Suchergebnisse

Simon van Slingelandt (1664-1736) has been in the service of the Republic of the United Netherlands during his entire working life. In 1690 he started his career as secretary of the Council of State (Raad van State). In 1725 he was appointed Treasurer-General and in 1727 he accepted the position of Grand Pensionary over Holland and West Friesland. In this final position he was 'le premier homme de la Republique' during the Second Stadtholderless period. This period commenced after the death of stadtholder-king William III in 1702 and would last until 1747. As a civil servant, he has left a great impression upon the daily affairs in both domestic and foreign political business. He sharply perceived how hairline cracks in the union of the seven provinces (Utrecht 1579) threatened to become fractures. After the War of the Spanish Succession (1701-1713), the Republic faced hard times. This incited Van Slingelandt to write critical texts. In both a personal capacity and as secretary of the Council of State, he pointed out the danger of a collapse of the system of government to the domestic allies. He also made propositions to improve the political-administrative system and financial policy. Van Slingelandt gathered these ideas in several treatises. These writings circulated during his lifetime, but were published later, in 1784-1785, titled Staatkundige Geschriften (Political Writings), fifty years after his death. This book contains a complete analysis of these treatises – as yet missing from historiography – which is preceded by an extensive biographical chapter about Van Slingelandt.

Hans Schippers surveys the position of Hezbollah in Lebanese politics and its relations with Iran and Syria. Hezbollah is an organisation with two faces. Together with Amal it represents the Shia in Lebanon. It participates in elections and the government. However, in the Southern part of the country Hezbollah constitutes a state within a state, with a militia and a social and medical network of its own. Most of the costs of this structure are paid for by Iran. The Shia leadership of Iran also played a vital role in the establishment of the organisation in 1982. Syria acted as the protector of Hezbollah in its agitation against Israel. With the departure of Syrian troops following the Cedar Revolution in the spring of 2005 most non-Shia Lebanese wanted to see the Hezbollah militia, seen as a pro-Syrian force, dissolved. However, this was refused by leader Nasrallah. The militia protected Lebanon against Israeli aggression, he declared. It is unclear what motivated Hezbollah to kidnap the Israeli soldiers. This action seemed to be co-ordinated with Iran and Syria to divert attention from the Iranian troubles with the United Nations about Iran's uranium enrichment programme. However, also solidarity with Hamas and the personality of Nasrallah may have played a role. The War of Summer 2006 made it clear once more that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict maybe exploited by forces not directly involved, like Iran. The strong presence of European soldiers in the new peace force presents an opportunity for the EU to take the initiative for a restart of the peace process in the region. A new Madrid type conference may offer away out of the deadlock.

Issues that touch on the separation of powers, that is, on the relationship between parliament, government and the judiciary, and on the relationship between the Public Prosecution Service, the legal profession and the judge, have been rife in the news of the past twenty years ( for example IRT affair, acquittal of terror suspects, trial Wilders). The separation of powers is part of most Dutch definitions of the rule of law. The research resulting from this WODC publication is aimed at identifying trends and patterns in messages (from newspapers, television news bulletins, news websites, Twitter) over the past twenty years that could affect confidence in the rule of law. It was examined whether text mining, that is, automated text analysis or "content analysis", is an appropriate research tool. - Kwesties die raken aan de scheiding der machten, dat wil zeggen, aan de verhouding tussen volksvertegenwoordiging, regering en rechterlijke macht, en aan de verhouding tussen OM, de advocatuur, en de rechter waren schering en inslag in het nieuws van de afgelopen twintig jaar (bijvoorbeeld IRT-affaire, vrijspraak terreurverdachten, proces-Wilders). De scheiding der machten vormt een onderdeel van de meeste Nederlandse definities van de rechtsstaat. Het onderzoek waaruit deze WODC-publicatie voortvloeit, is gericht op het onderkennen van trends en patronen in berichten (uit dagbladen, televisienieuwsbulletins, nieuwswebsites, Twitter) van de afgelopen twintig jaar die het vertrouwen in de rechtsstaat zouden kunnen beïnvloeden. Nagegaan werd of tekstmining, dat wil zeggen, geautomatiseerde tekstanalyse of 'inhoudsanalyse', daarbij een geschikt onderzoeksmiddel is.

