An exegesis of the seminal works of Henry M. Morris, Director of the Institute for Creation Research, clearly reveals that scientific creationism is a religious doctrine. It is a necessary dogma of the conservative evangelical's particular form of Christianity, is premised upon a literal interpretation of the Bible, and has as its purpose the defense of Jesus Christ as Lord and Savior. [scientific creationism, religion, evolution]
The article examines in detail the problems associated with the development of Buddhism, which introduced a personal aspect to religion and embodied the idea of the need for compassion for all living beings. A special place is occupied by the analysis of the moral and social component of this religion. Buddhism is seen as a protest movement that originated in India and is directed against the frozen hierarchy, mechanical ritualism and greed of the Brahmins. This religion challenged the Brahmin hierarchy, appealing primarily to warriors, kings, and the mass of the free population. The Buddhist community was a brotherhood of mendicant monks who did not perform any rituals, but only showed people the way to salvation by the example of their lives. Buddhism is also one of the radical reformist teachings, not only intellectually, but also socially. He called people, first of all, to inner perfection, the last stage of which can be achieved only through kindness and benevolence to all living beings. The central point of this article is devoted to the debate about the reality of the Buddha's existence, his teaching and the transformations of this teaching. A significant place is given to the description of the way of life of Buddhist monks, the relationship within the Buddhist community and with the laity. The reasons for the attractiveness of Buddhism and its easy adaptability to other religious doctrines are substantiated. The possibilities of transformation of Buddhism, including within the framework of syncretic creeds, as well as in the activities of totalitarian and pseudo-religious sects, are shown. Examples of the politicization of this religion and its inclusion in the activities of fundamentalist organizations are given.
The article analyzes the social aspects of Hinduism as a combination of not only religious, but also mythological, legal and ethical concepts. They form, on the basis on which the social life of Indian society is largely organized. The author's analysis of the historical development of Hinduism shows that, despite the absence of a rigid organizational structure, it has an internal unity at the social, ideological and religious levels. Hinduism is united in a whole by sacred texts and the Pantheon of Gods, recognized by almost all its trends and schools, as well as the faith in karma — the causal relationship between the actions of an individual in past incarnations and his fate, character, position in society in the current incarnation, and reincarnation. The cornerstone of both the faith and the social component of the Hindu doctrine is the concept of classes and castes, which denote separate groups whose members have a common professional occupation, do not marry other groups, and do not even share meals with them. The article considers the hierarchy of classes that originated in India in the Vedic period, as well as the principles, primarily professional and regional, of the formation of modern castes.The author analyzes a set of religious prescriptions and cult practices that regulate the daily life of Hindus, the ritual side of Hinduism associated with the most significant events in human life. Special attention is paid to new practices of "redemptive rites", including asceticism, fasting, various methods of mortification of the flesh, and redemptive gifts. It is noted that the essence of Hinduism is not limited to its religious and ideological content. An organic integral part of it is a number of social institutions, legal and moral norms, social institutions and cultural phenomena. In this regard, Hinduism is not only and not so much a religion, but a way of life and holistic behavior, which can also have its own spiritual practice.
Religion and nationalism are analytically separated and often even seen as opposing forces. But Cao Dài history and theology fuses religion and nationalism, and their relationship is the defining tension in the life of Ð? V?n Lý (1910–2008). As a revolutionary, diplomat, ambassador, and religious leader, he was both a political and a religious activist who articulated a vision of "Vietnamese exceptionalism" first announced in spirit messages from the 1920s, and later developed into a diasporic theodicy to explain the fall of Sài Gòn and provide a new set of goals for exiled religious practitioners.
This paper aims to examine how Hamas as an Islamic movement which adheres to the Muslim Brotherhood ideology came into the political public sphere from 2006 until today. Can Hamas maintain the purity of its religious doctrine when the movement engages in a political election in Palestine? This research uses a qualitative method and adopts the theory of political normalization by Antony Bubalo and Greg Feely to analyze how Islamists movement runs into a secular democratic system by participating in the election, establishing political parties, and contributing within a parliamentary and presidential system. From a theological perspective, this research shows that violence involved by an Islamist group in particular due to their theological interpretation. Meanwhile, from a political perspective, Hamas tries to adapt its approach with the political condition and runs with the contextual realm as well as other political groups from different ideological backgrounds.
