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United States participation in international politics during the period between the two world wars, come not only from the general and often declarative interest in peace, but was also a consequence of extremely rapid expansion of their foreign trade and overseas capital investments. It was a period of intense financial diplomacy, when efforts to maintain the gold standard, to determine the amount of reparations and the manner of payment of war debts, brought confusion not only in relations between victors and vanquished, but also in relations between the United States and its former European allies. Abandonment of the gold standard and the creation of the tripartite agreement between the United States, Britain and France, in the 1936, was a milestone in the development of international monetary cooperation and the role of United States in international economic relations. .

Thucydides is considered to be the founder of political realism. Even in those times he determined the basic premises of realism - security and survival. He made an impact on subsequent development of realism embodied in the works of Machiavelli, Hobbes, Morgenthau, Car, Niebuhr, Aaron, Waltz etc. They will call the system of international relations as anarchical one since there is no supreme arbitrator which will force states to adequate behaviour. His views of realism were given in the volume 'The Peloponnesian War' where he had determined the anarchy of the relationships among states. Such system did not rely on justice and morale, but force and power were the predominant facts. He also introduces the category of just wars by claiming that Sparta led a just war against the increased power of Athens, and observed morale principles. Nevertheless, Thucydides faces contradictory, since Sparta itself as the largest land force of that time had to use force in order to beat Athens. He went ahead since he considered force and power as a necessary condition to achieve other objectives, which was later on adopted by Raymond Aaron. Following the example of the war between Athens and Sparta, he successfully analysed bipolar system of balance of power in which the conflict between the leading members of the two opposite blocks was possible in the end, while beforehand there should have been conflicts among weaker members of both blocks. Thucydides explained the manifestation of force and power using example of the Melian dialogue between the envoys of Athens and Melos. It was about the pure politics of force of Athens regardless of the fact that Melos had its independence.

In his main oeuvre from the field of political philosophy ('Basic Traits of the Philosophy of Right'), Hegel wished to reconcile civil society with state. Civil society is for Hegel the way of abstract notion of property concretization. Subjective form of property is evolutioning into objective relationships among title holders. It is in the state where the will is set free from its particular interests and is becoming free in the widest sense of the word. Since civil society is established as per marketing principles, it is subject to inequalities. Since inequalities bear destructive effect on the life in community, civic particularism may be overcome only in institutional way. That institution is the state as the 'seriousness of the spirit', and the essence of civil society. Civil society is a liberal one, and the state is based on liberal principles. For Hegel, contrary to Hobbes and Locke, liberal society is not a social contract among individuals who possessed some natural rights (property), but reciproque and equal agreement among citizens and states which wish to recognize themselves mutually. It is not an own interest, but searching for rational recognition. The same as citizens, states also wish to reconcile themselves mutually, what in the situation in Kosovo and Metohia alike gets the original form.

This article is a part of research study on The Implementation Of the Community Organization Councils for self-governance A Case studies of community organizations councils in Nakhon Si Thammarat Province Thailand, Which aims to study the context of the Implementation of the community organization councils and the role that leads to self-governance of the community The researcher gave an example of the context of the Implementation community organization councils in Na Wae Sub-district, Chawang District, Nakhon Si Thammarat Province Thailand. Which is the prototype area of this research a case study By using participatory action research methods. The results of the research found that: In the early age, groups of many community organizations in Na Wae Sub-district Occurred before the enactment of the Community Organization Councils in 2008 Such community organizations There are many activities in social Implementation. Both in terms of Problem issue and issues in areas such as customs and traditions, community services, community rights in