Between 1949 and 1962 the Netherlands renounced its sovereignty over most of its overseas territories. Nevertheless, during the entire period of the Cold War, the Royal Netherlands Navy (RNLN) stood by its point of view that it had a global task to fulfil. This military-naval deployment, outside the NATO treaty area during and shortly after the Cold War in relation to the structural global ambitions of the Royal Netherlands Navy's leadership, is the central theme of this study. This theme is analysed on the basis of theories and an understanding of multinational fleet operations after 1945 and Dutch policy regarding naval operations outside the NATO treaty area, but above all through regional case studies (Korean War 1950-1955, operations around the Arabian peninsula 1984-2000, and in the Adriatic Sea and Montenegrin waters 1992-2001). These case studies were examined by addressing the following central questions: to what extent did these missions involve a traditional approach to Dutch foreign policy? To what extent did the Navy's leadership influence the political-strategic decision-making on these out-of-area operations? To what extent were Dutch tasks and operations different from those of coalition partners, specifically those of the British Royal Navy, which the Royal Netherlands Navy considered to be its 'sister navy'? To what extent did the existing national and international perceptions of the RNLN influence Dutch decision-making on these missions, and how much did the participation in multinational fleet operations subsequently contribute to the objectives the Dutch government had in mind? In all the three case studies, the national and international perception of the Netherlands as a maritime nation and the ability to deploy high-quality navy units were taken into account in the Dutch government's decision-making regarding the RNLN participation in multinational fleet operations. The missions always received international, and especially British and American, appreciation and respect. The fact that ...

Dutch-American relations in the post-war period have been inexorably intertwined with the Cold War. In the course of the 1960s the East-West struggle entered a new phase with the beginning of a period of détente, which had important consequences for the Dutch-American relationship. In this dissertation, which focuses on the governmental level, the following issues are dealt with: firstly, to what extent was the relationship affected by the complicating developments that took place in the years 1969-1976? Secondly, how did Dutch and American policy makers view the relationship? Finally, what did the asymmetry in the relationship mean and were the Dutch able to exert any influence? When taking into account both international and domestic factors, the picture that emerges is one of both change and continuity. What makes the period concerned stand out is the fact that the Atlantic Alliance was at a point where a redefinition of the common goals seemed unavoidable. Security concerns and preserving the American dominant position in the international arena were the foremost concerns of President Nixon and NSC-advisor Kissinger. These ideas clashed with those of Dutch politicians of for instance the Labour Party who wanted détente, an active human rights policy and development cooperation to be part of the Atlantic foreign policy agenda. The American embassy in The Hague was aware of these changes: it noticed a turn to the left in Dutch society and the political landscape. The Dutch cabinets in the period concerned faced domestic pressure to take a more critical stance towards the United States, where the Nixon administration faced problems concerning its image and credibility because of the Vietnam war and the Watergate scandal. On the other hand, unmistakable signs of continuity in the Dutch-American relationship were present. The Dutch governments in the years concerned did not turn away from Atlantic cooperation, as the Netherlands remained dependent on the American military commitment to Western Europe. Détente was ...

This diptych is the result of the first subproject of the study 'Steering with Space' on regional steering networks in education.
In the first subproject of this study, we investigated what is meant by "the region", how the region can be
conceptually, what "the region" means as an administrative scale level and how the government can use it to
can steer with it. For this purpose, we did two things: firstly, we conducted a systematic international literature study and
Firstly, we conducted a systematic international literature study and secondly, we analysed the government's policy discourse on the region.
Secondly, we analysed the government's policy discourse on 'the region in Dutch education'. In both the literature study and the policy analysis, we proceeded openly and inductively by examining the
sources - scientific (research) literature and policy documents, respectively - by allowing them to "speak for themselves" as much as possible.
We did this by systematically searching for and selecting the sources, mapping their contents, ordering them, and then arriving at findings. - Dit tweeluik is de uitkomst van het eerste deelproject van de studie 'Sturen met Ruimte'
naar regionale sturingsnetwerken in het onderwijs. In het eerste deelproject van deze studie
zijn we nagegaan wat zoal wordt verstaan onder 'de regio', hoe de regio conceptueel kan
worden afgebakend, wat 'de regio' betekent als bestuurlijk schaalniveau en hoe de overheid
ermee kan sturen. Hiervoor hebben we twee dingen gedaan: ten eerste het uitvoeren van
een systematische internationale literatuurstudie en ten tweede het analyseren van het
beleidsdiscours van de overheid over 'de regio in het Nederlandse onderwijs'. Bij zowel de
literatuurstudie als de beleidsanalyse zijn we open en inductief te werk gegaan door de
bronnen – respectievelijk wetenschappelijke (onderzoeks-)literatuur en beleidsdocumenten
– zoveel mogelijk zelf te laten 'spreken'. We deden dat door op een systematische manier
de bronnen te zoeken en te selecteren, de inhoud ervan in kaart te brengen, die te ordenen
om vervolgens tot bevindingen te komen.

