Suchergebnisse

The Peoples' Councils and Local Self-Government System Act of 20 July 1983 introduced certain new elements to local administration system. Treating people's councils as organs of local self-government was one of those elements. People's councils and organs of municipal and rural residents self-government are handled in the new regulation as parts of the same organizational structure (of local self- -government system). It resulted in an increase of weight of decentralization and supervision problems in aspect of local administration. The present article contains a study of regulation pertaining to supervision excercised in three systems: 1. supervision performed upon people's councils, 2. supervision upon organs of municipal and rural self-government and 3. supervision upon administrative organs of people's councils. In the first system, supervision is performed by the Council of State (upon all councils in principle) and by voivodship (district) councils upon municipal, quarter, and rural district councils. The supervision covers control of legality of decisions and corrective means which cannot violate a principle of independence in activities. The newly introduced obligation of lending assistance to supervised organs is characteristic for a socialist state. The Polish Seym (Diet) is also obliged by the Act to take care of self-government charakter of people's councils, special means are provided for the Council of State to be used in instances of violating independence of people's councils by other organs. Supervision of rural self-government organs is trusted to rural district council and to its presidium, while supervision upon municipal self-government organs is performed by municipal (quarter) council and its presidium. Means of control are not intensive there but also the scope of affairs relegated to that self government is not substantial at least as far as decisional competence is concerned. In practice, the supervision upon organs of administration of people's councils is of a crucial importance, as those are implementing tasks of people's councils. On the central level, the supervision is divided onto various organs: Council of Ministers, Prime Minister, Minister of Administration and Region-Shaping Economy and branch ministers, what can threaten with inconsistencies in performing that function. On the voivodship level, the supervision is performed by voivodes and heads of departments of voivodship administration upon relevant organs of administration on the level of rural district, city, quarter. Yet, competence of higher level organs is differentiated subject to tasks performed by local organs of administration. In the decentralised sphere (when organs of administration act as executive organs of people's councils), means of exercised influence are those of supervision. But if those organs act in the sphere excluded from the competence of people's councils, the means are close to hierarchical subordination. That latter influence is named governance in the Act. The differentiated influence is effected by a dual role of local organs of administration since a dualistic model of local administration (self- -governmental and governmental) is rejected in the Act. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

Artykuł traktuje o obchodach uroczystości świąt narodowych 3 Maja, 15 sierpnia i 11 listopada w warunkach polskiej Drugiej Wielkiej Emigracji. Chronologicznie uwzględniłem lata 1939–1956, od powołania do życia rządu RP we Francji, po wydarzenia w Polsce, które rozbudziły nadzieje Polaków na obczyźnie na demokratyzację kraju. W rozważaniach zwróciłem uwagę przede wszystkim na działalność rządu RP, z jednoczesnym odwołaniem się do niektórych inicjatyw prezydenta oraz partii, stronnictw politycznych i Polskich Sił Zbrojnych na Zachodzie. The article deals with the celebration of national days of 3 May, 15 August, and 11 November in the conditions of the second Polish "Great Emigration". The chronological scope of the study covers the years from 1939 to 1956, i.e. from the establishment of the Polish government in France to the events in Poland that awakened hopes of Poles abroad of democratisation of the country. I focus primarily on actions of the Polish government with occasional references to some of the initiatives of the president as well as various associations, political parties and the Polish Armed Forces in the West. ; Artykuł traktuje o obchodach uroczystości świąt narodowych 3 Maja, 15 sierpnia i 11 listopada w warunkach polskiej Drugiej Wielkiej Emigracji. Chronologicznie uwzględniłem lata 1939–1956, od powołania do życia rządu RP we Francji, po wydarzenia w Polsce, które rozbudziły nadzieje Polaków na obczyźnie na demokratyzację kraju. W rozważaniach zwróciłem uwagę przede wszystkim na działalność rządu RP, z jednoczesnym odwołaniem się do niektórych inicjatyw prezydenta oraz partii, stronnictw politycznych i Polskich Sił Zbrojnych na Zachodzie. The article deals with the celebration of national days of 3 May, 15 August, and 11 November in the conditions of the second Polish "Great Emigration". The chronological scope of the study covers the years from 1939 to 1956, i.e. from the establishment of the Polish government in France to the events in Poland that awakened hopes of Poles abroad of democratisation of the country. I focus primarily on actions of the Polish government with occasional references to some of the initiatives of the president as well as various associations, political parties and the Polish Armed Forces in the West.

