Suchergebnisse

A re-examination of two heavily covered 2008 legal battles -- the "virginity" & "burqa" affairs -- illustrates the capacity of the secular spirit to resist the religious spirit in France. These two affairs served as occasions for confirming & consolidating the republican consensus that had in 2004 been forged over the law prohibiting the wearing of religious symbols in public schools. This consensus places strict limits on the recognition of cultural & religious (especially Muslim) religious particularisms in the Republic. Some of its ambiguities, however, are worth unpacking -- in particular, the confusion between arguments drawn from republican law & those drawn from French culture. In contrast to this conservative republicanism, critical republicanism takes care not to posit that the institutions & norms specific to a particular community -- up to & including that of the French Republic -- are necessarily in keeping with republican principles. While it is absent from the Stasi Commission Report (France 2003), a similar line of reasoning can be found in the Bouchard-Taylor Report, which offers a republican justification for certain practices based on "reasonable compromises" (Quebec 2008). Adapted from the source document.

This article has two objectives. On the one hand, it means to support the thesis that the moral foundations of selective immigration are poorly managed if they do not begin with the organization of institutions to ensure a positive relationship between migrants and the host community. On the other hand, this article will present an argument to defend the role of a republican theory of political freedom as a normative framework for the analysis of structural challenges related to immigration. Adapted from the source document.

International audience ; The process of radicalisation was remarkably rapid under the French revolution because the philosophical ideas of the Enlightenment offered a pre-revolutionary mode of thought by the summoning of the Estates-General, and a powerful republican vocabulary to open a large debate on the ground of the sovereignty of the people, the liberty and the equality of rights. A semantic and institutional transformation took place rapidly, a new conception of republicanism emerged in an enlarged and democratic public space, where key notions, such as law, constitution, nation, people, citizen, patrie became crucial. The flight of the king was part of the iron logic that gave way to the rhetorical strategies and actions that took place after the crisis of Varennes, in the perspective of a future republican Constitution, based on the principles of the Declaration of the rights of man and of the citizen. ; Le processus de radicalisation fut particulièrement rapide sous la Révolution française, car la philosophie politique des Lumières a facilité l'émergence d'un mode de pensée prérévolutionnaire lors de la convocation des Etats-Généraux, et offert un lexique républicain capable d'ouvrir un large débat sur la base de la souveraineté du peuple, de la liberté et de l'égalité des droits. Les progrès de l'idée républicaine de 1789 à 1792 sont liés tant aux conditions pratiques d'émergence du républicanisme dans l'espace public qu'à l'occasion qui en a validé l'expression dans l'opinion éclairée, la fuite du roi. Inscrite en creux dans les perspectives de liberté et d'égalité des droits, la notion de république est réinventée dans un champ conceptuel en pleine mutation, où les termes de loi, de constitution, de nation, de peuple, de citoyen, de patrie, prennent une importance décisive. Le républicanisme est mis en échec par la proclamation de la loi martiale le 17 juillet 1791 au Champ de Mars, mais il conserve une forte valeur d'orientation et d'attente, dans la perspective d'une Constitution républicaine ...

La réussite du modèle viti-vinicole bourguignon fondé sur le concept de terroir s'inscrit dans un rapport indéfectible du vin au lieu marqué par un discours consacrant l'image du vigneron ancré dans sa terre. L'origine de ce succès repose sur un basculement historique de la filière au seuil du xxe siècle, qui a conduit au progressif triomphe de la viticulture face à un négoce politiquement vaincu. L'interprétation scientifique de ce basculement concluant à la victoire de mécanismes républicains favorables au plus grand nombre, le peuple vigneron, mérite d'être révisé, tant il apparaît au contraire avoir consacré l'avènement d'un nouvel ordre de privilégiés.