resources and environment, organic farming systems in the community, community welfare fund systems, and Community financial institutions etc. And from the registration and establishment of a community organization councils Na Wae Sub-district in the year 2009 with the Community Organizations Council Act Making various agencies both public and private sectors Accept the status of more community organizations Until causing the group New community organizations According to the policy of the agency And government policies such as civil servant shops Rural Solidarity Group etc. In addition, it was found that the Community Organization Councils of Na Wae Sub-district Have linked the group Community organizations that are Implementation by various issues Of the Sub-district together, thus creating a coordinated space between the state and the community Both the owner of the problem and the contributor to solve the problem Until making the Community Organization Council of Na wae Sub-district as a "center stage" or "Central area" of the Sub-district, where local, provincial officials And various support units Can join to exchange learning And set guidelines for solving common problems Therefore is a major trend of Implementation the Community Organization Councils of Na Wae Sub-district which will lead to "self-governance community" which will be the growth and strength of the Thai citizen movement ; บทความนี้เป็นส่วนหนึ่งของการศึกษาวิจัยเรื่อง การขับเคลื่อนสภาองค์กรชุมชนเพื่อการจัดการตนเอง กรณีศึกษาสภาองค์กรชุมชนจังหวัดนครศรีธรรมราช ซึ่งมีวัตถุประสงค์เพื่อศึกษาบริบทของการขับเคลื่อนสภาองค์กรชุมชนและบทบาทที่นำไปสู่การจัดการตนเองของชุมชน โดยผู้วิจัยได้ยกตัวอย่างบริบทการขับเคลื่อนสภาองค์กรชุมชนตำบลนาแว อำเภอฉวาง จังหวัดนครศรีธรรมราช ซึ่งเป็นพื้นที่ต้นแบบของกรณีศึกษาของงานวิจัยฉบับนี้ โดยใช้ระเบียบวิธีวิจัยเชิงปฏิบัติการแบบมีส่วนร่วม ผลการวิจัยพบว่า ยุคเริ่มแรก กลุ่ม องค์กรชุมชนจำนวนมากของตำบลนาแว เกิดขึ้นก่อนที่จะมีการตราประราชบัญญัติสภาองค์กรชุมชนขึ้นเมื่อปีพุทธศักราช 2551 กลุ่ม องค์กรชุมชนดังกล่าว มีกิจกรรมร่วมกันในการขับเคลื่อนทางสังคมอยู่หลายประการทั้งที่เป็นเชิงประเด็นปัญหาและทุนในพื้นที่ เช่น ประเด็นด้านขนบธรรมเนียมประเพณี การปริการสาธารณะในชุมชน สิทธิชุมชนด้านทรัพยากรและสิ่งแวดล้อม ระบบเกษตรอินทรีย์ในชุมชน ระบบกองทุนสวัสดิการชุมชน สถาบันการเงินชุมชน เป็นต้น และจากการจดแจ้ง จัดตั้งสภาองค์กรชุมชนตำบลนาแวขึ้นในปี 2552 ที่มีพระราชบัญญัติสภาองค์กรชุมชนรองรับทำให้หน่วยงานต่าง ๆ ทั้งภาครัฐและภาคเอกชน ยอมรับสถานภาพของกลุ่มองค์กรชุมชนมากขึ้น จนทำให้เกิดกลุ่ม องค์กรชุมชนใหม่ๆ ตามนโยบายของหน่วยงาน และนโยบายของรัฐ เช่น กลุ่มร้านค้าประชารัฐ กลุ่มบ้านมั่นคงชนบท เป็นต้น นอกจากนั้นยังพบว่า สภาองค์กรชุมชนตำบลนาแว ได้มีการเชื่อมโยงกลุ่ม องค์กรชุมชนที่ขับเคลื่อนตามประเด็นปัญหาต่าง ๆ ของตำบลไว้ด้วยกัน จึงทำให้เกิดพื้นที่การประสานงานร่วมกันระหว่างรัฐกับชุมชน ทั้งเจ้าของปัญหาและผู้มีส่วนให้การสนับสนุนในการแก้ไขปัญหา จนทำให้สภาองค์กรชุมชนตำบลนาแว เป็นเสมือน "เวทีกลาง" หรือ "พื้นที่กลาง" ของตำบล ที่ท้องถิ่น จังหวัดและเจ้าหน้าที่ หน่วยสนับสนุนต่าง ๆ สามารถเข้าร่วมแลกเปลี่ยนเรียนรู้ และกำหนดแนวทางในการแก้ไขปัญหาร่วมกันได้ จึงเป็นแนวโน้มสำคัญของการขับเคลื่อนสภาองค์กรชุมชนตำบลนาแว ที่จะนำไปสู่ "ชุมชนจัดการตนเอง" ซึ่งจะเป็นการเติบโตและเข้มแข็งของขบวนการภาคพลเมืองไทยอีกระดับหนึ่ง

After the cold war, when the Eastern block collapsed, considerable changes were made in the world security architecture. Althought it seemed like a beginning of more certain and secure era, cold war ending didn't fulfill expectations neither the main actors in the cold war conflict, nor the expectations of the rest of the world. Besides, collapse of one block, didn't stop growth dynamic of new power centers. Tendencies for power are not new and unfamiliar to human. When bypolar system collapsed, other subjects started fighting for the positions. PRC role with her enormous people potential, growing economy and strengthened military is evident. Soviet Union, accordingly Russian Federation, believed that there was no more need for strenghtening the other block, especially when the opposite doesn't exist. But, former partners included the opposite side, and that made more tensions between Russia and United States. Rest of the world didn't get better chance to create own future. On the contrary, especially for the peripheral and semiperipheral countries, new threats appeared that destabilized individual and collective security. Efforts to make human community rational, were always idealism and those efforts were considered utopian, but under the given circumstances, for the international stability, the most accseptable model is model of global triangle - China, Russia, USA. Reason why this three countries is ther specific potention: USA is powerful technological, military and political center, RF is worlds warehouse' and China is the worlds manufacture. In the globalism domination over nationalism era that model could be the optimal 'braking and balance' system in the international relations- political ideal that all liberal schools wanted to acchievestarting Lock, Montesquieu, Rousseau till today.