The exodus from the Netherlands or brain circulation: Push and pull factors of remigration among highly educated Turkish-Dutch An increasing number of Turks, the Netherlands' largest ethnic minority, are beginning to return to their country of origin, taking with them the education and skills they have acquired abroad, as the Netherlands faces challenges from economic difficulties, social tension and increasingly powerful right wing parties. At the same time Turkey's political, social and economic conditions have been improving, making returning home even more appealing for Turkish migrants at large. This article gives explanations about the push and pull factors of return migration. The factors influencing return to one's country of origin are "pulls". It is assumed that remigration is more affected by positive developments in the country of origin than by negative developments in the country of residence. Civil society, business world and the Dutch government can develop policies to bind these capable people to the Netherlands, at least in the form of "brain circulation" so that they can serve as "bridge builders" between the two countries. De uittocht uit Nederland of breincirculatie: Push- en pull-factoren van remigratie onder hoogopgeleide Turkse Nederlanders In Nederland zien we een lichte toename van het aantal Turken, de grootste etnische minderheidsgroep in Nederland, die terugkeren naar hun land van herkomst. Ze exporteren daarmee goede opleidingen en vaardigheden die ze in Nederland verwierven. De oorzaken: de economische neergang, sociale spanningen en de groeiende invloed van extreemrechtse partijen. Tegelijkertijd verbeteren in Turkije de politieke, sociale en economische omstandigheden die steeds meer aantrekkingskracht uitoefenen op immigranten in dat land. Dit artikel gaat in op de push- and pull-factoren voor remigranten. Pull-factoren beïnvloeden iemands terugkeer naar zijn land van herkomst. Aangenomen wordt dat zo'n remigratie sterker wordt bevorderd door positieve ontwikkelingen in het land van herkomst dan door negatieve (push-factoren) in het land waar men op dat moment woont. De

The increased tensions surrounding radical Muslims and radical movements in the political Islam are not only manifested in the Western countries but also in the Muslim world itself. Tendencies and political movements that undermine the status quo have proliferated since the 1970s. They plead for a far-reaching islamization: funding politics, law and society on Islamic foundations. This study of the Netherlands Scientific Council for Government Policy (WRR) analyses the developments in Islamic beliefs, political activism, society and law since the 1970s. To what extent has islamization been successful? What are its consequences for attempts in and outside the Muslim world to come to extend democratization and respect for human rights? And what can the Netherlands and the European Union contribute to support developments towards democratization and human rights? This study is, among others, based on "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_booklist&b=series&series=33">extensive research of experts on the change of Islamic thinking and to the dynamics of law in twelve different Muslim countries. This is the Dutch language edition! This study is also available in English "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_book&isbn=9789053569184&l=2">Dynamism in islamic activism - De toegenomen spanningen rondom radicale moslims en radicale stromingen binnen de politieke islam manifesteren zich niet alleen in het Westen maar vooral ook binnen de moslimwereld zelf. Al sinds de jaren '70 komen stromingen en politieke bewegingen op die zich richten tegen de status quo. Zij pleiten voor vergaande islamisering: het funderen van de politiek, het recht en de samenleving op islamitische grondslagen. Deze studie van de WRR analyseert de ontwikkelingen in het islamitisch denken, het politiek activisme, de samenleving en het recht sinds de jaren zeventig. In hoeverre is er sprake van een succesvolle islamisering? Welke gevolgen heeft dat voor de pogingen binnen en buiten de moslimwereld om te komen tot (verdere) democratisering en meer respect voor mensenrechten? En wat kunnen Nederland en de Europese Unie doen om ontwikkelingen in die richting te bevorderen? De studie baseert zich onder meer op uitvoerige "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_booklist&b=series&series=33">empirische studies van deskundigen naar de verandering van het islamitisch denken en naar de rechtsdynamiek in twaalf verschillende moslimlanden. Ook verschenen in het Engels: "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_book&isbn=9789053569184&l=2">Dynamism in islamic activism