This dissertation examines the responses that liberal culturalism and neo-Roman republicanism provide to the question of what position the democratic state should adopt in contexts characterized by the presence of individuals and groups who have different cultural and religious commitments to those of the majority culture and religion. Our study consists of an original and comparative theoretical reconstruction of the answers given to this question by eight dominant political theories within these two currents. Concerning liberal culturalism, this dissertation examines the answers given by the liberal theory of minority rights (Kymlicka), the perfectionist theory (Raz), the nationalist theory (Tamir) and the neutralist theory (Patten). Regarding the neo-Roman republicanism, this dissertation examines the theory of freedom and government (Pettit), the deliberative theory (Maynor), the critical theory (Laborde) and the republican patriotism (Viroli, Habermas and Laborde). This research is intended to contribute to the clarification and systematization of these theories and defend the idea that liberalism and republicanism are both philosophically compatible with the government consideration of cultural and religious diversity, in particular because of the adaptation of their fundamental principles to the contemporary pluricultural reality. ; Cette thèse examine les réponses que le culturalisme libéral et le républicanisme néo-romain donnent à la question de savoir quelle position l'État démocratique doit adopter dans des contextes caractérisés par la présence d'individus et de groupes ayant des engagements culturels et religieux différents de ceux de la culture et de la religion majoritaires. Notre étude constitue un exercice de reconstruction théorique original et comparatif de la réponse apportée à cette question par huit théories politiques dominantes se situant au sein de ces deux courants. En ce qui concerne le culturalisme libéral, la thèse examine les réponses apportées par la théorie du droit des minorités ...

This dissertation examines the responses that liberal culturalism and neo-Roman republicanism provide to the question of what position the democratic state should adopt in contexts characterized by the presence of individuals and groups who have different cultural and religious commitments to those of the majority culture and religion. Our study consists of an original and comparative theoretical reconstruction of the answers given to this question by eight dominant political theories within these two currents. Concerning liberal culturalism, this dissertation examines the answers given by the liberal theory of minority rights (Kymlicka), the perfectionist theory (Raz), the nationalist theory (Tamir) and the neutralist theory (Patten). Regarding the neo-Roman republicanism, this dissertation examines the theory of freedom and government (Pettit), the deliberative theory (Maynor), the critical theory (Laborde) and the republican patriotism (Viroli, Habermas and Laborde). This research is intended to contribute to the clarification and systematization of these theories and defend the idea that liberalism and republicanism are both philosophically compatible with the government consideration of cultural and religious diversity, in particular because of the adaptation of their fundamental principles to the contemporary pluricultural reality. ; Cette thèse examine les réponses que le culturalisme libéral et le républicanisme néo-romain donnent à la question de savoir quelle position l'État démocratique doit adopter dans des contextes caractérisés par la présence d'individus et de groupes ayant des engagements culturels et religieux différents de ceux de la culture et de la religion majoritaires. Notre étude constitue un exercice de reconstruction théorique original et comparatif de la réponse apportée à cette question par huit théories politiques dominantes se situant au sein de ces deux courants. En ce qui concerne le culturalisme libéral, la thèse examine les réponses apportées par la théorie du droit des minorités (Kymlicka), la théorie perfectionniste (Raz), la théorie nationaliste (Tamir) et la théorie neutraliste (Patten). Pour ce qui est du républicanisme néo-romain, la thèse examine la théorie de la liberté et du gouvernement (Pettit), la théorie délibérative (Maynor), la théorie critique (Laborde) et le patriotisme républicain (Viroli, Habermas et Laborde). Cette recherche se veut une contribution à la clarification et systématisation de ces théories, et une défense de l'idée selon laquelle le libéralisme et le républicanisme sont tous deux philosophiquement compatibles avec la prise en compte gouvernementale de la diversité culturelle et religieuse, notamment en raison de l'adaptation de leurs principes fondamentaux à la réalité pluriculturelle contemporaine.

International audience ; The revolutionary events in America, France and Ireland rapidly impacted public debate in Great Britain. Republicanism - be it in its forms or in its ideology - assumed a menacing shadow over a political tradition that was both secular and long-standing. The English authorities employed all the means at their disposal to discredit the very notion of republicanism. In this article, we are going to evoke the British reaction's degrading rejection as inspired by American, French, and Irish events. Though our research is guided by satirical images, these are not the only sources consulted. In the end, during a twenty-year period, this propaganda contributed to muzzle radical reformers and to disparage the American, French, and Irish revolutionary republican movements. ; Les événements révolutionnaires américains, français et irlandais s'imposent rapidement dans le débat public en Grande-Bretagne. Le républicanisme, ses formes et son idéologie, deviennent une ombre menaçante portée sur une tradition politique séculaire et alors bien établie. Les autorités anglaises vont donc s'attacher par tous les moyens en leur possession à discréditer la notion même de républicanisme. C'est ce rejet infamant que nous allons évoquer dans cet article à partir des réactions britanniques suscitées par les événements américains, français et irlandais, les images satiriques nous servant de guide, sans être pour autant les seules sources consultées. Au final, l'ensemble de cette propagande étalée sur plus d'une vingtaine d'années a contribué à museler les réformateurs radicaux et à dénigrer le mouvement révolutionnaire et républicain américain, français et irlandais.