The objective of this research is to 1) assess civil society policies and promote self-reliance of the elderly in Nakhon Pathom Province 2) study the effectiveness of civil state policy implementation 3) propose mechanisms and guidelines for driving state civil policy effectively as a research Quality by the key informants used in the research were 1) 13 civil society policy executives and civil state policy makers 2) a The elderly were the result of the civil state policy, consisting of 14 persons, 3 experts who participated in the 8 sub-group meetings, were the specific data providers, the research instruments were in-depth interview, data collection. With in-depth interviews and group discussions, issues from in-depth interviews were analyzed using content analysis methods The information is extremely descriptive analytical research on that. The results of the research revealed that: The results of the civil state policy evaluation and promoting self-reliance of the elderly, the majority of the elderly are satisfied with this policy which is a concrete, clear operation, with pride that they can rely on Can only take oneself, but are worried that there may be exploitation from policy implementation, management suggests that policies should be carried out continuously because it will improve the quality of life Including social participation, personal economic support, physical and mental promotion. Effectiveness of civil state policy and promoting the self-reliance of the elderly, some projects are not worth the budget, some people are not fully affected by the policy. Human resource management should use people to match the work. And must comply with the plan and should be sustainable in the implementation of the policy, including the duration of the project implementation is too short resulting in no effectiveness Visual performance is poor mechanism and policy-driven approach to efficiently find the civil state. Strategies and guidelines for driving the public policy efficiently, it is found that the village community should be implemented before the government project, the city or community should be built for the elderly, creating a database of the elderly, the policy must be sustainable, increase the budget Regarding the elderly, increase public relations regarding public policy. ; การวิจัยนี้มีวัตถุประสงค์เพื่อ 1) ประเมินนโยบายประชารัฐกับการส่งเสริมการพึ่งตนเองของผู้สูงอายุ จังหวัดนครปฐม 2) ศึกษาประสิทธิผลการดำเนินนโยบายประชารัฐ 3) นำเสนอกลไก และแนวทางการขับเคลื่อนนโยบายประชารัฐอย่างมีประสิทธิภาพ เป็นการวิจัยเชิงคุณภาพ โดยผู้ให้ข้อมูลสำคัญที่ใช้ในการวิจัยคือ 1) ผู้บริหารนโยบายประชารัฐและผู้ดำเนินนโยบายประชารัฐ จำนวน 13 ท่าน 2) กลุ่มผู้สูงอายุผู้รับผลจากนโยบายประชารัฐ จำนวน 14 ท่าน 3) ผู้ทรงคุณวุฒิที่เข้าร่วมการประชุมกลุ่มย่อย จำนวน 8 ท่าน เป็นการเลือกผู้ให้ข้อมูลแบบเฉพาะเจาะจง เครื่องมือที่ใช้ในการวิจัยเป็นแบบสัมภาษณ์เชิงลึก การเก็บรวบรวมข้อมูลด้วยการสัมภาษณ์เชิงลึก และการสนทนากลุ่มย่อยจากประเด็นปัญหาจากการสัมภาษณ์เชิงลึก การวิเคราะห์ข้อมูลโดยวิธีการวิเคราะห์เชิงเนื้อหา