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This dissertation, structured as a collection of three articles, aims to answer the following question: which kind of right to secede from a modern democratic state, if any, can be acknowledged from a democratic republican point of view? The first article shows that secession conflicts pose threats for democratic republican principles (particularly, freedom and inclusion), which no current theory of right of secession (TRS) overcomes. The second article finds that a constitutional right of secession, like Quebec's one, could minimize those threats because of its non-unilateral nature, but that its limitation to constitutional law undermines this potentiality. Finally, the third article develops a democratic republican TRS based on a multilateral right of secession for any democratic secessionist community, coupled with a multilateral right to unity for its democratic host state. The international democratic community would arbitrate and monitor any secession conflict according to this framework. ; Aquesta tesi, estructurada en tres articles, mira de respondre la següent pregunta: quin tipus de dret a la secessió respecte d'un estat democràtic modern, si algun, es pot reconèixer des d'un punt de vista republicano-democràtic? El primer article mostra que els conflictes de secessió comporten amenaces pels principis republicano-democràtics (particularment, llibertat i inclusió), que cap de les actuals teories del dret de secessió (TRS) confronta amb èxit. El segon article argumenta que un dret constitucional de secessió, com el del Quebec, podria minimitzar, pel seu caràcter no-unilateral, aquestes amenaces; però que la seva limitació al dret constitucional mina aquesta potencialitat. Finalment, el tercer article desenvolupa una TRS republicano-democràtica, basada en un dret multilateral de secessió per a qualsevol comunitat secessionista democràtica, juntament amb un dret multilateral a la unitat per al seu Estat matriu democràtic. La comunitat democràtica internacional arbitraria i controlaria qualsevol conflicte ...

En este artículo nos proponemos analizar la relación del pensamiento político spinoziano con la tradición de pensamiento republicana. Se trata, según argumentaremos, de una relación llamativamente ignorada tanto en las recientes reconstrucciones del republicanismo (en las que Spinoza no recibe más que una mención marginal) como en la crítica spinoziana, que si bien se ha ocupado profusamente, en especial en las últimas décadas, del pensamiento político spinoziano, no se ha detenido en su relación con el republicanismo. ; In this paper we analyze the relationship of Spinoza's political thought in the tradition of republican thought. This is, we argue, a relationship so conspicuously ignored in recent reconstructions of republicanism (in which Spinoza receives only marginal mention) and Spinoza criticism that while it has been widely held, especially in the last decades, Spinoza's political thought has not be investigated its connections with republicanism.

This chapter makes a case for the republican tradition in political philosophy as a theory that can provide a rational reconstruction of criminal law. It argues that republicanism offers a reconstruction of criminal law that is both rational and plausible. In particular, it shows that republicanism can help us to make sense of three important features of criminal law: first, the conviction that crime is a public wrong; second, the general pattern of development of criminal law historically; and third, the public nature of criminal law as a cooperative enterprise. To begin, however, it explains what republicanism is and why it is a proper place to look for a rational reconstruction of criminal law.

In problematic ways, populism has become a catch-all formula used with discretion to capture all kinds of discontent with democratic politics today. Populism is not only an essentially contested, but also an unavoidably blurred concept. Its recurrent use as a weapon to discredit all kinds of projects that challenge contemporary liberal democracies has led to a situation in which protest movements that aim at democratic renewal end up being conflated with opposite tendencies whose objective is a reactionary scaling down of democracy. Against this background, this article argues that both for political and for analytical purposes, the key point for distinguishing between "progressive" and "regressive" projects that address the crisis of democracy is to determine how such projects conceive of the identity of the people. Invoking the people is not per se an attribute of populism, but ultimately a feature of all kinds of democratic politics. What does make for a critical difference, though, is how peoplehood is articulated in the process of collective mobilization. The distinction becomes particularly relevant with regard to current debates on how to tackle the issue of diversity and democratic integration in Europe and North America. To substantiate this relevance, the article introduces the concept of popular republicanism, which is fleshed out by discussing two recent examples: Catalan sovereignism and the Kurdish-Turkish HDP.

