih okoljskih organizacij (MNVOO) v okviru mednarodnih okoljskih režimov, saj lahko aktivnosti MNVOO kritično vplivajo na učinkovito delovanje režimov samih. Predmet proučevanja je vpliv MNVOO v državocentričnih mednarodnih okoljskih režimih, primarni cilj pa je ovrednotenje vpliva MNVOO na spremembe v teh režimih. Vplive MNVOO bomo ovrednotili skozi zrcalo treh teoretskih perspektiv mednarodnih režimov. S podrobnejšo analizo Evropske unije kot pomembnega akterja mednarodnega režima za boj proti podnebnim spremembam, konkretno njenega sistema za trgovanje z emisijami (EU ETS), – in s to analizo povezanimi odzivi evropskih MNVOO na delovanje EU ETS – bomo dosegali cilj magistrskega dela. Ugotovitve pokažejo, da je vloga MNVOO v fazi oblikovanja mednarodnih okoljskih režimov manj pomembna kot v fazi implementacije. Realizem se pokaže kot najprimernejša teoretska perspektiva v fazi oblikovanja mednarodnih okoljskih režimov, saj ti kažejo posledice strukturnega izražanja moči med državami. Ker liberalizem poudarja pomen večjega vključevanja nevladnih akterjev v fazi implementacije mednarodnih režimov, se ta teoretska perspektiva izkaže kot najbolj primerna za obravnavo izbranega mednarodnega okoljskega režima. Liberalizmu se pridruži šibkejši kognitivizem, saj temelji na medsebojnem učenju ter delitvi informacij. ; Within the current processes of the contemporary international community, academic research observes a greater emphasis being placed on the role of international non-state actors in generally state-centered forms of governance. Their activities are manifested in the field of problems related to the supply of global environmental goods. This master's thesis aims to evaluate the role of non-state actors, (i.e. environmental non-governmental organizations (ENGOs)) in internationalenvironmental regimes (IERs), as ENGOs' activities can significantly contribute to a more effective operation of IERs. Thesis seeks to examine the impact of ENGOs on IERs, whereby its primary goal is to assess the actual ENGOs' influence on changes within state-centric IERs. ENGOs influence will be evaluated through the lens of three theoretical perspectives on international regimes. The set goal will be achived through detailed analysis of the European Union – and its emissions trading system (EU ETS), respectively – as one of the leading players within the international climate change regime – and through associated response of European ENGOs on EU ETS. Thesis shows that ENGOs play greater role at the IERs implementation phase in comparison to IERs formation phase. Realism proves to be the most applicable theoretical perspective at the IERs formation phase, as newly established IERs demonstrate structural power relations between the states. Placing greater emphasis on the ENGOs involvement at the IERs implementation phase, liberalism attests to be the most suitable theoretical perspective for this master's thesis case study. Being based on mutual learning and information sharing, liberalism is joined by weak cognitivism.

The local geodetic service systematically provides information that is relevant to the implementation of the strategic policies of the sustainable development & rational management of space, municipality environment & wider local communities. It is also important as a public service for supplying data to the professional & interested public in their further work, as well as for providing information at the state level & within the framework of the European integrations. The paper explains why the institute of the local geodetic service differs in individual local communities. The central part of the paper deals with some additional possibilities of using the services from the area of the local geodetic service. These services can essentially contribute to better political decisions of local communities in making strategically relevant decisions. Adapted from the source document.

Magistrsko delo analizira delovanje male države, ko je ta na čelu Organizacije za varnost in sodelovanje v Evropi (OVSE), v okviru enega od glavnih področij delovanja institucije – upravljanja in preprečevanja konfliktov. Analizira, kako lahko mala država s pametno uporabo svoje mehke moči deluje kot agent preventivne diplomacije in s katerimi ovirami se pri tem srečuje. Magistrsko delo kot študijo primera obravnava krizo v Kirgiziji leta 2005, ki sovpada s predsedovanjem Slovenije OVSE. Delo pokaže, da ima mala država ravno zaradi svojih specifičnih lastnosti primerjalne prednosti pri delovanju v okviru preventivne diplomacije, saj jo druge države pogosto dojemajo kot razmeroma nepristranskega akterja, ki se v reševanje krize ne vpleta aktivno zato, da bi zasledoval (ozko definirane) nacionalne interese, kar je pogost očitek velikim državam. Prav tako se pokaže, da je zaslomba, ki jo mali državi daje institucija (v našem primeru OVSE), lahko ključnega pomena, saj se mali državi pod okriljem institucije s tem krepi legitimnost. Analiza delovanja Slovenije v primeru krize v Kirgiziji še pokaže, da je ena od glavnih nalog male države kot predsedujoče mednarodni instituciji skupnostno delovanje, ki mora upoštevati pravila odločevalskega procesa, obenem pa ravno skupnostno delovanje prinaša mali državi možnost, da se v mednarodnem okolju izkaže kot zanesljiv partner in deluje kot most med različnimi interesi. S tem krepi svoj mednarodni ugled in posledično svojo mehko moč. ; The thesis analyses activities of small states (focusing on Slovenia) during their Chairmanship of Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), in the field of conflict management and conflict prevention as one of the main areas of the OSCE. It analyses how a small country can put its soft power to smart use and act as an agent of preventive diplomacy and what the main obstacles for its activities are. The thesis deals with a case-study of the Kyrgyz revolution in 2005, which coincided with Slovenia's Charimanship of the OSCE. The thesis shows that a small country's specific characteristics bring comparative advantages in preventive diplomacy, because small countries do not engage actively in crisis resolution in pursuit of their (narrowly defined) national interests as it is often associated with big states. It also shows that organizational backing (in our case the OSCE's) is vital for small states, because it provides legitimacy. With the analysis of Slovenia's Chairmanship, the thesis shows that one of the main tasks for a small country, chairing an international institution, is a community action with an emphasis on the decision-making process. A successful community action brings about opportunities for a small country to prove itself in an international environment and to act as a bridge builder between different interests. With this, the small country can strengthen its international reputation and its soft power.