การนำเสนอข้อมูลแบบพรรณนาเชิงวิเคราะห์ ผลการวิจัยบว่า ผลการประเมินนโยบายประชารัฐกับการส่งเสริมการพึ่งตนเองได้ของผู้สูงอายุ ผู้สูงอายุส่วนใหญ่มีความพึงพอใจต่อนโยบายนี้ โดยเป็นการดำเนินงานที่เป็นรูปธรรมชัดเจน มีความภูมิใจว่าสามารถพึ่งพาตนเองได้ แต่กังวลว่าอาจจะเกิดการแสวงหาผลประโยชน์จากการดำเนินนโยบาย ฝ่ายผู้บริหารเสนอว่าควรดำเนินนโยบายอย่างต่อเนื่องเพราะทำให้คุณภาพชีวิตดีขึ้น ทั้งการเข้าร่วมสังคม ช่วยเหลือเศรษฐกิจส่วนบุคคล ส่งเสริมทางร่างกายและจิตใจ ประสิทธิผลการดำเนินนโยบายประชารัฐกับส่งเสริมการพึ่งตนเองของผู้สูงอายุ บางโครงการไม่คุ้มค่ากับเงินงบประมาณ บางท่านไม่ได้รับผลจากนโยบายอย่างเต็มที่ การบริหารทรัพยากรบุคคลควรใช้คนให้ตรงกับงาน ควรมีการวางแผนที่ดีและต้องปฏิบัติตามแผนที่กำหนด และควรมีความยั่งยืนในการดำเนินนโยบาย รวมทั้งระยะเวลาของการดำเนินโครงการสั้นเกินไป ทำให้ไม่เกิดประสิทธิภาพและประสิทธิผลที่ดีเท่าที่ควร กลไกและแนวทางการขับเคลื่อนนโยบายประชารัฐอย่างมีประสิทธิภาพพบว่า ควรทำประชาคมหมู่บ้านก่อนดำเนินโครงการ ภาครัฐควรสร้างเมือง หรือชุมชนสำหรับผู้สูงอายุ การจัดทำฐานข้อมูลรวมของผู้สูงอายุ นโยบายต้องมีความยั่งยืน เพิ่มงบประมาณเกี่ยวกับผู้สูงอายุ เพิ่มการประชาสัมพันธ์เกี่ยวกับนโยบายประชารัฐ

This research aimed to 1) study the level of civil state policy and local development in Chumphon Province, 2) examine the relationship and the influence of the civil state policy on the local development in Chumphon Province, and 3) create a model of civil state policy for the local development in the area of study. The study was mixed in nature-quantitative and qualitative methods. With respect to the quantitative method, the sample of the study comprised 400 people. The study instrument was a set of self- administered questionnaires. In regard to the qualitative method, the small sample group comprised 36 participants. The statistics used for data analysis were frequency, percentage, mean, and standard deviation. The statistics used for hypothesis testing were Pearson's Product Moment Correlation Coefficient and multiple regression by stepwise and data analysis for qualitative result. The results were as follows. 1) The level of civil state policy and local development in Chumphon Province, as a whole, was rated at a high level. 2) The relationship between the civil state policy and the local development in the area of study, as a whole, was also rated at a high level (.807). The predictor variables could explain factors influencing the local development in the area of study with a statistically calculated percentage of 66.50 ( R2 = .665). The sub-variables in descending order of degree were organizational competency promotion, private and people's organization promotion and social power, local people encouragement for more development participation, liberty and rights warranty, equilibrium in development participation, and conflict management with peace orientation. 