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The article presents the main principles of the French doctrine of the political representation. This doctrine refers to the concept of transference. According to her one entity transfers its rights and obligations to another entity. Transmission entity is represented (voter), while the entity for which the transfer is made is representative (member of parliament). Representation means so that the member of parliament speaks on behalf of the nation. The focal point of this concept is the belief of the fictional nation as a sovereign. As a result, the traditional doctrine of the French was of the view that the nation as something fictional can exist only in the parliament and can be expressed only by the parliamentarian. This position concluding cry that no nation outside of the representatives of the nation. The second element of the French approach was the assumption of a community dimension representation. Evidence of this was the representative mandate to exclude instructions, orders and command will vote. These two assumptions to this day is the essence of the French project of political representation. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

The article explores the concept of civil society in connection with Web 2.0 and its transformative impact on society and politics, contrasting it with the earlier era of Web 1.0. Web 2.0, characterized by enhanced user interaction and content production, has given rise to a new media ecosystem that has reshaped the way people communicate, obtain information, and participate in the polity. The article highlights the emergence of popular social media platforms and how they have become integral to the platform society. These platforms have not only revolutionized online interactions but have also intersected with offline realms, including politics, commerce, and social relations. The article further explores the implications of Web 2.0 for civil society, contentious politics, and citizen engagement, examining the rise of protests, transnational movements, and the impact of digital resources on democracy and (digital) citizenship. Finally, the work discusses the potential of digital counter-democracy in the platform society and the need for democratic control in the digital age.

Studies presented in this publication were aimed at provide data necessary for the conducting of local government and citizenship dimension of the enlarged Polish foreign policy in Podlaskie region. The main objective was to investigate the diagnosis, as the local government units, non-governmental organizations, businesses and universities alluded cross-border cooperation with partners in Lithuania, Belarus, Ukraine and Russia (Kaliningrad). The publication indicated areas of the greatest potential, as well as barriers to such cooperation in the region. Particular attention was paid to the cooperation of these entities, combining their potentials and create joint projects.

The Joint Committee of Government and Local Self-Government has been operating for over 25 years. It is an institution that was conceived as having an advisory capacity, as a unique instrument of dialogue between the government authority and local self-government. However, experience over the last four years has shown that the central authority has marginalized the role of the Joint Committee, ignoring it completely in the legislative process – the vast majority of changes in the powers of the self-government authorities were introduced through member bills, which do not require an opinion from the Joint Committee. In this article, the authors propose extensive reforms to empower local self-government through the empowerment of the Joint Committee. Its fundamental recommendations are to furnish the Joint Committee with the right of legislative initiative, the right to file a motion with the Constitutional Tribunal, and the introduction of a group legislative initiative to the governing authorities of local self-government units. ; Komisja Wspólna Rządu i Samorządu Terytorialnego funkcjonuje już od ponad 25 lat. Jest to instytucja, która z założenia miała mieć charakter opiniodawczo-doradczy, stanowiąc swoisty instrument dialogu między władzą rządową a samorządem terytorialnym. Praktyka ostatnich czterech lat pokazuje jednak, że władza centralna zmarginalizowała rolę Komisji Wspólnej, pomijając ją zupełnie w procesie legislacyjnym – zdecydowana większość zmian dotyczących kompetencji władz samorządowych była wprowadzano poprzez projekty poselskie, które nie wymagają opinii Komisji Wspólnej. W prezentowanym artykule autorzy proponują szeroko zakrojoną reformę mającą na celu upodmiotowienie samorządu terytorialnego poprzez upodmiotowienie Komisji Wspólnej. Podstawowymi jej postulatami są: wyposażenie Komisji Wspólnej w prawo inicjatywy ustawodawczej, prawo do występowania z wnioskiem do Trybunału Konstytucyjnego oraz wprowadzenie grupowej inicjatywy ustawodawczej dla organów stanowiących jednostek samorządu terytorialnego.