Europe is experiencing rapidly accelerating poverty and social exclusion, following half a decade of financial crisis and austerity politics. The key problem behind Europe's malaise, in our view, is the economic disenfranchisement of large parts of its population in the winner-takes-all-society. This article proposes that we examine the contribution of republican political theory as a distinctive approach that provides us with the conceptual and normative resources to reclaim what we call the political economy of democracy, the constellation of political and economic institutions aimed at promoting broad economic sovereignty and individuals' capacities to govern their own lives. This article identifies three key ideas that together constitute a distinctively republican approach to political economy: (1) establish an economic floor; (2) impose an economic ceiling to counter excess economic inequality; and (3) democratize the governance and regulation of the main economic institutions.

On Civic Republicanism explores the enduring relevance of the ancient concepts of republicanism and civic virtue to modern questions about political engagement and identity. This title was made Open Access by libraries from around the world through Knowledge Unlatched. ; Includes bibliographical references and indexes. ; On Civic Republicanism explores the enduring relevance of the ancient concepts of republicanism and civic virtue to modern questions about political engagement and identity. This title was made Open Access by libraries from around the world through Knowledge Unlatched. ; Mode of access: Internet.

URL del artículo en la web de la Revista: https://www.upo.es/revistas/index.php/ripp/article/view/1803 ; Es reseña de: Republicanism: a theory of freedom and government Philip Pettit Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1997. ISBN 0-19-829083-7 ; Universidad Pablo de Olavide

This essay analyzes the conjunction freedom/authority defended by classical republicanism. As a modern thinker, Machiavelli retrieves this classical synthesis and defines the authority of law as the condition of possibility for freedom. But, as Eric Neson shows, Machiavelli's republicanism is more Athenian than Roman. Michael Sandel's democratic republicanism has a similar orientation. Besed on the social ontology developed by Arendt and Taylor, Sandel postulates the intrinsic value of the notions of participation and popular sovereignty. In this way he can refute Rorty's objections and his idiosyncratic interpretation of Dewey. According to Sandel, Dewey criticizes liberalism's rejection of authority and is able organically to articulate democratic authority and freedom. ; Este ensayo analiza la conjunción libertad/autoridad defendida por el republicanismo clásico. Como pensador moderno, Maquiavelo recupera esta síntesis clásica y define la autoridad como la condición de posibilidad de la libertad. Pero, como muestra Eric Nelson, el republicanismo de Maquiavelo es más ateniense que romano. El republicanismo de Michael Sandel tiene una orientación similar. Basado en la ontología social desarrollada por Arendt y Taylor, Sandel postula el valor intrínseco de las nociones de participación y soberanía popular. De este modo, él puede refutar la objeción de Rorty y su interpretación idiosincrática de Dewey. Según Sandel, Dewey critica el rechazo liberal de la autoridad y es capaz de articular orgánicamente la autoridad democrática y la libertad.

In problematic ways, populism has become a catch-all formula used with discretion to capture all kinds of discontent with democratic politics today. Populism is not only an essentially contested, but also an unavoidably blurred concept. Its recurrent use as a weapon to discredit all kinds of projects that challenge contemporary liberal democracies has led to a situation in which protest movements that aim at democratic renewal end up being conflated with opposite tendencies whose objective is a reactionary scaling down of democracy. Against this background, this article argues that both for political and for analytical purposes, the key point for distinguishing between "progressive" and "regressive" projects that address the crisis of democracy is to determine how such projects conceive of the identity of the people. Invoking the people is not per se an attribute of populism, but ultimately a feature of all kinds of democratic politics. What does make for a critical difference, though, is how peoplehood is articulated in the process of collective mobilization. The distinction becomes particularly relevant with regard to current debates on how to tackle the issue of diversity and democratic integration in Europe and North America. To substantiate this relevance, the article introduces the concept of popular republicanism, which is fleshed out by discussing two recent examples: Catalan sovereignism and the Kurdish-Turkish HDP.

