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[English]: Following Percy Ernst Schramm's studies on Staatssymbolik, historians have in general considered medieval royal portraits as images mirroring medieval notions of power and political ideology that can legitimate power and strengthen admiration of the king. This interpretation has also had a crucial impact on the analysis of monarchic ideologies and sacral kingship during the Middle Ages. However, the research prompted in Germany on the social praxis of Memoria has opened up new perspectives, by creating an active historiographical debate about the social function and meaning of royal portraits in the liturgical context during the Middle Ages (political/propagandistic vs religious/devotional). This book aims to foster this debate by analysing the functions and meanings of monarchic pictures characterized by sacral figures and symbols and religious and liturgical contexts in the Norman kingdom of Sicily (1130-1189). In the specific, it investigates three royal portraits: St. Nikolas blesses Roger II in the Basilica of St. Nikolas in Bari; Christ crows Roger II in the Church of St. Mary of the Admiral in Palermo; and Christ crowns William II in the Cathedral of Monreale. By going beyond traditional methodological tactics, its exegesis avoids a 'one-way' approach in which artwork is analysed in an 'autonomous' manner that extrapolates it from its historical, political and functional context. Moreover, it studies royal portraiture as part of a wider communicative strategy to create a mise-en-scène around the monarchic figure by comparing the iconographic sources and the information provided by written evidence regarding the monarch's official kingship. This new analysis of the Norman royal portraits in the religious and liturgical context leads to original perspectives and uses new cues to reformulate the traditional ideas held by historiography in this regard and on political ideologies and royal sacrality. [Italiano]: Seguendo gli studi di Percy Ernst Schramm sulla Staatssymbolik, gli storici hanno in genere considerato i ritratti regi medievali come immagini in grado di riflettere le concezioni del potere e le ideologie politiche medievali e che possono legittimare l'autorità regia e rafforzare l'ammirazione verso il sovrano. Questa interpretazione ha anche avuto un impatto cruciale sull'analisi delle ideologie monarchiche e della sacralità regia durante il Medioevo. Tuttavia, le recenti ricerche approntate in Germania sulla prassi sociale della Memoria hanno aperto a nuove prospettive creando un attivo dibattito storiografico sulla funzione sociale e sul significato dei ritratti regi all'interno dei contesti liturgici durante il Medioevo (funzione politica/propagandistica vs funzione religiosa/devozionale). Questo libro mira a stimolare questo dibattito analizzando funzioni e messaggi delle immagini regie caratterizzate da figure e simboli sacri e da un contesto religioso e liturgico nel regno di Sicilia (1130-1189). Nello specifico esso investiga tre ritratti regi: San Nicola benedice Ruggero II nella Basilica di San Nicola a Bari; Cristo incorona Ruggero II nella Chiesa di Santa Maria dell'Ammiraglio a Palermo; e Cristo incorona Guglielmo II nella Cattedrale di Monreale. Andando oltre i tradizionali approcci metodologici, la sua esegesi evita un'analisi, per così dire, a 'senso unico' nella quale l'opera d'arte è esaminata in maniera 'autonoma' rispetto al suo contesto storico, politico e funzionale. Inoltre, esso studia il ritratto regio come parte di una più ampia strategia di comunicazione che punta a mettere in scena la figura monarchica comparando le fonti iconografiche con le informazioni fornite dalle testimonianze scritte relative alla regalità monarchica ufficiale. Questa nuova analisi dei ritratti regi normanni di contesto religioso e liturgico porta a originali prospettive e usa nuovi spunti per riformulare le idee tradizionalmente possedute dalla storiografia a questo riguardo e relativamente alle ideologie politiche e alla sacralità regia normanna.