3) According to the civil state policy for the local development in the area of study, Chumphon Province should develop other strategies namely agricultural products and industrial agriculture development, commerce and tourism investment engagement, utility management, and infrastructure reestablishment and preservation. Finally, government's policies for small and micro community enterprise financial support were crucially needed. ; การวิจัยครั้งนี้มีวัตถุประสงค์เพื่อ 1) ศึกษาระดับนโยบายประชารัฐและระดับการพัฒนาท้องถิ่นในจังหวัดชุมพร 2) ศึกษาความสัมพันธ์และอิทธิพลของนโยบายประชารัฐกับการพัฒนาท้องถิ่นในจังหวัดชุมพร 3) เพื่อสร้างนโยบายประชารัฐกับการพัฒนาท้องถิ่นในจังหวัดชุมพร กลุ่มตัวอย่างที่ใช้ในการวิจัยเชิงปริมาณ จำนวน 400 คน โดยใช้ แบบสอบถามเป็นเครื่องมือประชากรที่ใช้ในการวิจัยเชิงคุณภาพคือการสัมภาษณ์และประชุมกลุ่มย่อย จำนวน 36 คน สถิติที่ใช้ในการวิเคราะห์ข้อมูล ได้แก่ ร้อยละ ค่าเฉลี่ย ค่าเบี่ยงเบนมาตรฐาน สัมประสิทธิ์สหสัมพันธ์ของเพียร์สัน และการวิเคราะห์ถดถอยเชิงพหุ โดยวิธี Stepwise ข้อมูลเชิงคุณภาพ ใช้วิธีการวิเคราะห์เนื้อหาและอธิบายผล ผลการวิจัย พบว่า 1) ระดับนโยบายประชารัฐและระดับการพัฒนาท้องถิ่นในจังหวัดชุมพร โดยรวมอยู่ในระดับมาก 2) การวิเคราะห์ความสัมพันธ์ระหว่างนโยบายประชารัฐกับการพัฒนาท้องถิ่นในจังหวัดชุมพร โดยรวมอยู่ ในระดับสูง (.807) นโยบายประชารัฐที่มีอิทธิพลต่อการพัฒนาท้องถิ่นในจังหวัดชุมพรร้อยละ 66.50 (R2 = .665) เรียงการเข้าสู่สมการตามความสัมพันธ์ คือ การเสริมสร้างศักยภาพขององค์กรพัฒนาเอกชนและองค์กรประชาชน การส่งเสริมท้องถิ่นให้มีส่วนร่วมในการพัฒนา การสร้างเสริมสมรรถนะของประชาชนและพลังทางสังคม การปรับดุลยภาพ การมีส่วนร่วมในการพัฒนาการให้หลักประกันสิทธิเสรีภาพ การจัดการแก้ไขความขัดแย้งในสังคมด้วยสันติวิธี 3) นโยบายประชารัฐกับการพัฒนาท้องถิ่นในจังหวัดชุมพร ควรมีการพัฒนายุทธศาสตร์ด้านการพัฒนา ผลิตสินค้าเกษตรและเกษตรอุตสาหกรรม ส่งเสริมการลงทุนพาณิชยกรรมและการท่องเที่ยว บริหารจัดการสาธารณูปโภค การบำรุงรักษาซ่อมแซมโครงสร้างพื้นฐาน และภาครัฐควรมีนโยบายสนับสนุนงบประมาณการประกอบอาชีพวิสาหกิจชุมชนขนาดย่อม

Projects on the establishment of world peace in the late Middle Ages were initially marked by religious views on the world. Christian church was the subject of war and peace and it did not make differences among peoples. It had universal aspirations. This dogmatic comprehension will be abandoned by the appearance of national states where the state becomes subject of war and peace. A division among nations appears and the possibility of their mutual recognition. In that way relations among states are being regulated from the point of view of international relations. His basic principle becomes the one of sovereign equality, this could happen after the termination of religious wars which got its peak by Westphalia peace. Starting from Dubois, Podjebrady, Penn, Duke of Silly, via Hobbes, Grotius end Puffendorf, it will be possible to determine how changes in society political systems and way of production influenced the developments of ideas on perpetual peace. The achievements of these thinkers were revolutionary and were still valid. It is worth mentioning the principles of sovereign equality of states, the presence of realism in international relations and the existence of judicial institutions such as the International Court of Justice.