Does the fact that the majority of Turkey's population is Muslim form a hindrance to its EU membership? According to a recent policy advice by the Netherlands Scientific Council for Government Policy (WRR), the answer is an adamant 'no'. Why is this issue of Turkish Islam relevant? After all, Turkey should not be judged by standards other than the Copenhagen criteria. The answer is that the public debate outside 'Brussels' will not be limited to these official criteria. Many people in Europe are worried about Turkey's 'Islam factor'. They believe that Muslims are (potentially violent) fundamentalists who want to establish a theocracy. By explicitly examining the role of Turkish Islam and Muslims in Turkey, the WRR wants to contribute to a well-informed European public debate on Turkey's accession. - Bij de vraag of Turkije lid kan worden van de Europese Unie speelt de islam officieel geen rol. Maar binnen en buiten de politiek vragen velen zich af of Turkije als moslimland wel past bij de Europese Unie. Kan de islam samengaan met democratie, mensenrechten en de scheiding van religie en staat? In dit rapport gaat de Wetenschappelijke Raad voor het Regeringsbeleid in op de plaats van religie in de Europese Unie en in Turkije. Het leerstuk van de scheiding van religie en staat vormt hiervan een belangrijk onderdeel. Naast het rapport bevat deze publicatie ook de verkenning van Erik-Jan Zürcher en Heleen van der Linden Zoeken naar de breuklijn, die onder meer ingaat op de houdbaarheid van het wijdverbreide beeld dat er een culturele en religieuze 'breuklijn' loopt tussen Turkije en Europa. Zij hebben deze studie speciaal voor het WRR-rapport geschreven.