The Sufi brotherhood of Muridiyya is today one of the most powerful religious communities in Senegal. The brotherhood builts an autonomous territory in the heart of the post-colonial state where their sanctuaries could be found and where an unusual social organization is formed that revolves around the households and homes of religious leaders. The political structures and capillary networks that are configured create forms of affiliation and subjugation that transform the bonds of kinship and redesign the profiles of the increasingly diasporic family intimacy. At the heart of this religious building, its systems of gifts and powers, of hegemonic transactions and political economies of the spiritual metropolis, the young generation of disciples and believers seem to graft a surprising vitality onto the liturgies of their fathers. This essay attempts to converse with the vision of these young people, contextualizing their contradictions, ambiguities and desires in an effort to rethink the religious experience, in its local dimension, as a complex source of power, generating baroque images, ideologies, reflexivity and icons, scattered throughout the practices of everyday life. A careful analysis of the liturgies of the brotherhood cadets should be able to restore all the moral and political strength of the subjectivity of the young ones, who negotiate their religious and family fictions within the intricate balance of power. ; La confraternita sufi della Muridiyya è oggi una delle più imponenti comunità religiosedel Senegal. Ha costruito un territorio autonomo al cuore dello Stato post-coloniale nel quale sorgono i suoi santuari e dove prende forma un'insolita organizzazione sociale che gravita intorno alle famiglie e le case delle guide religiose. Le strutture politiche e le reti capillari che esse configurano compongono forme di affiliazione e assoggettamento che trasformano i legami di parentela e ridisegnano i profili sempre più diasporici dell'intimità familiare. Al cuore di questo edificio religioso, dei suoi sistemi di doni e poteri, delle transazioni egemoniche e delle economie politiche di questa metropoli spirituale, le giovani generazioni di discepoli e fedeli sembrano innestare una sorprendente vitalità sulle liturgie dei loro padri. Questo saggio tenta di dialogare con lo sguardo di questi giovani, contestualizzandone le contraddizioni,le ambivalenze e i desideri nel tentativo di ripensare l'esperienza religiosa, nella sua dimensione locale, come una complessa fonte di poteri generatrice di immagini barocche, ideologie, icone e riflessività disseminate nelle pratiche del quotidiano. Un'attenta analisi delle liturgie dei cadetti della confraternita dev'essere in grado di restituire tutta la forza morale e politica delle soggettività giovanili che negoziano le loro finzioni religiose e familiari entro intricati rapporti di forza.

This is the second of two volumes examining some "original features" of late medieval Italy compared to the european reality of the time (the first volume of this collection was edited by Francesco Salvestrini). On this subject, two conferences have been held, whose proceedings have been published. The first conference, held in October 2000, tried to offer an account, in an introductory section, of the long-term environmental frameworks within which the path of Italian society is inscribed: the rural landscape and the framework of urban settlements, without forgetting, in one and in the another case, the legacy of the Roman world. The second conference, on the other hand - held in the autumn of 2002 - aimed to consider aspects of the history of culture and political ideologies, mentality, religious life, but also the history of techniques.

This is the first of two volumes examining some "original features" of late medieval Italy compared to the European reality of the time (the second volume of this collection is curated by Federica Cengarle). On this subject, two conferences have been held, whose proceedings have been published. The first conference, held in October 2000, tried to offer an account, in an introductory section, of the long-term environmental frameworks within which the path of Italian society is inscribed: the rural landscape and the framework of urban settlements, without forgetting, in one and in the another case, the legacy of the Roman world. The second conference, on the other hand - held in the autumn of 2002 - aimed to consider aspects of the history of culture and political ideologies, mentality, religious life, but also the history of techniques.

The article analyzes some of the many testimonies written by Italian pilgrims visiting the Holy Land between the Balfour Declaration (1917) and the promulgation of the conciliar declaration Nostra Aetate, dedicated to the relations between the Catholic Church and non Christian religions. Such an extended time frame allows to achieve two goals. The first is to identify the linguistic transformations in this literary corpus in regards to the representation of the Middle Eastern world through the travel books written by Christian pilgrims, a source so far unused. The second goal concerns the perception that the Catholics had of Judaism in its historical, political and religious dimension, and how these have changed over the decades. By analyzing the linguistic, cultural and ideologi-cal frames used in these travel accounts to describe the complex Palestinian reality first, and the Israeli one after, it will be possible to adopt a different perspective.

