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The essay analyzes some aspects of the freedom of religion enshrined in the Italian Constitution in relation to the principle of secularism as supreme principle of the Italian Republic, according to the definition of the italian Constitutional Court; and the extension of religious symbols and, in particular, the crucifix. First of all, the essay analyzes the question of «Italian» secularism, verifying the disparities and similarities among the various declinations of this principle, reconstructing the debate in the constituent assembly and the main jurisprudential approaches of the Italian Constitutional Court in this matter. Secondly, the essay analyzes the issue of religious symbols in public spaces and, in particular, a leading case concerning the exhibition of the crucifix in the classrooms, both at the jurisprudence level (Administrative Judge, Constitutional Court, EDU Court), and at doctrinal one. The essay, then, notes the cd. Bavarian solution, adopted by the Government of the homonymous German region, in search of a reconciliation between the religious freedom of each person and the quantitative factor per single religion. There is also an excursus on the main case law of the European Court of Human Rights about secularity, religious freedom and religious symbols. ; Il saggio analizza alcuni aspetti relativi alla libertà di religione sancita dalla Costituzione italiana in relazione al principio di laicità quale principio supremo dello Stato italiano, secondo la definizione della Corte costituzionale e all'ostensione dei simboli religiosi e, in particolare, il crocifisso. Anzitutto, il saggio analizza la questione della laicità «all'italiana», verificando le dissomiglianze e similitudini delle differenti declinazioni di tale principio, ricostruendo il dibattito in Assemblea costituente e i principali approdi giurisprudenziali della Corte costituzionale italiana in materia. In secondo luogo, viene analizzata la tematica relativa ai simboli religiosi negli spazi pubblici e, in particolare, un leading case ...

Il saggio riflette sul rapporto religione-Stato in Argentina. Ripercorre la storia della nazione australe, sin dal primo governo del 1810, rilevando in che misura sia stata influenzata dal modello di modernità di origine francese con riguardo alla conformazione dello Stato-nazione. Analizza il declino del modello separatista e il potenziamento dell'influenza della religione sulla scena politica, considerando in particolare il periodo che va dal 1930 al 1983, con i diversi governi militari, la fase post-dittatoriale e gli anni 2000. ; El presente ensayo se ocupa de la relación religión-Estado en Argentina. Se recorre la historia de la nación austral desde su primer gobierno patrio en 1810 relevando en qué medida fue influenciada por el prototipo de la modernidad de origen francés en lo que respecta a la formación del Estado-nación. El estudio se centra en la caída del modelo separatista y el fortalecimiento de la influencia de la religión en el ámbito político – principalmente en el período que va desde 1930 a 1983 con los distintos gobiernos militares – para luego analizar el período post-dictatorial y los años 2000. ; This essay illustrates the relationship between religion and state in Argentina starting from 1810, i.e. the beginning of Argentina's first government. It then explores to what extent this relationship was influenced by the French modernity prototype with regard to the nation-state formation. The study also focuses on the fall of the separatist model and on the strengthening of the religious influence on politics from 1930 to 1983, under various military governments, during the post-dictatorial period and the year 2000.

Commodus' religious policy shows two phases that correspond to two different attitudes both towards traditional religion and, more generally, to external cults, and towards Christianity. The breakthrough matured above all in the last years of his reign when Commodus made a break both with the imperial cult through as­similation to Hercules, which is however ephemeral, and with the anti-Christian policy of Marcus which is more fruitful and lasting in relation to the fate of subse­quent Christianity. ; La politica religiosa di Commodo presenta due momenti significativi che corrispondono a due diversi atteggia­menti sia verso la religione tradizionale e, più in generale verso i culti esterni, sia verso il cristianesimo. La svolta matura soprattutto negli ultimi anni del suo reg­no quando Commodo opera una rottu­ra sia con il culto imperiale attraverso l'assimilazione a Ercole, che risulta tutta­via effimera, sia con la politica anticris­tiana di Marco che risulta più feconda e duratura in rapporto alle sorti del cristia­nesimo successivo. ; La politica religiosa di Commodo presenta due momenti significativi che corrispondono a due diversi atteggia­menti sia verso la religione tradizionale e, più in generale verso i culti esterni, sia verso il cristianesimo. La svolta matura soprattutto negli ultimi anni del suo reg­no quando Commodo opera una rottu­ra sia con il culto imperiale attraverso l'assimilazione a Ercole, che risulta tutta­via effimera, sia con la politica anticris­tiana di Marco che risulta più feconda e duratura in rapporto alle sorti del cristia­nesimo successivo.

The paper examines the possible conflicts between the ethical-religious beliefs of individuals and the observance of the measures imposed to contain the pandemic crisis by Covid-19, starting from the intra-confessional debates on the composition of vaccine sera and the methods of experimentation of new anti-covid vaccines. The contribution also focuses on the new forms of collaboration between governmental authorities and religious authorities that also emerged in the second phase of pandemic management with the start of the vaccination campaign. ; Il lavoro esamina i possibili conflitti tra i convincimenti etico-religiosi dei singoli e l'osservanza delle misure imposte per il contenimento della crisi pandemica da Covid-19, a partire dai dibattiti intraconfessionali in merito alla composizione dei sieri vaccinali e alle modalità di sperimentazione dei nuovi vaccini anti-covid. Il contributo si concentra, inoltre, sulle nuove forme di collaborazione tra autorità governative e autorità religiose emerse anche nella seconda fase di gestione della pandemia con l'avvio della campagna vaccinale.