Artykuł traktuje o obchodach uroczystości świąt narodowych 3 Maja, 15 sierpnia i 11 listopada w warunkach polskiej Drugiej Wielkiej Emigracji. Chronologicznie uwzględniłem lata 1939–1956, od powołania do życia rządu RP we Francji, po wydarzenia w Polsce, które rozbudziły nadzieje Polaków na obczyźnie na demokratyzację kraju. W rozważaniach zwróciłem uwagę przede wszystkim na działalność rządu RP, z jednoczesnym odwołaniem się do niektórych inicjatyw prezydenta oraz partii, stronnictw politycznych i Polskich Sił Zbrojnych na Zachodzie. The article deals with the celebration of national days of 3 May, 15 August, and 11 November in the conditions of the second Polish "Great Emigration". The chronological scope of the study covers the years from 1939 to 1956, i.e. from the establishment of the Polish government in France to the events in Poland that awakened hopes of Poles abroad of democratisation of the country. I focus primarily on actions of the Polish government with occasional references to some of the initiatives of the president as well as various associations, political parties and the Polish Armed Forces in the West. ; Artykuł traktuje o obchodach uroczystości świąt narodowych 3 Maja, 15 sierpnia i 11 listopada w warunkach polskiej Drugiej Wielkiej Emigracji. Chronologicznie uwzględniłem lata 1939–1956, od powołania do życia rządu RP we Francji, po wydarzenia w Polsce, które rozbudziły nadzieje Polaków na obczyźnie na demokratyzację kraju. W rozważaniach zwróciłem uwagę przede wszystkim na działalność rządu RP, z jednoczesnym odwołaniem się do niektórych inicjatyw prezydenta oraz partii, stronnictw politycznych i Polskich Sił Zbrojnych na Zachodzie. The article deals with the celebration of national days of 3 May, 15 August, and 11 November in the conditions of the second Polish "Great Emigration". The chronological scope of the study covers the years from 1939 to 1956, i.e. from the establishment of the Polish government in France to the events in Poland that awakened hopes of Poles abroad of democratisation of the country. I focus primarily on actions of the Polish government with occasional references to some of the initiatives of the president as well as various associations, political parties and the Polish Armed Forces in the West.

Considerations included in the article by Robert Pyka concern tensions between a national country losing influence and still developing logic of the government of the globalised world. The crux of the matter is notions such as Pierr Rosanvalon's "counter‑democracy". The author asks about a contemporary sense of representative democracy, pointing to the contracting role of the country in the light of growing expectations of the citizens. Showing dangers coming from a global market, the sense of being lost in an abruptly changing reality, as well as alienation and the lack of understanding of actions of selected government representatives threaten with the arrival of post‑democracy in which the citizens stop treating a democratic system seriously and, in consequence, leave it. Critical considerations are confirmed by the author who quotes the studies pointing to the fall of election frequency among teenagers and a small engagement of the members of party organizations. An increase in a neutral or a negative attitude to institutionalized forms of representative democracy is accompanied by simultaneous searching for direct and more effective forms of political participation. In the end of the article Pyka admits that "democratic movements" are right believing that they will motivate the citizens to efficient actions shaping a new and better democracy in the 21st century.

