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Archaeologists traditionally assumed that rituals were understood best in light of religious doctrines, beliefs, and myths. Given the material focus of archaeology, archaeologists believed that ritual was a particularly unsuitable area for archaeological inquiry. In the past 25 years, archaeologists have increasingly started to address ritual in their research. Some archaeologists with access to extensive historical or ethnohistorical sources continue to see rituals as the enactment of religious principles or myths. Other archaeologists have adopted a more practice-oriented understanding of ritual, arguing that ritual is a form of human action. In emphasizing ritual practice, archaeologists reject a clear dichotomy between religious and nonreligious action or artifacts, focusing instead on the ways that the experience of ritual and ritual symbolism promotes social orders and dominant ideologies.

I shall argue that most religious ritual is a performance that not only invokes but also performs communication. The ethnographic material from which I derive this argument is from China, in particular the temple rituals of local festivals. My argument is that a deep obeisance of welcome and departure that is both like and not like the normal ritual of greeting marks a religious from a non‐religious ritual occasion and place. It is a ritual doubling that makes the honoured guest also a host. Religious ritual is a medium, and as a medium it is double in another sense. It is deference and deferral, a repeated transmission of obeisance to authority that has the authority of repetition. As well as doubling, religious ritual is excessively communicative. The medium is a performance not only of invitation and departure but also of communicative response, and it repeats this communication as a test of communicative response over and over again. Religious ritual performs both the opening and closing of communication, both the seeking and the responsive reciprocation of gift offerings with bounteousness. It is shadowed by the possibility of no response, of giving offence, of being abandoned. This possibility is acknowledged by being prevented, while the possibility that the performers are their own responders is disavowed.

Islam that came to the archipelago - especially to the Minangkabau - besides being brought by direct scholars from Arabia, was also brought and developed by Persian and Indian merchants. Indian soldiers from the Sipahi area were brought by the British to settle in Bengkulu, then some fled to Pariaman. These were the ones who taught the local people about Persian culture which included the Ark ceremony.The Ark ceremony is held annually on 1-10 Muharram (Hijri month, month in Islamic and Arab calendars) to commemorate the death of Husayn ibn Ali. Ark is a tomb made from wood, bamboo, rattan, cloth, and colorful paper as a representation of the coffin of the grandson of Prophet Muhammad SAW who died in the battle in Karbala (Iraq) in 680/61 Hijri. The Ark Procession in Pariaman was first held in 1831. The Ark was prepared for ten days, and at the peak of the Ark event was paraded around Kota Pariaman while the bearers and spectators chanted "Hoyak Husen" (Live Husayn!) And at the peak of the event on the 10th of Muharram the evening before the Maghrib Tabut was marched to the sea of Gandoriah beach. At first, the Ark ceremony was very loaded with religious values. But now, the religious values have already faded, what stands out is the culture of entertainment. The transformation of the Ark ceremony as a religious ritual activity that was once full of religious values, became an entertainment culture caused by two factors. The first is the internal factor, namely the desire of the supporters of the Ark to make changes in the Ark procession, the second is internal factors originating from outside the supporters of the Ark in this case religious groups and also including the local government itself.

AbstractThis paper applies ritual theory to study public LGBTQ+ gatherings, including Pride parades, silent vigils, and commemorative litanies. The analysis of public LGBTQ+ rituals has often focussed on Pride parades and their carnivalistic exuberance. We call instead for more attention to the whole nexus of public rituals that this movement consists of, and we argue that these rituals are central to LGBTQ+ community building and meaning-making in this social movement. Using participant and non-participant observation, as well as publicly available data, the paper studies assembly forms, ritual scripts, symbolic interactions, sites, and objects that link the various public rituals within the LGBTQ+ movement. We find that, over the last five decades, these ritual elements have coalesced to provide members of the LGBTQ+ community access to the sphere of transcendence. Our findings suggest that this community might be slowly changing its character from social (protest) movement to becoming a viable civil religion.

The basic concern of this article is to explore the people's nature of acceptance on the initiatives taken by different national and international organisations to increase the well-being of common people irrespective of their origin of residence and other socio-economic variables. The comparative features of rural and urban communities in relation to their basic scope and infrastructure conceptualise the world around them. When they are practising religious rituals, then the people of both the locals are homogeneous in character without any type of strata among them, and sociologically, this form of homogeneousness appeared as religious community. The research question of this article stemmed from this point. Are the people of a specific religious community given higher priority in terms of good health or religious rituals when they use sacred water irrespective of their origin of residence and other socio-economic variables? Water is a sign and symbol of sacredness to religious rituals, while polluted water is harmful for good health.

Under what conditions does in-group pride facilitate out-group tolerance? What are the causal linkages between intergroup tolerance and socialization in religious rituals? This book examines how Muslims from Russia's North Caucuses returned from the Hajj pilgrimage to Mecca both more devout as Muslims and more tolerant of out-groups. Drawing on prominent theories of identity and social capital, the authors resolve seeming contradictions between the two literatures by showing the effects of religious rituals that highlight within-group diversity at the same time that they affirm the group's common identity. This theory is then applied to explain why social integration of Muslim immigrants has been more successful in the USA than in Europe and how the largest Hispanic association in the US defied the clash of civilizations theory by promoting immigrants' integration into America's social mainstream. The book offers insights into Islam's role in society and politics and the interrelationships between religious faith, immigration and ethnic identity, and tolerance that will be relevant to both scholars and practitioners.

Freud's wrItIngs on Religion centre on two themes. The first is the genesis of religious belief which is explained at the level of the individual in terms of the theory of wish fulfilment. The second is religious ritual which is explained at the social level as an expression of collective infantilism. The aim of this article, is to examine only this second theme, although it is dependent upon the first. ; N/A