SeriesInformation ; Cromohs - Cyber Review of Modern Historiography, Vol 16 (2011)

The question, which launched our study, concerns the problem of the legal possibilities carried out in order to protect canonically the state of the consecrated life even though assumed temporary. Firstly, the Author tries to focus on the meaning of the canonical state and canonical status of the consecrated persons. The aim is to point out that it is not appropriate to simply consider condicio as the state sic et simpliciter in the meaning of the legislation of the 1983 Code.In a second moment, the Author analyses the hypothesis relates to lose the proper canonical status, especially this one assumed ad tempus. The question the Author tries to answer concerns legal possibilities and appropriates manners in order to protect the single consecrated religious.Finally, the Author presents the main thesis of this paper, relates to the pre­‑establishment of the proof. In this perspective, it is very convenient for both the religious Authority and an individual religious to document the proper acts/activities even though, in case of the legal Superiors, deprived of binding force.

The problem of religious instruction in public schools is one of the central themes of the cultural and judicial controversy concerning relations between the civil and religious realms in modern-day Italy. This controversy is placed within the general framework of polemics which have arisen as a consequence of the revision of the Concordat of Latran and, more precisely, concerning Article 36 of the Concordat. From a judicial point of view the author points out the difference that exists between Article 36 which presently regulates the teaching of religion in State schools, and Article 9 of the «Proposals prior to Agreement on the Revision of the Concordat» -the so-called «Casaroli-Gonella Joint Project». After explaining the different historical and cultural backgrounds that have given rise to the two articles, the author interprets Article 9 of the «Joint Project» on the basis of religious freedom, which is a basic principle of the democratic ltalian State and which can be manifested by the possibility of asking to be exempted from having to attend religion class. Theauthor also analyzes possible declarations of principles which may justify the presence of religious instruction in public schools, and then proceeds to consider the fact that these declarations of principles are useful in orienting course content and programs. He also examines the norms proposed in 1977 in a preliminary paper drawn up after the «Joint Project»; this «Draft», as it is called, has as its main aim the improvement of the «Joint Project» and merits, in the author's view, a positive appraisal, as does the mention made to «religious culture» in Article 9, insofar as we are to understand that culture is a factor that constitutes part of the individual's formation of personality. Finally, the author foresees that the final draft of the new Concordat will consider that religious instruction in public schools has to be based upon the fundaments of religious liberty understood in its most ample sense. This includes, at the same time, the ...

This paper explores violence against religious houses as an indicator of the limits of political negotiation and consensus building in early medieval polities. It analyses records of attacks against religious houses and clerics from León (NW Iberia) that escape traditional interpreta- tions of violence as a tool in the negotiation of social relations, and construes the events as an ex- pression of local social cleavages. In so doing, it provides a guideline for probing similar records in ways that might illuminate aspects of social relations and dynamics otherwise obscured by the dominant themes of the documentary sources from this period.

The paper begins displaying the main stages of the historical process that has led to the definitive distinction between religious authority and civil authority in Europe. After identifying the foundation of politics in the freedom of the Church; and the foundation of the State in religious freedom; the Author comes to two conclusions: the first is that Christianity played a key role in the birth and development of secularization. The second, which in his opinion deserves to be clarified and put to the test of the times, consists in the claim of relegating State and politics in the narrow limits of worldliness. The claim of excluding that State and politics have spiritual implications. He therefore intends to test the idea that the liberal state of law could resist, at the expense of the many lacerations that fragment its social body, without the help of principles and values which it could not justify. Considering the problem under this particular perspective, it is clear that two concepts that characterize the European tradition, such as the principle of tolerance and an "healthy secularism", could represent the keystone that allows us to overcome the implicit contradictions and the unresolved tensions which still cross our post-modern and secular society. ; Il testo prende le mosse dall'esposizione delle principali tappe del processo storico che ha portato alla definitiva distinzione tra autorità religiosa e autorità mondana in Europa. Dopo aver identificato il fondamento della politica nella la libertà della Chiesa; ed il fondamento dello Stato nella libertà religiosa; l'Autore giunge a due ordini di conclusioni: la prima è che il cristianesimo ha giocato un ruolo fondamentale nell'avvio e nello sviluppo della secolarizzazione. La seconda, che a suo avviso merita di essere chiarita e messa alla prova dei tempi, consiste nella pretesa di relegare lo Stato e la politica negli angusti confini della mondanità, ovvero, nella pretesa di escludere che Stato e politica abbiano implicazioni spirituali. Egli intende ...

Il lavoro riguarda alcuni aspetti ancora non molto studiati della personalità intellettuale di John Henry Newman, vale a dire la proposta di una cultura cristiana alternativa alla secolarizzazione in ambito educativo e socio-politico, così come si sviluppò durante il corso della sua vita: il giudizio dato da Newman sull'antico regime inglese è il tema del primo capitolo; la riflessione degli ultimi anni oxoniensi e dei primi anni successivi alla conversione (il ruolo del cristianesimo e del cattolicesimo nella cultura inglese) è il tema del secondo successivo; la proposta educativa così come emerge degli scritti sull'Università è il tema del terzo capitolo; alla riflessione sul compito Stato e sui fondamenti della politica è infine dedicato il quarto capitolo. ; The work considers some aspects (not so studied yet) of the intellectual personality of John Henry Newman, that is the Christian cultural proposal alternative to the secularization in education, and in the social and political field, as it was developed during his life: the topic of the first chapter is Newman's opinion about the ancien regime; in the second chapter we study the reflection of the last Oxonian years and of the first years after his conversion (the role of Christianity and of Catholicism in English culture); the third chapter regards the educative proposal, as it develops from the writings on University onwards; the fourth chapter is dedicated to the reflections on the role of the State and on the foundations of politics.