The forms of the state order depend on legal independence/dependence of the organizational parts that make up a state, and on the legal relationships established among them. These relationships are either centralized or decentralized. It is characteristic of the state that it has central authority extending over the entire national territory. The decisions made by this authority are obligatory and binding for all population. It is particularly characteristic of the state that through its branched organization, also non-centralized authorities are established. They extend over organizationally restricted area and their decisions are not obligatory and binding for all their residents, but only for the inhabitants of a narrower community. Of course, here is the issue of the content and scope of the non-centralized units, which is the research subject in this paper. Adapted from the source document.

The prescribed procedure for entering into a public-private partnership, which is the research subject in this paper, is extremely complex & long-lasting because in addition to the umbrella Public-Private Partnership Act, the public partner must observe also the regulations governing the commercial public services, public procurement, public finance & disposal of the physical assets of the state, regions & municipalities. Due to a great number of regulations that need to be observed upon entering into a public-private partnership, in a given case, the public partner has to judge whether or not it is more economical & appropriate to carry out his intention to finance investments in infrastructure or to carry out public service activities in a different manner either by granting an architectural right or by selling physical assets, or by public procurement & not by entering into a public-private partnership. Adapted from the source document.

Erasmus+ je program Evropske Unije (EU) na področju izobraževanja, usposabljanja, mladine in športa, ki omogoča mednarodno učno mobilnost. Tako Evropska komisija kot akademski strokovnjaki velikokrat navajajo Erasmus+ za uspešen primer evropske integracije in kot spodbujevalec evropske identitete. To magistrsko delo s pomočjo interpretativne paradigme poskuša osvetliti presečišče med teorijo evropskih integracij, vrednotenjem programa Erasmus+ in osmišljanjem evropske identitete. Analiza EU dokumentov je pokazala, da termin evropska identiteta izrazito nekonsistentno uporabljen znotraj upravljavskih organov EU. Poleg tega se je pomen evropske identitete, kakor jo je navzven predstavljala Skupnost, od sedemdesetih let prejšnjega stoletja naprej izrazito spreminjal. Prvotni zunanje-politični pomen je zamenjalo vrednotenje evropske identitete v odnosu do nacionalne države. Raziskave na področju vplivov programa Erasmus+ (oziroma mednarodne mobilnosti) na izgradnjo evropske identitete sicer prinašajo zelo različne rezultate, skoraj vse pa pesti problem metodološkega nacionalizma. Učinki programa Erasmus+ so sicer pozitivni, vendar težko ovrednoteni, saj so se od začetkov programa leta 1987 do danes drastično spreminjali. Opazna je neoliberalna logika prostega pretoka delovne sile v smislu spodbujanja mednarodne mobilnosti in posledično izgrajevanja konkurenčnega trga delovne sile na katerem štejejo kompetence posameznika/ posameznice. ; Erasmus+ is the European Union's (the EU) programme in the fields of education, training, youth and sport, which enables international learning mobility. Both the European Commission and academic experts often cite Erasmus+ as a successful example of European integration and as a facilitator of a European identity. This thesis seeks to illuminate the intersection between the theory of European integration, the evaluation of the Erasmus + programme and European identity. This is done with interpretive paradigm. An analysis of the EU' documents has shown that the term European identity is used in a highly inconsistent way within the EU's bodies. In addition, the meaning of European identity, as initially represented by the Community, has changed markedly since the 1970s. The original meaning reflected the foreign policy aspirations of the Community ; later this was replaced with the emphasis of European identity in relation to the nation-state. Research in the field of measuring the impact of the Erasmus+ programme (or international mobility) on the construction of the European identity brings a variety of results. The common problem of such research is the one of methodological nationalism. The effects of the Erasmus+ programme are positive, but difficult to evaluate, as they have changed drastically since the beginning of the programme in 1987. The neoliberal logic behind the free movement of labour is noticeable, especially in the light of boosting international mobility to create a competitive labour market, where one's competencies are all that matters.