My paradigms in this respect were Lady Anne Clifford and Alice Anne Thornton. They produced texts that have not even been mentioned or considered for centuries, but that have recently been partially rediscovered and appreciated by critics. My intent was to show how cultural factors and ideologies of the time influenced literary production, and to analyse the reasons that led these authors and their texts, first to oblivion, and later to recovery and canonization. When attempting to give a coherent answer to these questions, I kept in mind the background of Renaissance cultural memory and ideology, with particular regard to notions of femininity. Women writers are "mothers of the text", creators of new horizons, expert connoisseurs of the ideologies of their time, but also lonely, isolated, subjected women, ready to record their memories in voices that try to rise above a thousand other voices. ; The reasons that led women to overcome the injunction against cultural expression, including autobiography are one of the most relevant topics of my thesis. We know that many female characters were marginalized, if not made virtually invisible in many cultures and ideologies. That's why I tried to unveil the "counter" itinerary of women's writing from oblivion to canonization. ; English writers then began to deal with secular autobiography in the seventeenth century. Though excluded from the political scene and from public social life, Early-modern women writers seemed to be able to add something new and significant to the memorials and autobiographies of their own contemporary authors. When a woman wanted to be considered a member of a community whose experience was worthy of memory, she was confined by her own culture and family situation in the role of daughter, wife and mother, and she was seen almost exclusively as the subject of stories of religious experience, visions, trances, ecstasies. However, in the late seventeenth century, autobiography began to depart from an exclusively religious background and from the narrative account of the lives of men, and women began not only to record events related to male lives, but also to explore their identity and their own experiences in autobiographical form. Autobiography acquired the modern meaning of personal, introspective, secular writing, and, suddenly, the texts written by daughters, mothers and wives began to be recognized as real contributions to a genre in constant evolution. ; This doctoral thesis deals with the problem of canonisation and/or exclusion of women's writings from the literary canon of the English Renaissance. More broadly, it deals with issues of memory and cultural transmission. The first part of the thesis focuses on memory in different disciplines and on studies of memory in the contemporary critical arena. I tried to give an overview of the most recent progress in this field of study. The following chapters deal with issues of oblivion and recognition (up to the canonisation) of English women's writers in the Renaissance.

Questo articolo ricostruisce gli anni della militanza del pedagogista italiano Aldo Capitini nell'ADESSPI (Associazione per la Difesa e per lo sviluppo della Scuola Pubblica). Dall'esame di diverse fonti, quali opere dell'autore (carteggi, dispense dei corsi universitari, volumi, articoli), pubblicazioni ministeriali, letteratura critica, ma anche pubblicazioni dell'associazione e degli altri soci dell'ADESSPI, è emerso il ruolo di primo piano che Capitini svolse all'interno del movimento di riforma della scuola italiana degli anni Sessanta, impegnandosi in prima persona nella progettazione e nella stesura delle sue linee programmatiche. I temi a cui egli dedicò maggiormente la sua militanza, durante la battaglia dell'ADESSPI contro le decisioni parlamentari e in difesa di una scuola democratica, furono: la scuola-comunità come luogo di realizzazione dell'omnicrazia (potere di tutti), l'insegnamento di una religione aperta, l'educazione civica, la questione del latino e la formazione continua degli insegnanti. Erano temi attraverso cui Capitini sperava di realizzare, in concrete pratiche educative, la sua pedagogia della compresenza di tutti, premessa teorica di un'educazione omnicratica: l'istruzione scolastica aveva il compito di fornire gli strumenti necessari affinché si realizzasse la partecipazione di tutti e dal basso alla vita democratica. Le sue idee sulla scuola del futuro, alla quale Capitini affidava il compito di combattere l'autoritarismo in modo nonviolento, furono fonte d'ispirazione per i giovani del movimento studentesco che, sul finire degli anni Sessanta, si battevano per una scuola che da luogo di riproduzione di ideologie conservatrici diventasse luogo di crescita umana. ; This paper reconstructs Aldo Capitini's years of militancy in the ADESSPI (Association for Defence and Development of the Italian Public School) in the 1960s. By exploring the author's works (correspondence, university lectures, books, articles); various historical documents (including ministerial publications); critical literature and publications by the association itself, as well as othermembers of ADESSPI, the protagonist role that Capitini took on within the school reform movement of the 1960s emerges. He was instrumental in designing and drafting its policies, and using them as grounds for ADESSPI's fight against parliamentary decisions and defence of a democratic school. In particular, he promoted the school-community as an omnicratic environment, in which all stakeholders would be involved in decision-making, as well as teaching (rather than preaching) religion, civic education and continuous teacher training. These were issues through which Capitini, by implementing concrete educational practices, hoped to realise his theory of the coexistence of everyone – the theoretical premise of a universal education; in his view schooling should provide every student with the tools to actively participate in democratic life. His ideas about the «School of the Future», tasked with combating authoritarianism without recourse to violence, was a source of inspiration for the student movement which, in 1968, fought for school to be a place of human emancipation.