Autor se bavi odnosima Sjedinjenih Država i Venezuele zaključno sa aktuelnom‎ predsedničkom krizom ne bi li odgovorio na pitanje kako i zašto je Venezuela‎ postala problem za spoljnu politiku SAD koji zahteva pojačanu pažnju‎ i radikalne mere. Analiza ovih odnosa u toku 20. veka pokazuje da su oni zasnovani‎ na naftnoj međuzavisnosti dveju država. Kada je krajem veka višedecenijsko‎ loše upravljanje naftnim bogatstvom u Venezueli izazvalo društvenu‎ i ekonomsku krizu koja je dovela na vlast Huga Cháveza, spremnog da koristi‎ prihode od nafte protiv interesa regionalne hegemonije SAD, ove su Venezuelu‎ označile kao problem. Američki establišment je prema tom problemu nastupio‎ oportunistički – naftna međuzavisnost je sprečavala da sukob eskalira‎ sve dok aktuelna ekonomsko-politička kriza u Venezueli nakon Chávezove‎ smrti nije dala Washingtonu priliku za konačni obračun sa režimom, po cenu‎ privremenog prekida u trgovini naftom. Godinu i po dana od izbijanja predsednička‎ kriza u Venezueli još nije razrešena, jer se čavistički režim održao, a‎ SAD odustale od vojne intervencije, pa autor nastoji da ukaže na perspektive‎ problema i mogućnosti njegovog prevazilaženja nakon što tekuća pandemija‎ korona virusa bude obuzdana.‎ ; The author deals with the United States and Venezuela relations up to the‎ current presidential crisis, in order to answer how and why Venezuela became‎ a problem for U.S. foreign policy which requires increased attention‎ and radical measures. The analysis of these relations during the 20th century‎ shows that they were based on oil interdependence of the two states.‎ When a decades-long mismanagement of oil riches in Venezuela at the end‎ of the century caused a social and economic crisis that brought to power‎ Hugo Chávez, who was ready to use oil revenues against U.S. regional hegemonic‎ interests, it marked Venezuela as a problem. American establishment‎ treated the problem with opportunism – oil interdependence prevented‎ the conflict from escalating until the current economic and political crisis in‎ Venezuela after the death of Chávez gave Washington an opportunity for the‎ final clash with the regime at the price of a temporary break in the oil trade.‎ A year and a half after the presidential crisis in Venezuela erupted, it has not‎ been resolved yet, for the chavista regime remained in place, while the U.S. gave up on military intervention. The author points to the perspectives of the‎ problem and the possibilities of its overcoming once the current coronavirus‎ pandemic gets contained.‎

Crime and violence pose a serious challenge to Mexico. The problem appears to be growing worse, with 2011 on pace to become the most violent year on record. The rising violence in Mexico has resulted in a sharply heightened sense of fear among citizens, who now feel the presence of cartels in their every day lives. The use of extortion and kidnapping by cartels combined with a lack of trust in security forces terrorizes the population and makes them feel like they have no where to turn. Despite this fact, crime rates in Mexico remain lower than in other parts of Latin America. Venezuela, for example, has among the highest homicide rates in the world. Yet the pervasive infiltration of cartels into public life gives Mexicans a heightened sense of the severity of violent crime in their own country. Although accurate statistics are hard to come by, it is quite possible that 60,000 people have died in the last six-plus years as a result of armed conflict between the Mexican cartels and the Mexican government, amongst cartels fighting each other, and as a result of cartels targeting citizens. Mexico has been struggling with drug production and drug transit through its territory from South America to the U.S. for many decades, given the fact that it is the most important transit country for drug production originating from South America. In recent years, the escalating violence in Mexico has led to dramatic deterioration of the security situation. Recent wave of drug-war violence is associated with the beginning of the term of President Felipe Calderón in December 2006. The immediate implications of his assumption of the presidency and his hard-line policy, which he has applied against drug cartels and organized criminal groups across the country, were the deployment of Mexican army to fight cartels and the gradual weakening of the influence of local and state police at the expense of federal troops. This was done in order to combat corruption and collaboration of local law-enforcement institutions with drug trafficking organizations (DTOs). The consequence of such a policy, however, has been increased violence among rival cartels and between them and the federal police and military, resulting in a dramatic increase of the number of victims. The future of US-Mexican counter drug cooperation, as well as of the whole bilateral relation in the area of security, depends on the outcome of US presidential elections. As for Mexico, Enrique Peña Nieto takes the office on December 1, 2012 that will mark a comeback of his party PRI after 12 years in opposition. As far as the security strategy of the future Mexican President is concerned, there are no significant changes to be expected. Peña Nieto seems to be aware of the current situation and its consequences as well as of the inevitability of an extremely close and dynamic mutual cooperation with the US.