The article examines in detail the problems associated with the development of Buddhism, which introduced a personal aspect to religion and embodied the idea of the need for compassion for all living beings. A special place is occupied by the analysis of the moral and social component of this religion. Buddhism is seen as a protest movement that originated in India and is directed against the frozen hierarchy, mechanical ritualism and greed of the Brahmins. This religion challenged the Brahmin hierarchy, appealing primarily to warriors, kings, and the mass of the free population. The Buddhist community was a brotherhood of mendicant monks who did not perform any rituals, but only showed people the way to salvation by the example of their lives. Buddhism is also one of the radical reformist teachings, not only intellectually, but also socially. He called people, first of all, to inner perfection, the last stage of which can be achieved only through kindness and benevolence to all living beings. The central point of this article is devoted to the debate about the reality of the Buddha's existence, his teaching and the transformations of this teaching. A significant place is given to the description of the way of life of Buddhist monks, the relationship within the Buddhist community and with the laity. The reasons for the attractiveness of Buddhism and its easy adaptability to other religious doctrines are substantiated. The possibilities of transformation of Buddhism, including within the framework of syncretic creeds, as well as in the activities of totalitarian and pseudo-religious sects, are shown. Examples of the politicization of this religion and its inclusion in the activities of fundamentalist organizations are given. ; В статье детально рассматриваются проблемы, связанные с развитием буддизма, который привнес в религию личностный аспект и воплотил идею о необходимости сострадания ко всем живым существам. Особое место занимает анализ нравственной и социальной составляющей данной религии. Буддизм рассматривается как протестное движение, зародившееся в Индии, и направленное против застывшего иерархизма, механической обрядовости и корыстолюбия брахманов. Эта религия поставила под сомнение брахманскую иерархию, апеллировал в первую очередь к воинам, царям и массе свободного населения. Буддистская община представляла собой братство нищенствующих монахов, которые не совершали никаких обрядов, а лишь примером своей жизни указывали людям путь к спасению. Буддизм — это также одно из радикальных реформистских учений не только в интеллектуальном, но и в социальном аспектах. Он призывал людей, прежде всего, к внутреннему совершенствованию, последней ступени которого можно достичь лишь благодаря доброте и доброжелательности ко всем живым существам. Центральное место в данной статье посвящено спору о реальности существования Будды, его учению и трансформациям этого учения. Значительное место отводится описанию образа жизни буддийских монахов, взаимоотношениям внутри буддийской общины и с мирянами. Обоснованы причины привлекательности буддизма и его легкой адаптивности к другим религиозным доктринам. Показаны возможности трансформации буддизма, в том числе и в рамках синкретических вероучений, а также в деятельности тоталитарных и псевдорелигиозных сект. Приведены примеры политизации этой религии и ее включения в активность фундаменталистских организаций.
The article theorizes theocracy – political power based on religious legitimation – in terms of the theory of social exchange, as arising out of unequal access to and control over religious goods. It then identifies the factors of stability of a system as the actions the rulers must take to successfully counter various attempts by the ruled to neutralize unequal conditions of exchange in which the power relation is grounded. Two empirical examples are offered of the use of religious doctrines to protect the stability thus conceived. The idea of covenant was used by the authorities of 17thcentury Massachusetts to justify the persecution of dissenters as a means of maintaining the purity and unity of the community, and thereby the necessary condition of fulfilling the society's contract with God. The doctrine of continues revelation, on the other hand, gave Mormon leadership throughout 19th century, and especially during the crisis over polygamy, the much needed flexibility to adapt to external pressure without compromising the legitimacy of their God-granted power and the stability of the system.