International audience ; The revolutionary events in America, France and Ireland rapidly impacted public debate in Great Britain. Republicanism - be it in its forms or in its ideology - assumed a menacing shadow over a political tradition that was both secular and long-standing. The English authorities employed all the means at their disposal to discredit the very notion of republicanism. In this article, we are going to evoke the British reaction's degrading rejection as inspired by American, French, and Irish events. Though our research is guided by satirical images, these are not the only sources consulted. In the end, during a twenty-year period, this propaganda contributed to muzzle radical reformers and to disparage the American, French, and Irish revolutionary republican movements. ; Les événements révolutionnaires américains, français et irlandais s'imposent rapidement dans le débat public en Grande-Bretagne. Le républicanisme, ses formes et son idéologie, deviennent une ombre menaçante portée sur une tradition politique séculaire et alors bien établie. Les autorités anglaises vont donc s'attacher par tous les moyens en leur possession à discréditer la notion même de républicanisme. C'est ce rejet infamant que nous allons évoquer dans cet article à partir des réactions britanniques suscitées par les événements américains, français et irlandais, les images satiriques nous servant de guide, sans être pour autant les seules sources consultées. Au final, l'ensemble de cette propagande étalée sur plus d'une vingtaine d'années a contribué à museler les réformateurs radicaux et à dénigrer le mouvement révolutionnaire et républicain américain, français et irlandais.

Frank I.A Michelman uses Robert Cover's theory of the jurisgenerative process to build a new model of republicanism. But in so doing, he replaces description with a fiction that plays down Robert Cover's insistence on the plurality of narratives and on the relation of law to violence. Adapted from the source document.

The first objective of this issue is to remedy the weakness of the francophone research on Leonardo Bruni and civic humanism and to contribute to a reevaluation of Francesco Guicciardini. Although most Hans Baron's seminal thesis have been convincingly criticized, they remain stimulating: Leonardo Bruni's texts do not reflect the real political order of that time but do embody a civic ideal that systematize and reformulate republicanism. The reinvention of politics that had begun a century before in Florence could therefore have a crucial impact on the development of modern political thought. A careful text analysis shows nevertheless that there is not one unified, but contrasted republicanisms, which differ among others on the social question and on the alternative self-government v. representative government. Adapted from the source document.

Republicanism enjoyed renewed favor in the 20th century, especially in English-speaking political thought: Thanks to a considerable wealth of research, the notion of republic has been put under close scrutiny, both historically and theoretically. This article aims at reconstructing the genealogy of this reflection, through the examination of the different readings that have been proposed for a writer ?rediscovered? by this new tradition of thought: chancellor-humanist Leonardo Bruni (1370-1444). Since the pioneer works of Hans Baron (1900-1988), the interpretation of Bruni has constituted one of the main focal points of neo-republican thought; one purpose of this study is thus to highlight the epistemological, historiographical and political questions at stake in the interpretation of Bruni, and consequently in the elaboration of the republican attempt at reconceptualizing politics. Adapted from the source document.

This article offers a contribution to the question of the distinction liberal political language and republican political languages. Setting aside the debates on the membership of republicanism in the communitarian movement and the potentially comprehensive character of that theory, the article attempts to demonstrate that, at the end of the 18th century, republican language was confronted with the challenge to engender stable political systems to replace the monarchies of the ancient regime. In addition, it adapted itself by abandoning its archaic components that were incompatible with the modern world. At the same time, republicanism does not transform into the variant of liberalism many would like to see, because it conserves one idea: that equality is the condition of liberty, and this implies that in a society of individual liberty, property law can be neither absolute nor unconditional. Adapted from the source document.