After the Lisbon Treaty has entered into force, the process of concluding treaties between the EU and third countries or international organizations has sustained significant changes. The most important procedural novelty is the establishment of the ordinary procedure that covers almost all agreements the EU concludes with third parties. Under the Lisbon Treaty, this procedure involves a number of stages: negotiations, signing the agreement, and decision to conclude the agreement. For agreements whose subject matter exclusively or predominantly falls into the domain of common foreign and security policy, there are several derogations from the uniform rules of the ordinary procedure. The same provision of the founding treaty regulates the procedures for amending and suspending the agreement in force, as well as the judicial control procedure of those agreements that are yet to be concluded. The ordinary procedure does not cover two subject-specific proceedings pertaining to relatively narrow areas of EU action. More specifically, they refer to the conclusion of agreements in the area of common trade policy and agreements on the exchange rate of the Euro against the currencies of non-member states. The exclusion of trade agreements is probably the result of the differences that still exist in the division of competencies between the Member States and the EU regarding trade in the area of some services. On the other hand, the enactment of a special procedure for agreements on the Euro exchange rate in relation to the national currency rates of third countries stems from the need to ensure the Union's unique position in this field. On the institutional level, the most important actors in the process of concluding EU agreements are the Council, the Commission and the European Parliament. The Council has retained the central role in all types of treaty procedures, and it decides on essential issues related to the course and outcome of the process. The Commission has retained the major role in initiating and negotiating the agreements, but it is no longer the exclusive initiator and negotiator in the agreement process. Namely, depending on the subject of the treaty, new entrants in that role are the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, and the European Central Bank. The European Parliament has strengthened its position in the procedure for concluding EU agreements and can, therefore, be considered the largest 'net' winner of the Lisbon Treaty reform. This is partly due to its new role in the course of negotiations, which implies the right to be immediately and fully informed about all stages of the proceedings, but to a much greater extent it refers to the powers that this body has in the final stage preceding the conclusion of the agreement. Finally, the EU Court of Justice has an important role in this process; its task is to control the compliance of the EU agreements with the founding treaties prior to their conclusion.

This article analyses the weaknesses of contemporary democratic orders which stem from the use of modern manipulation techniques employed by those who manage to win the trust for making the government in democratic elections. Contemporary democracies are under the threat of populist promises which are most often unrealistic. The combination of populism and democracy is usually a product of the powerlessness of political elites, i.e. political parties, in states to solve citizenry's most important problems – to increase the growth and development of the economic system, to introduce the rule of law, and to rehabilitate political institutions so they could rationally and efficiently function within the political system. Contemporary democracies are not equally developed, nor do they have equal chances for developing. The facts demonstrate how in many societies and states – formally oriented towards establishing a democratic governance and towards starting the democratisation of societal and political life – democracy gets misused and diminished to democratic phraseology with the help of populism, while in the institutional aspect being diminished to creating a façade of democratic institutions. It has been demonstrated that the patterns of dominance follow and are characteristic for democratic governances to a larger or smaller degree. The essence of democratic governance are politically responsible decisions, rather than mass participation in making political decisions which are not realistic, while being dangerous in terms of their consequences. Democracy means making good decisions for the benefit and good of all citizens, while hierarchy must not be challenged when it is necessary that institutions function in a rational and efficient way. Introducing equality where professionalism, competence and accountability are needed is devastating for the functioning of institutions, therefore for the functioning of democracy as well. Democracy can be tricked with the help of authorities'populism, as was the case with Nazi Germany. After Nazis took power, not all institutions of the Weimar Republic were dismantled nor challenged, nor was the Weimar Constitution changed. However – parallel to state authorities, Constitution and laws – dozens of new orders and laws were enacted, creating an illusion that nothing is changed in German state. What Nazis did was developing a new mechanism, party mechanism, parallel to the state mechanism. The two functioned next to each other. Such patterns lead to the parallelism of power and democracy, which usually led to the totalitarianisation of democracy. In contemporary states – especially those in the process of democratic transition – such parallelism shows how party leaders do not forfeit party leadership once they get elected to state offices. In that way democracies become submissive and captured by political parties, especially their leaderships and leaders. The relation of freedom and democracy has also been analysed. Experiences show that democracy is founded more successfully in places where people managed to gain their liberties, rather than in those places where democracy is yet to provide liberties to citizens. Dangers for democracy tied with the abuse of democratic conditions are being discusses in the last part of the article. Each condition necessary for the functioning of a democratic order can be simulated through manipulative ways. A special danger for contemporary democracies comes from circumstances in which those who come to power do everything so that society and state are riled by anti-political principles: indifference, fear and trepidation, and powerlessness. Anti-political principles jeopardise democratic order, and those who use them demolish democracy. Democracy is facing constant challenges and temptations for scraping democracy in the name of democracy.