The aim of the study is to draw attention to new forms of democracy that are decomposing modern parliamentarism. They break the link between the election of representative bodies (parliaments) and general elections. The introduced forms of citizen representation are based on the sampling method. It is a return to the roots of Athenian democracy and the political practice of national sovereignty. These innovative forms include deliberative democracy and participatory democracy. The most famous form of deliberative democracy are citizens' assemblies. The aim of citizens' assemblies is to develop a consensus and restore confidence in the non-party way of making political decisions. They try to solve important social and political problems. In Ireland, they led to a constitutional amendment. It was not only the media success of this new form of citizen representation. The use of the latest information and communication technologies is also reflected in contemporary parliamentarism. They contribute to the accumulation of information in the hands of the government. This increases its informal position. Against this background, the concepts of media democracy and smartphone democracy appear. These new phenomena also contribute to the decomposition of the parliamentarism of our time. ; Celem opracowania jest zwrócenie uwagi na nowe formy demokracji, które dekomponują współczesny parlamentaryzm. Rozrywają one związek pomiędzy wyłanianiem ciał przedstawicielskich (parlamentów) z wyborami powszechnymi. Wprowadzane formy reprezentacji obywateli opierają się na metodzie losowania. Jest to powrót do korzeni demokracji ateńskiej i politycznej praktyki suwerenności narodu. Do tych nowatorskich form należy zaliczyć demokrację deliberatywną i demokrację uczestniczącą. Najbardziej znaną formą demokracji deliberatywnej są panele obywatelskie. Celem paneli obywatelskich jest wypracowanie konsensusu oraz przywrócenie zaufania do pozapartyjnego sposobu podejmowania decyzji politycznych. Starają się one rozwiązywać ważne problemy społeczne i polityczne. W Irlandii doprowadziły do zmiany konstytucji. Był to, nie tylko medialny, sukces tej nowej formy reprezentacji obywateli. Stosowanie najnowszych technologii informatycznych i komunikacyjnych znajduje swoje odzwierciedlenie także we współczesnym parlamentaryzmie. Przyczyniają się one do kumulowania informacji w rękach rządu, co zwiększa jego nieformalną pozycję. Pojawiają się tu pojęcia demokracji medialnej i demokracji smartfonowej. Te nowe zjawiska przyczyniają się także do dekompozycji parlamentaryzmu naszych czasów.

The article discusses the issue of relations between non-governmental organizations and representatives of local self-government units (LGUs). The theoretical part presents selected new concepts of territorial self-government management and the project Model of Cooperation which sets out the framework for cooperation between representatives of the social and public sectors. The aim of the article was to present the relationship between representatives of non-governmental organizations and representatives of local authorities in selected communes in the Mazovian voivodeship. The first part of the analysis presents the actual state of cross-sectoral cooperation (based on own research carried out in 2016–2017, on a sample of 9 respondents, using semi-structured interviews techniques). In the thesis there is also discussed the issue of knowledge acquired by the stakeholders of the principles contained in the publication of the Model of Cooperation. The final part presents the barriers that stand in the way of this cooperation. ; W artykule poruszono kwestię relacji organizacji pozarządowych i przedstawicieli jednostek samorządów lokalnych (JST). W części teoretycznej zaprezentowano wybrane nowe koncepcje zarządzania samorządami terytorialnymi oraz założenia projektu pt. Model współpracy, w którym określono ramy współpracy między przedstawicielami sektora społecznego i publicznego. Celem artykułu jest ukazanie, jak wyglądają relacje pomiędzy przedstawicielami organizacji pozarządowych i przedstawicielami władz lokalnych w wybranych gminach wiejskich województwa mazowieckiego. W pierwszej jego części (na podstawie badań własnych zrealizowanych w latach 2016–2017, na próbie 9 respondentów, za pomocą techniki wywiadu częściowo ustrukturyzowanego) przedstawiono faktyczny stan współpracy międzysektorowej. Omówione zostało także zagadnienie znajomości przez zainteresowane podmioty zasad Modelu Współpracy. W końcowej części zaprezentowano bariery stojące na drodze tej współpracy.

Ten years after Poland's accession to the European Union it seems right to ask the question: is our country a subject or an object in the political game in Brussels? Is our position strong enough to effectively influence the decision-making mechanisms in the European Union? Or maybe what some say about Poland's position in the EU is true and our country is indeed "playing out of its league? In an attempt to contribute to answering these questions, in this text the author tries to identify the factors which may have had an impact on the election of Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk for the President of the European Council. The aim of the conducted cognitive process is also to perform an initial analysis of the visible results of this move, both for the institutional system of the European Union and for the way in which public decisions are shaped within the organization.The author also tries to identify the most significant challenges the Union has to face, as seen from the perspective of the President of the European Council. One might hope that this will be a good starting point for learning about the mechanism of forming political decisions in the EU, which will also find their place in the hereby publication as part of an extended analysis.

Ten years after Poland's accession to the European Union it seems right to ask the question: is our country a subject or an object in the political game in Brussels? Is our position strong enough to effectively influence the decision-making mechanisms in the European Union? Or maybe what some say about Poland's position in the EU is true and our country is indeed "playing out of its league? In an attempt to contribute to answering these questions, in this text the author tries to identify the factors which may have had an impact on the election of Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk for the President of the European Council. The aim of the conducted cognitive process is also to perform an initial analysis of the visible results of this move, both for the institutional system of the European Union and for the way in which public decisions are shaped within the organization.The author also tries to identify the most significant challenges the Union has to face, as seen from the perspective of the President of the European Council. One might hope that this will be a good starting point for learning about the mechanism of forming political decisions in the EU, which will also find their place in the hereby publication as part of an extended analysis.