Also available in English "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_book&isbn=9789089643285">Attached to the World Few other countries are so interrelated with the world around us in political, economic, and social respects as the Netherlands. This means that the Dutch government needs to be alert in its response to the risks and opportunities presented by a rapidly changing world. Addressing this issue, the Scientific Council for Government Policy (wrr) offers some reflections in this report, guided by the question how the Netherlands can develop a foreign policy strategy that matches the changing power relations in the world and the radically changed character of international relations. The answer to this question is a reorientation. This means making transparent choices, making smarter use of Europe as our dominant arena, and, finally, choosing an approach that makes better use of the growing role of non-state actors. The report's recommendations not only underline the necessity of reorientation but also show how this could be accomplished in practice. - Ook verschenen in het Engels "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_book&isbn=9789089643285">Attached to the World De Wetenschappelijke Raad voor het Regeringsbeleid (WRR) bepleit in zijn rapport Aan het buitenland gehecht een nieuwe aanpak van het buitenlandbeleid. De wereld om ons heen is onderhevig aan veranderende machtsverhoudingen, wordt bevolkt door andere spelers dan in het verleden, en wordt gekenmerkt door een sterkere verknoping van nationale en internationale vraagstukken. Dit vraagt om nieuwe antwoorden, om een heroriëntatie op het buitenlandbeleid. Het rapport wordt op 30 november namens de regering in ontvangst genomen door de minister van Buitenlandse Zaken, dr. U. Rosenthal. Het rapport stelt vast dat de internationale betrekkingen radicaal van karakter zijn veranderd. De vertrouwde afbakening tussen binnen- en buitenland vervaagt steeds verder, met name in Europa. Een groot deel van de Nederlanders ervaart dit evenwel nog anders. Tegelijkertijd neemt hun onzekerheid over de positie van Nederland in de wereld toe, mede door de recente financiële crisis. Het WRR-rapport bepleit een strategischer aanpak van de buitenlandpolitiek en schetst daarvoor een afwegingskader. Hiermee kunnen duidelijke keuzes worden gemaakt. Bijvoorbeeld door de nadruk te leggen op beleidsterreinen waarop Nederland sterk is en zich langere tijd wil profileren, zoals water, voedsel, of internationaal recht. De keuzes moeten ertoe bijdragen dat het profiel, de zichtbaarheid en de invloed van Nederland worden vergroot. Door in het buitenlandbeleid de samenhang tussen nationale en internationale belangen sterker te benadrukken, zal dat beleid in eigen land op ruimere steun kunnen rekenen, verwacht de WRR. De nieuwe aanpak zal er volgens de WRR toe leiden dat de algemene buitenlandstrategie een zaak van de gehele ministerraad wordt. Deze aanpak impliceert geen herijking of ontkokering van het buitenlandbeleid. Het vraagt een andere benadering, een andere houding. De Europese Unie is en blijft voor Nederland de meest dominante arena voor internationale samenwerking. Wie zijn doelen in het buitenlandbeleid wil bereiken, moet juist hier invloed uitoefenen, juist hier excelleren om zijn nationale belangen te realiseren. Volgens de WRR vergt dit een antwoord op de vragen: in wat voor Europa willen wij leven en hoe kunnen we onze invloed aanwenden om dit Europa naar vermogen mee vorm geven? Daarbij zou het passen wanneer ons land de praktijk van de ons omringende landen volgt en de minister-president daadwerkelijk tot eerstverantwoordelijke voor het EU-beleid aanwijst, aan het hoofd van het 'ministerie van Algemene en Europese Zaken'. Een strategischer buitenlandbeleid vraagt om een adequate uitvoering. Naast organisatorische aanscherpingen, kunnen bestaande instrumenten beter worden benut. Zo meent de WRR dat het postennet van diplomatieke vertegenwoordigingen in de wereld niet gebaseerd moet zijn op vaste reflexen, maar een afgeleide dient te zijn van een heldere strategie. Tevens zijn nieuwe vormen van samenwerking met andere landen noodzakelijk, waarbij ook nadrukkelijk ruimte en erkenning ontstaan voor samenwerking met niet-statelijke actoren zoals bedrijven, ngo's en belangenorganisaties. Kortom: de WRR bepleit in de buitenlandse politiek strategisch-inhoudelijk scherp te kiezen, te streven naar excellentie binnen Europa en een faciliterend medespeler te worden in de wereld van niet-statelijke actoren. Tevens zijn in het kader van dit onderzoek gepubliceerd: "http://www.wrr.nl/content.jsp?objectid=5464">WRR-webpublicatie nr. 43, Internationalisering en Europeanisering van strafrechtelijke rechtshandhaving in Nederland, dr.mr. A. van den Brink "http://www.wrr.nl/content.jsp?objectid=5302">WRR-webpublicatie nr. 42, Het Nederlandse veiligheidsbeleid in een veranderende wereld, drs. M.H. Klem

In the Fourth National Spatial Policy Plan Extra (1990) the development areas were pointed out (the so-called "Vinex-areas"). This encouraged project developers to buy large and strategic situated properties. The key question is how to assure that also next generations of inhabitants, politicians and developers will still be prepared to invest in quality improvement. The concept of Sustainable Spatial Quality has been examined from the perspective chosen by the Brundtland Commission in its famous report 'Our Common Future' (1987). Quality Assurance is a concept made operational in Quality Management practices based on the ISO 9000 standards. The essential mechanism of Quality Assurance is the Deming-cycle In Vinex-area development in The Netherlands three types of PPP are fairly common: the so-called 'Development-Claim', the Joint Venture and the Concession. A basic assumption behind the effectiveness of Quality Assurance is the ability of controlling human behaviour and, in our case, spatial planning and development processes by means of institutional systems. Institutional governance is based on the idea that in a consistent institutional context different people will act more or less similar in a predictable way. Scott (2001) provides us with a theoretical framework based on an extensive and broad research of (neo)institutional literature. By combining the scientific work of economists, social and political scientists he creates a concept for the analysis of institutions. This concept consists of three types of institutional systems: Regulative, Normative and Cultural-cognitive. The Regulative system is typical for the Development-Claim model. The Joint Venture however is based on dialogue and negotiation on an equal level between public and private parties. The effectiveness of the Concession model for the public interest is determined by the way the government uses the willingness of private parties to go into competition. The empirical research was conducted in three different Vinex-areas: Leidsche Rijn near Utrecht, Vathorst near Amersfoort and Ypenburg near The HagueThe research included analysis of plans, contracts and documents followed by a series of interviews with stakeholders. Quality Assurance is failing on several critical points. Indifferent of the PPP-type the weakest elements in the process are the poorly developed interactive involvement of (potential) user groups in the planning process, the inability of both public and private parties to react adequately on changing circumstances and preferences of user groups and the lack of competition for area development. There is no 'best' PPP for assuring Sustainable Spatial Quality. Our recommendations to optimise the quality assurance function are partly generally applicable and partly specified for each type of PPP separately. Generally applicable is the recommendation for improving the interactivity of the planning process as well as enhancing a more proactive strategy of anticipation on changing user preferences. We need empowerment of the civil society, led by an independent process-manager and using a suitable framework for the debate. Anticipation on changing user-preferences can be improved by introducing periodic evaluations. The quality assurance function can also profit from introducing more competition, for example by awarding efforts of private parties to make their plans more sustainable.