Pitanje prava drzava na samoodbranu je jedno od fundamentalnih pitanja medjunarodnog javnog prava. Ovo nacelo koji postoji koliko i samo medjunarodno pravo, formulisano je na univerzalan nacin sredinom proslog vijeka, i postoje mnogi pisani radovi o njegovoj izradi i tumacenju. Pozivanje na samoodbranu kroz cijelu istoriju je koristeno kao opravdanje za zloupotrebu sile od strane drzava van svojih teritorija. ; Question of right of states to self-defense is one of the fundamental questions of public international law. This principle, which exists just as long as public international law does, was formulated in universal manner by the mid 20th century and there are many written works on its formulation and interpretation. Invoking self-defense during the course of history was used as a pretext for the use of force by the states outside of its territories. Right of states to self-defense originates from customary international law. During antic and medieval times, principle of self-defense was linked to the theory of just war which was differently interpreted in different times. In the period between two world wars, still there was no absolute prohibition of the use of force in international relations so the principle of self-defense was linked to the right of self-help through use of different forcible measures: retorsions, reprisals, naval blockade, intervention and demonstration of naval power. Contrary to the period of League of Nations, mechanism of implementation of international law was centralized by the foundation of the United Nations because a single body – Security Council – was entrusted with the authority to determine when the use of force is allowed in international law. Article 51 of the United Nations Charter defines that the states have a right to individual or collective self-defense in case of armed attack on the UN member state. This right is considered legitimate until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security.

Post-cold war concept of security is based on realistic postulates and emphasises a concept of state, forces,power and national interests. Military and political concept of security was dominant while the relations between the superpowers was based on the so called bipolar balance of power. Identity of states was realised by membership in military, political and economic organisations. The strategy of returning to the era of nuclear weapons reaches its full flowering. The crucial point of security after the end of Cold war consists of searching for giving answers to the threats coming from the outside and abilities of states to maintain their independent integrity against changed relations among the powers, which potentially may become enemies. Under such circumstances powers should not be ignored in any interpretation of any aspect of security, for realistic theories of international relations are still of great influence in the field of security. They will be modified in different conditions and will act in the sense of enlarged concept of security - instead of dominant concepts of political and military security typical for the Cold War era, economic, social and environmental factors will appear. Basic weakness of the realistic theories of security is in the lack of recognising the importance of cooperation between main factors in international community. This failure will be replaced neo realistic and liberal and institutional theories of security which emphasises the concept of cooperation in the first place. Concepts of power, forces and integral processes will be observed within the context of changes in the international relations.

Tokom trideset godina nakon raspada socijalističke Jugoslavije, Srbija i Hrvatska su kao postjugoslovenske male države ipak drugačije osmišljavale svoje mesto u regionalnom i globalnom kontekstu. O tome svedoči i njihov različit odnos prema međunarodnim organizacijama poput Evropske unije (EU), NATO ili Ujedinjenih nacija. Ovaj članak u središte svog interesovanja uzima UN kao multilateralni forum ili arenu u kojoj se bitno predstavljaju i oblikuju spoljnopolitičke uloge i identiteti malih država. Oslanjajući se na konstruktivističku analizu spoljne politike i teoriju uloga, autor se fokusirao na glavne deonice u razvoju spoljnopolitičkih narativa Srbije i Hrvatske kao aktivnih malih država članica u Ujedinjenim nacijama. Iako obe države vide sebe kao aktivne, ta aktivnost bi trebalo da bude u funkciji dve različite, teorijski profilisane, strategije malih država. Obrazlaže se sledeći argument: dok Srbija zbog složenosti kosovskog pitanja vodi uglavnom defanzivno autonomnu strategiju u skladu sa proklamovanom vojnom neutralnošću, dotle je Hrvatska kao mala članica EU i NATO priklonjena traganju za integracionističkim uticajem u konstelaciji sa evroatlantskim partnerima. Analizom zvaničnih diskursa dveju zemalja u Generalnoj skupštini UN, između 2000. i 2020. godine, pokazano je na koji način, i u kojoj meri se njihovi diskursi o regionalnoj, evropskoj i svetskoj politici približavaju ili udaljavaju, i razmatra se šta to znači za njihova mesta u svetu. ; In 30 years after the breakup of the socialist Yugoslavia, Serbia and Croatia as small states differently envisaged their place in regional and global context. Such difference is demonstrated by their different relationships toward international organizations such as the European Union, NATO or the United Nations. This article, as its central interest takes the United Nations as a multilateral forum or an arena where small states importantly represent and shape their foreign policy identities and roles. Relying on the constructivist foreign policy analysis and ...