In actual legal and political conditions in Poland it has been assumed that in decision-making processes in an enterprise in the first place participate, as representatives of the employees' interests: a self-government of a crew, a Party organization, a trade union. In economic praxis, it created complicated problems, since it is very difficult to draw distinct lines separating the areas of activity of those organizations. The research indicates that despite quite large competences of a self-government, its participation in management activities is not big (a very big influence on decision-making: a general assembly of a crew and the employees' council — 8.9% of answers). The most important decisive body is a chief executive director — 35.3°/o of answers. In effect, formal institutions which might have created conditions to develop industrial democracy do not function according to the expectations and consequently, an increase in the position and authority of an enterprise director has been noted in 1988 in comparison with previous years. As a result of those changes, cooperation between a director, a Party organization and a trade union does not develop adequately. The cooperation is the best between a director and a Party organization — 16.6% of positive indications. Among workers a view prevails that the organizations which are to be the workers' representations in decision-making processes do not meet such expectations. It was only o 9% of respondents who indicated that a party organization represents the workers' interests. 12.9% of respondents were of the same opinion with respect to a self-government of a crew and the employees' council. At the same time workers declare little interest in taking posts in self-government organs; in effect, not always the best people are candidates for seats in the employees' council. The workers, however, want to have a much greater influence than they have now on decisions concerning their workplaces (26.9%) as well as on their participating in taking decisions concerning the collective work (30.6%). It seems apparent that the increase in employees' democracy depends on organizational and legal conditions and, in the first place, requires the change of attitudes among workers and the managing staff. It is also necessary to increase the self-dependence of enterprises in financial matters and to reduce the degree of their subordination to the economic center. Moreover, there arises the need to establish self-government structures on a supra-enterprise level, eg. the Self-Government Chamber in the Sejm (Parliament). ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The analysis of the elections treated as a tool for selecting representatives in commune councils, district councils and province assemblies as well as selecting provincial governors, and mayors of the cities, demonstrates that the aforementioned kinds of elections are significantly different from presidential, parliamentary and European elections. It can be stated that the main aim of the local government elections is to unite society. In addition, the years 2010 to 2014 were marked by a major decline in the number of voters in Opole Voivodeship. It is worth mentioning that, in 2014, there was an increase in the threshold which appeared to be a differentiating factor between the majority election system and proportional representation system. This has not led to changes in the number of local election committees, but it has resulted in a decline in the number of candidates in elections as well as an increase in the voter turnout. Furthermore, the implementation of the single mandate constituencies in municipalities in Opole Voivodeship has given an opportunity for independent candidates to be successful. Interestingly, political affiliations have not affected the commune council elections. What is more, significant changes were mainly visible in municipalities in which proportional representation system and multiple mandate constituencies used to be applicable during previous elections. It can be claimed that the independent candidates have obtained equal opportunities in competition with the candidates belonging to parties. ; Analiza wyborów do rad gmin, rad powiatów i sejmików województw oraz wójtów, burmistrzów i prezydentów miast wskazuje na ich odmienny charakter od elekcji prezydenckich i parlamentarnych oraz euroelekcji. Zasadniczą ich rolą jest integracja społeczności. W województwie opolskim w latach 2010-2014 zanotowano znaczny spadek liczby wyborców. Główną zmianą prawną było podniesienie w 2014 r. progu rozgraniczającego system wyborów większościowych od systemu wyborów proporcjonalnych. W regionie nie zmieniło to liczby komitetów wyborczych o charakterze regionalnym i lokalnym, uczestniczących w elekcji, zmalała łączna liczba kandydatów na radnych wszystkich szczebli, wzrosła natomiast frekwencja wyborcza. Wprowadzenie jednomandatowych okręgów wyborczych we wszystkich gminach województwa dało wyraźnie większą szansę na końcowy sukces kandydatom niezależnym. Szyld partyjny kandydatom do rad gminnych nie pomagał. Zmiany były widoczne szczególnie w tych gminach, w których wcześniej obowiązywał system proporcjonalny oraz istniały wielomandatowe okręgi wyborcze. Tam po raz pierwszy kandydaci niezależni mieli równe szanse na sukces z kandydatami zgłoszonymi przez partie polityczne.