The research of the Sayyid Qutb's book "Milestones Along the Way" argued that Qutb's doctrine is dangerous. Firstly, this doctrine aims to achieve world domination by military means. Secondly, it incites religious hatred against the huge masses of people. Thirdly, this doctrine justifies religious wars. Fourthly, it agitates for the establishment of a totalitarian society. Fifthly, it offers training techniques for religious extremists. Sayyid Qutb proclaims an offensive military jihad as the main mean to achieve his goals. Sayyid Qutb emphasizes that the jihad has to subjugate the whole world and captured peoples have either to become Muslims, or to pay tributes (jizya) during all life. Moreover, the study found the three causes of the failure of Sayyid Qutb's doctrine. Firstly, this doctrine is based on manipulations and quoting Muhammad's words out of their context. Secondly, Sayyid Qutb's doctrine declares the war toward the whole world and attempts to implement this idea will inevitably lead to defeat. Thirdly, it seeks to force the 21st century people live according to the norms of the seventh century people and it obviously is a utopia. Also, the study argued that Qutb's ideas are dangerous not only to non-Muslim people, but also to Muslims. Firstly, Sayyid Qutb offers Muslims to fight against their own Muslim states. This idea would provoke civic, fratricidal wars in Muslim countries. Secondly, Qutb opposes the classic Islam doctrine, offering his own understanding of Islam instead. Well-known Muslim scholars criticize points of Qutb's understanding. Thirdly, radical attempts to implement Sayyid Qutb's doctrine set people from different countries against Islam, because these radicals hide behind the name of Islam. Sayyid Qutb regards our time as an arena for the relapse of the events that took place in the seventh century, when salafs (the first Muslims) increased the Islamic theocratic state ownership from one oasis in the desert to vast areas stretching from India to the Atlantic Ocean. Qutb believes that all the twentieth century counties without exception (both non-Muslim counties and Muslim ones) are in the state of pagan ignorance now. He emphasizes that this state requires immediate relapse of the events of more than a thousand years ago - when Muslim warriors carried Islam by sword in all the land which they were able to conquer. ; В результате исследования книги Кутба «Вехи на пути к Аллаху» было выделено и проанализировано пять свидетельств того, что учение Саида Кутба является деструктивным. Во-первых, данное учение направлено на достижение мирового господства военным путём. Во-вторых, оно разжигает ненависть относительно огромных масс людей по религиозному признаку. В-третьих, оно оправдывает религиозные войны. В-четвёртых, учение Кутба агитирует за установление тоталитарного общества. В-пятых, данное учение предлагает техники подготовки религиозных экстремистов. Выявлено, что главным средством достижения своих целей Кутб провозглашает наступательный военный джихад. Причём, по его мнению, этот джихад должен вестись как относительно всех немусульманских государств, так и относительно всех современных ему мусульманских государств, поскольку, по убеждению Кутба, там живут «ненастоящие мусульмане». Установлено три причины несостоятельности учения С. Кутба. Во-первых, это учение основано на манипуляциях, приведении вырванных из контекста цитат Корана и выдаче желаемого за действительное. Во-вторых, это учение объявляет войну всему миру, что неизбежно приведёт к поражению попыток его воплощения в жизнь. В-третьих, оно стремится заставить людей ХХІ столетия жить в строжайшем соответствии с нормами VII столетия, что является утопией. ; В результаті дослідження книги Кутба «Віхи на шляху до Аллаха» було виділено та проаналізовано п'ять свідчень того, що вчення Саїда Кутба є деструктивним. По-перше, це вчення спрямоване на досягнення світового панування військовим шляхом. По-друге, воно розпалює ненависть щодо величезних мас людей за релігійною ознакою. По-третє, воно виправдовує релігійні війни. По-четверте, вчення Кутба агітує за встановлення тоталітарного суспільства. По-п'яте, дане вчення пропонує техніки підготовки релігійних екстремістів. Виявлено, що головним засобом досягнення своїх цілей Кутб проголошує наступальний військовий джихад. Причому, на його думку, цей джихад має вестися як стосовно всіх не мусульманських держав, так і всіх сучасних йому мусульманських держав, оскільки, на переконання Кутба, там живуть «несправжні мусульмани». Встановлено три причини неспроможності вчення С. Кутба. По-перше, це вчення засноване на маніпуляціях, наведенні вирваних з контексту цитат Корану та видавані бажаного за дійсне. По-друге, дане вчення оголошує війну всьому світові, що невідворотно призведе до поразки спроб його втілення у життя. По-третє, воно прагне примусити людей ХХІ століття жити у суворій відповідності до норм життя VII століття, що є утопією.
This article examines the paradigm of values of etatism in the unity of dogmatic and political components. The mechanisms oftransformation of universalist and patriotic intentions of Christianity into the etatist ideology are revealed through a retrospectiveanalysis. The most important manifestations of this ideology are grounded in terms of their influence on the spiritual situation of modernsociety and the authority of church. ; В статье исследуется ценностная парадигма этатизма в единстве догматической и политической составляющих. Посредствомретроспективного анализа раскрываются механизмы трансформации универсалистских и патриотических интенций христианства в этатистскую идеологию. Обосновываются наиболее значимые проявления этой идеологии с позиций их влиянияна духовную ситуацию современного общества и авторитет самой церкви. ; Висвітлені аксіологічні підвалини етатизму в світлі ідей християнського універсалізму та православного патріоти-зму. Окреслені догматичні й політичні перспективи цієї ідеології.