International audience ; It is often assumed that it was the American and French Revolutions of the late eighteenth century that revived the fortunes of democracy (which had long been viewed in negative terms) and reinvented it to fit the circumstances of the modern world. This article demonstrates that in both respects the revolutionaries of the late eighteenth century were able to draw on an earlier model. The role of the Levellers of the English Revolution in developing proto-democratic ideas has long been acknowledged, but it was one of their contemporaries, the republican James Harrington, who explicitly adopted a positive understanding of the term 'democracy' and thought seriously about what a large modern democracy would look like. Since Harrington's place in the history of democracy has been largely neglected, this article will analyse those ideas before going on to demonstrate the influence that his ideas exerted on French revolutionaries in the Cordeliers Club, who were interested in him precisely because of his ideas about democracy. ; Le plus souvent, il est accepté que ce sont les Etats-Unis et la France qui ont fait revivre la tradition démocratique (appréhendée longtemps en terme négatif) à la fin du XVIIIème siècle. Cet article voudrait montrer comment les deux pays ont pu s'appuyer sur un modèle plus ancien. Le rôle des « Levellers » dans la révoltuion anglaise a consisté à développer cette proto-démocratie, longtemps méconnue, mais ce fut Harrington, leur contemporain qui définit alors, de façon positive, le terme de démocratie ; Là encore la place d'Harington fut négligée mais les pages qui suivent ses idées et leur influence sur les révolutionnaires français, plus particulièrement au club des Cordeliers, attaché à sa pensée démocratique.

"Continuing the analysis of contemporary issues through the lens of ancient theories beyond the themes of Enduring Empire and the award-winning On Oligarchy, On Civic Republicanism explores the enduring relevance of the ancient concepts of republicanism and civic virtue to modern questions about political engagement and identity. Examining both ancient and early modern conceptions of civic republicanism, the contributors respond to the work of thinkers ranging from Plato and Aristotle to Machiavelli, Montesquieu, and Wollstonecraft. A testament to the continuing influence of the concept and the ongoing scholarly debate which surrounds it, On Civic Republicanism addresses fundamental questions regarding democratic participation, liberal democracy, and the public good. Its essays speak to the many ways in which the idea of the republic still challenges us today."This title was made Open Access by libraries from around the world through Knowledge Unlatched.

International audience ; In his classic work Le Parti Républicain sous la Monarchie de Juillet (1901), Iouda Tchernoff underlined the importance of Pagnerre's Dictionnaire politique (1842) in the history of 19th century French republicanism. Within this mass of republican ideas, Tchernoff noted the presence of the expected references and developments concerning Jean-Jacques Rousseau as well as popular sovereignty. However, he also underlined that "within [its pages] one could above all see an effort to adapt the republican regime to the new conditions of economic and social life" . For Tchernoff, this was one of the great originalities of this particular dictionary.

International audience ; In his classic work Le Parti Républicain sous la Monarchie de Juillet (1901), Iouda Tchernoff underlined the importance of Pagnerre's Dictionnaire politique (1842) in the history of 19th century French republicanism. Within this mass of republican ideas, Tchernoff noted the presence of the expected references and developments concerning Jean-Jacques Rousseau as well as popular sovereignty. However, he also underlined that "within [its pages] one could above all see an effort to adapt the republican regime to the new conditions of economic and social life" . For Tchernoff, this was one of the great originalities of this particular dictionary.

International audience ; In his classic work Le Parti Républicain sous la Monarchie de Juillet (1901), Iouda Tchernoff underlined the importance of Pagnerre's Dictionnaire politique (1842) in the history of 19th century French republicanism. Within this mass of republican ideas, Tchernoff noted the presence of the expected references and developments concerning Jean-Jacques Rousseau as well as popular sovereignty. However, he also underlined that "within [its pages] one could above all see an effort to adapt the republican regime to the new conditions of economic and social life" . For Tchernoff, this was one of the great originalities of this particular dictionary.

International audience ; In his classic work Le Parti Républicain sous la Monarchie de Juillet (1901), Iouda Tchernoff underlined the importance of Pagnerre's Dictionnaire politique (1842) in the history of 19th century French republicanism. Within this mass of republican ideas, Tchernoff noted the presence of the expected references and developments concerning Jean-Jacques Rousseau as well as popular sovereignty. However, he also underlined that "within [its pages] one could above all see an effort to adapt the republican regime to the new conditions of economic and social life" . For Tchernoff, this was one of the great originalities of this particular dictionary.