W ramach artykułu autor podejmuje się analizy wyborów samorządowych z perspektywy rywalizacji politycznej pomiędzy Platformą Obywatelską a Prawem i Sprawiedliwością. Dodatkowym obszarem badawczym autora było zjawisko upartyjnienia wyborów samorządowych. Artykuł stanowi analizę typu case study, zaś obiektem zainteresowania autora były wybory do płockiej rady miasta. Autor analizuje wyniki wyborcze, jakie na lokalnej arenie w latach 2002-2018 osiągały partyjne i niepartyjne komitety wyborcze, w szczególności jednak stara się określić pozycję PO i PiS w przestrzeni wyborów samorządowych. W wyniku analizy został określony stopień upartyjnienia wyborów samorządowych oraz zakres dominacji PO i PiS w Płocku. Obie te kwestie były analizowane na gruncie wyników wyborczych do płockiej rady miasta w latach 2002-2018 na poziomie liczby uzyskanych głosów oraz liczby uzyskanych mandatów ; In the article the analysis of self-government elections from the perspective of rivalry between two political parties: "Platforma Obywatelska" and "Prawo i Sprawiedliwość" is undertaken. Factionalisation of self-government elections is the additional research area presented by the author. The article is a case study of the city council election in Płock, Poland. The author analyses the election results achieved on local area between 2002 and 2018 by partisan and non-partisan electoral committees, especially the positions of PO and PiS in the sphere of self-government elections are indicated. As the outcome of the analysis, the level of factionalisation of self-government elections has been established together with degree of PO and PiS domination in the City of Płock. Both those aspects were analysed on the ground of election results for Płock city council between 2002 and 2018 based on the number of obtained votes and electoral mandates.

The paper analyses the potential of Poland's representatives in the European Parliament over the decade of Poland's membership of the European Union, determines the extent of Polish MEPs'influence in the European Parliament and assesses how efficiently and effectively this influence was actually exercised, as reflected in the decisions made by the Union. The goal of the paper is to explain the operating principles and work of the EP which determine how its strategy is developed and tactics implemented. The mechanism of the operation of these rules will be explained on the example of Polish representation in the EP. Firstly, the foundations of the analysis, its methodology and determinants to examine the efficiency and effectiveness of the influence of Polish representation will be presented. Then, for the purpose of investigation and verification of the hypothesis, the data concerning the sixth and the seventh terms of the EP will be separately analysed. The present study is to verify the following hypothesis: the influence of a relatively large proportion of a national delegation in a political group of limited significance in the EP is high, but it does not translate into efficiency and effectiveness of the influence on Union decisions. The efficiency and effectiveness of a national representation is greater when a national delegation constitutes a relatively small percentage but participates in a large political group of great significance in the EP. ; Przedmiotem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza potencjału reprezentantów Polski w Parlamencie Europejskim (PE) w okresie dziesięciu lat naszego członkostwa w Unii Europejskiej, określenie skali wpływu polskich eurodeputowanych w PE, efektywności jego wykorzystania oraz skuteczności oddziaływania na decyzje unijne. Celem jest wyjaśnienie zasad pracy i funkcjonowania PE determinujących opracowywanie strategii i realizację taktyki działania. Mechanizm działania tych zasad objaśniony zostanie na przykładzie polskiej reprezentacji w PE. Na wstępie przedstawione zostaną założenia prowadzonej analizy, metodologia oraz determinanty badania efektywności i skuteczności oddziaływania polskiej reprezentacji. Następnie w celu prowadzenia badania i weryfikacji hipotezy zostaną zanalizowane dane dotyczące kadencji VI oraz oddzielnie VII PE. Niniejsze badanie służy weryfikowaniu następującej hipotezy. Skala wpływu procentowo dużego odsetka delegacji narodowej w grupie politycznej o niewielkim znaczeniu w PE jest wysoka, ale nie przekłada się na efektywność i skuteczność oddziaływania na decyzje unijne. Większa efektywność i skuteczność reprezentacji narodowej jest w przypadku udziału procentowo niewielkiej delegacji narodowej w dużej grupie politycznej PE o dużym znaczeniu w PE. ; nie dotyczy ; Marta Witkowska