Since the beginning of the 1980s the role of government has been discussed in the Netherlands and several other Western countries. In the Netherlands this discussion has led to severe changes in the structures and activities of several governmental organizations, particularly since 1985. Deregulation has been introduced, which has meant that, generally speaking, certain laws and rules have become less detailed or totally abolished. Moreover, there has been a tendency to introduce new organizational structures in governmental organizations. These new organizational structures could mean that certain tasks are relinquished, or that the way of organizing activities is changed. A general characteristic of these changes in organizational structures, which can take different forms and/or differ in specific details, is that governmental organizations are now governed in a less centralized way. The general concept of autonomization will be used in this paper to denote the different forms of decentralization. In general, autonomization of public organizations means that the political top management's direct control of certain tasks or activities will be diminished. External autonomization implies that, legally speaking, an independent organization comes into existence; and the politicians' responsibilities for the organization are diminished. In the case of internal autonomization the organization remains part of its parent organization, although it gains more freedom to conduct its own business. The political top management retains formal responsibility for the activities of the internally autonomized organization. Internal autonomization includes various forms of what is traditionally termed decentralization or divisionalization. Forms of external autonomization include, for example, privatization, contractorization (contracting-out) and the founding of a public corporation. So, autonomization comprises diverging forms of decentralization and internal and external contracting, of which privatization may be seen as the most extreme opposite of centralized governance. Generally speaking, a stronger form of autonomization means that the organization is subject to more direct influences of the market and/or is governed in a more "businesslike" way; i.e. in such a way that the principles and techniques of business administration play a more important role. This may also make the relationship with (what used to be) the parent organization more businesslike, inducing clearer agreements about prices, quantities and quality of goods and services. The introduction of these new organizational structures/forms can be considered an endeavour to maintain management control over governmental organizations. Management control is the whole range of means and activities through which political and civic managers try to ensure that an organization successfully adapts to changes in its environment, so that its continuity is safeguarded. This research project focuses on two elements, in particular, that may play an important role in management control (and that also might influence each other); i.e. changes in organizational structure (that is to say: the different forms of autonomization) and changes in the financial and economic management of the autonomized organization. Autonomization could be regarded as a change in governance structures or, more broadly, as a change in institutional structures or institutions. Generally speaking, neo-institutional economic theories see a striving for efficiency - or in stronger terms: the necessity for organizations to be efficient in order to survive - as the main reason for changes in organizational structure. The three following research questions were formulated: 1. is it possible to construct a theoretical concept, based on neo-institutional economics, to explain the management control and more specifically the autonomization of (parts of) governmental organizations?; 2. in the Dutch context what elements play a role in the choice of a particular form of management control and autonomization of governmental organizations?; 3. what changes occur in financial and economic management practices when governmental organizations are autonomized? These questions could be studied from, for example, the perspective of political science, sociology, or economics, or a combination of all these perspectives. Although non-economic aspects might also play an important role, the research problem is studied mainly from an economic point of view in this book. The main aim of this study is to gain an insight into the internal organizational processes and the effects of the autonomization of governmental organizations. The problem to be addressed is very complicated because the factors that may play a role are not at all clear. The phenomenon researched and its context cannot be separated clearly, causes and consequences cannot be separated easily, etc. Hence, the form of research that was chosen was case research. Case research was conducted for this study in six (parts of) governmental organizations which were autonomized to different degrees. In one case, autonomization had not been realized at the time of the research, because of serious delays. However, the information about the process of preparing for autonomization was sufficiently extensive and interesting in this case to justify its inclusion.