The essay analyses some basic features of the political language employed by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in the years between 1919 and 1924 focusing specifically on antiimperialism and Islam. Taking into account the evolving political balance and the ideologies which had an influence within the Anatolian resistance movement, the investigation shows how Mustafa Kemal did build-up an eclectic political discourse which mixed elements from ottomanism, nationalism, socialism and pan-islamism as well. In this perspective I evaluate some significant talks given by Mustafa Kemal in the Turkish Grand National Assembly. I first evaluate the rhetorical use of bolshevism in building up an anti-imperialist discourse, then I deal with the general features of Mustafa Kemal's religious language reflecting on Islam both as identity politics and in its relationship with the institution of the Ottoman Caliphate. The investigation concludes that this changing and multifaced rhetoric played a crucial role in legitimizing Mustafa Kemal not only as the military chief but also as the political leader of the Turkish National Movement. Keywords: Atatürk, Political Language, Anti-imperialism, Islam, Ottoman Caliphate.

Feminist thought, since its origins, has always been hampered by political, religious and social reactionary rhetoric determined to maintain a hegemonic narrative of gender roles. A strongly essentialist form of feminist thought, known as the sexual difference theory, emerged in contrast to the creation and maintenance of rigid models based on ideologies and theories defining the woman as "wife, mother and angel of the hearth". The sexual difference theory, theorized by Luce Irigaray, philosopher and psychoanalyst (1985), includes Luisa Muraro and Adriana Cavarero (1987) among its highest Italian representatives. This theory presents elements of reconciliation between feminist thought and Christian Catholic beliefs, generally radically separated. In this study we have explored the representation of corporeality, faith and feminism in feminist activists and in catechists, in order to reflect on the current positions of the representatives of both parties in analysis. ; l pensiero femminista, fin dalle sue origini, è sempre stato ostacolato da retoriche politiche, religiose e sociali reazionarie fermamente intenzionate a mantenere una narrazione egemone dei ruoli di genere. In contrapposizione alla creazione e al mantenimento di rigidi modelli basati su ideologie e teorizzazioni che vorrebbero la donna "moglie, madre e angelo del focolare", è emersa anche una particolare forma di pensiero femminista, di matrice fortemente essenzialista, nota come pensiero della differenza sessuale. Il pensiero della differenza sessuale, teorizzato dalla filosofa e psicoanalista Luce Irigaray (1985), e che annovera Luisa Muraro e Adriana Cavarero (1987) tra le sue massime esponenti italiane, trova elementi di conciliazione tra il pensiero femminista e il credo cristiano cattolico, generalmente separati in maniera radicale.Con questa ricerca abbiamo voluto esplorare le tematiche della corporeità, della fede e della concezione del femminismo in catechiste e femministe, per avviare un dibattito su quelli che sono gli attuali posizionamenti delle rappresentanti delle due parti in analisi.