Przedmiotem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza potencjału reprezentantów Polski w Parlamencie Europejskim (PE) w okresie dziesięciu lat naszego członkostwa w Unii Europejskiej, określenie skali wpływu polskich eurodeputowanych w PE, efektywności jego wykorzystania oraz skuteczności oddziaływania na decyzje unijne. Celem jest wyjaśnienie zasad pracy i funkcjonowania PE determinujących opracowywanie strategii i realizację taktyki działania. Mechanizm działania tych zasad objaśniony zostanie na przykładzie polskiej reprezentacji w PE. Na wstępie przedstawione zostaną założenia prowadzonej analizy, metodologia oraz determinanty badania efektywności i skuteczności oddziaływania polskiej reprezentacji. Następnie w celu prowadzenia badania i weryfikacji hipotezy zostaną zanalizowane dane dotyczące kadencji VI oraz oddzielnie VII PE. Niniejsze badanie służy weryfikowaniu następującej hipotezy. Skala wpływu procentowo dużego odsetka delegacji narodowej w grupie politycznej o niewielkim znaczeniu w PE jest wysoka, ale nie przekłada się na efektywność i skuteczność oddziaływania na decyzje unijne. Większa efektywność i skuteczność reprezentacji narodowej jest w przypadku udziału procentowo niewielkiej delegacji narodowej w dużej grupie politycznej PE o dużym znaczeniu w PE. ; The paper analyses the potential of Poland's representatives in the European Parliament over the decade of Poland's membership of the European Union, determines the extent of Polish MEPs' influence in the European Parliament and assesses how efficiently and effectively this influence was actually exercised, as reflected in the decisions made by the Union. The goal of the paper is to explain the operating principles and work of the EP which determine how its strategy is developed and tactics implemented. The mechanism of the operation of these rules will be explained on the example of Polish representation in the EP. Firstly, the foundations of the analysis, its methodology and determinants to examine the efficiency and effectiveness of the influence of Polish representation will be presented. Then, for the purpose of investigation and verification of the hypothesis, the data concerning the sixth and the seventh terms of the EP will be separately analysed. The present study is to verify the following hypothesis: the influence of a relatively large proportion of a national delegation in a political group of limited significance in the EP is high, but it does not translate into efficiency and effectiveness of the influence on Union decisions. The efficiency and effectiveness of a national representation is greater when a national delegation constitutes a relatively small percentage but participates in a large political group of great significance in the EP.

The Polish conception of the local government entails the empowerment of local communities. While this empowerment is usually understood only in terms of legal personality, it is crucial for the unimpeded operation of the local government, even in this extremely narrow understanding of subjectivity, that there exist open channels of communication between the representatives of the local authorities and civil servants and the local communities. Regrettably, the communication duties of the local governments have been codified by the legislature in a rather narrow way, and most of them can be only implicitly derived from the tasks of particular institutions and contemporary requirements for the development of a civil society and democracy as such. The article, then, constitutes an attempt at pinpointing the sources of communication responsibilities of local government bodies, from which derive particular tasks which need to be addressed by the communication policies of particular institutions. Moreover, the article briefly characterizes the state of contemporary local communications in Poland as well as provides advice for further development of local authorities in that regard.

Over the period of its independence, Ukraine has gone through several stages of modernization of its electoral system, moving from system of absolute and mixed majority to proportional representation. What can this signify? Either the democratic principles of the national political system are strengthening and political institutions fully function in society, or a system of state authorities has actually transformed into the rule of oligarchic parties which control the activities of the government via parliament and are sufficiently independent from the President. By virtue of the constitutional reform from late 2004, Ukraine has transformed into a parliamentary-presidential republic, where the parliament is the core of control over executive power. Therefore, it is quite significant which parties win the elections. ; Over the period of its independence, Ukraine has gone through several stages of modernization of its electoral system, moving from system of absolute and mixed majority to proportional representation. What can this signify? Either the democratic principles of the national political system are strengthening and political institutions fully function in society, or a system of state authorities has actually transformed into the rule of oligarchic parties which control the activities of the government via parliament and are sufficiently independent from the President. By virtue of the constitutional reform from late 2004, Ukraine has transformed into a parliamentary-presidential republic, where the parliament is the core of control over executive power. Therefore, it is quite significant which parties win the elections.