Partendo dall'osservazione del caso curdo in Irak e in Siria attraverso un secolo di storia, questo contributo adotta un approccio dinamico e interrelazionale, al fine di studiare la questione della crisi dello Stato-nazione in Medio Oriente a partire da tre premesse. In primo luogo, la formazione dei gruppi identificati come « minoritari » è il risultato di una storia di relazioni di potere e, di conseguenza, il risultato di un processo sociale. In secondo luogo, i membri delle «maggioranze» e delle «minoranze» non sono ovunque ed ad ogni momento contrapposti. Quindi, la relazione tra «maggioranze» e «minoranze» fa parte di un processo dinamico, di cui dobbiamo prendere in considerazione sia le continuità che le discontinuità. Infine, esiste una forte interrelazione tra i periodi in cui gli Stati, o segmenti dello Stato, si alleano a dei gruppi «esterni» – açabiyyât (gruppi di solidarietà), etc. –, onde supplire alle carenze dello Stato, e le fasi del consolidamento del movimento curdo, e vice-versa. Il risultato, a lungo termine, è una trasformazione reciproca, che si manifesta con una frammentazione accentuata e degli Stai e dei movimenti curdi. Paradossalmente, mentre Stati e movimenti curdi sono riusciti ad assicurare la loro durabilità, essi si sono allontanati dalla loro dottrina originale : la creazione di Stati-nazione omogenei e sovrani su tutto il territorio nazionale. Così, se lo Stato-nazione è in causa, lo è anche il progetto nazionalista curdo. ; Partant de l'observation du cas kurde en Irak et en Syrie à travers un siècle, cette contribution adopte une approche dynamique et interactionnelle en vue d'étudier la question de la crise de l'État-nation au Moyen-Orient à partir de trois prémisses. Premièrement, la formation des groupes identifiés comme «minoritaires» est le résultat d'une histoire de relations de pouvoir et, par conséquent, le résultat d'un processus social. Deuxièmement, les membres des «majorités» et des «minorités» ne sont pas en tout lieu et en tout moment opposés. Dès lors, la relation entre «majorités» et «minorités» fait partie d'un processus dynamique dont nous devons prendre en considération à la fois les continuités et les discontinuités. Enfin, il existe une forte interrelation entre les périodes dans lesquelles les États ou des segments de l'État s'allient à des groupes «externes» – açabiyyât (groupes de solidarité), etc. –, pour pallier les carences de l'État et les phases de consolidation du mouvement kurde, et vice-versa. Le résultat, dans le long terme, est une transformation mutuelle, qui se manifeste par une fragmentation accentuée et des États et des mouvements kurdes. Paradoxalement, alors qu'États et mouvements kurdes sont parvenus à assurer leur durabilité, ils se sont éloignés de leur doctrine originale: la création d'États-nations homogènes et souverains sur tout le territoire national. Ainsi, si l'État-nation est en cause, le projet nationaliste kurde l'est aussi. ; The paper aims to observe state-minority relations in Iraq and Syria, in particular with regard to the Kurdish group, from a longue durée perspective in order to put forward two main arguments. First of all, state-society relations evolve over time. Therefore state-minority relations are a part of a dynamic process in which both continuity and change must be taken into consideration. In that sense, the choice of government majority or "consensus democracy" does not necessarily account for the actual relationship between a state and a minority group over time. Factors such as political stability and regional dynamics might affect state-minority relations and lead regimes to "betray" their official ideologies to secure their durability. Secondly, and related to the previous idea, minorities, be it ethnic or religious, should not be analyzed only as "victims" and/or passive actors. The long-term perspective allows us to identify peaceful periods, strategies of accommodation as well as the active involvement of leaders issued from minority groups into national politics. Finally, while observing the unprecedented events of the last decade (e.g. US invasion of Iraq of 2003 and the so-called "Arab Spring" of 2011) it suggests that historical observation should lead us to be cautious before concluding to a final break between the above mentioned states and the Kurds.