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Facing contemporary cultural and religious pluralism associated to the demands of recognition from minorities in multicultural societies, neither classical republicanism nor political liberalism gives satisfactory orientation to shape a political education accomodated to this social context. Education will contribute to social pacification and social compromises only if we elaborate a political education which takes into account and responds properly to the main actual political goal: living together with our differences. In this paper we will explore the content of such political education.

Facing contemporary cultural and religious pluralism associated to the demands of recognition from minorities in multicultural societies, neither classical republicanism nor political liberalism gives satisfactory orientation to shape a political education accomodated to this social context. Education will contribute to social pacification and social compromises only if we elaborate a political education which takes into account and responds properly to the main actual political goal: living together with our differences. In this paper we will explore the content of such political education.

¿Cuáles han sido las funciones de la utilización política del sorteo en la República de Flo­rencia y qué tipo de relación tiene con la deliberación? ¿Por qué este mecanismo vuelve a aparecer, en las últimas décadas, en muchos dispositivos de deliberación? La invención del representante muestra una diferencia decisiva entre el uso antiguo y moderno de la selec­ción al azar. Manteniendo una función de imparcialidad, su lógico pasado de autogobierno republicano, donde cada ciudadano era gobernante y gobernado a la vez, a la democracia deliberativa, donde un mini-público representativo habla por el pueblo. A través de esta comparación histórica, se puede comprender mejor los experimentos reales de deliberación y destacar los diversos desafíos que hay que encarar. ; What have been the functions of the political use of sortition in the Florentine Republic, with what kind of relation with deliberation? Why has this device come back in the last decades, in many deliberative devices? The invention of the representative sample makes a decisive difference between Ancient and Modern use of random selection. While keeping a function of impartiality, its logic passed from Republican self-government, where each citizen is governing and governed in turn, to deliberative democracy, where a counter­factual mini-public is given a voice. Through this historical comparison, one can better understand the actual deliberative experiments and underline several challenges they have to face.

This Article argues that states do and should play as important a role as the federal government in articulating and implementing the law governing state political processes, or in formal terms, their republican forms of government.20 The argument has four parts. Part I introduces the basic meaning of the guarantee and its amendment. Beyond a consensus that holds our republicanism to require basic political equality, various perfectionist conceptions of a republican form of government diverge, giving way to the essential pluralism of republican governments in a federal system. Part II explains how the Supreme Court, Congress, and the Executive are now unable to articulate, let alone implement, a workable national consensus on any perfectionist republicanism beyond a thin conception of those basic rights to political equality. Part III describes the states as the source of persistent pluralism in their republican forms of government, as both legal systems and political cultures that produce and are sustained by those systems. Part IV argues that these distinctions in how states articulate and implement their own plural versions of republicanism are crucial to efforts toward reforming, let alone perfecting, republicanism at the national level. Given the unsettled visions of republicanism at the national level and the structural autonomy the states must retain at the core of our federal system, a plurality of views on republicanism among the states is not only durable but desirable.

The present study is intended to contribute to the study of republicanism in Basque Country and Navarre, which experienced a relative historiographical vacuum. This article analyzes republicanism in both places with a special emphasis in two important historical events. These two events proved to be republicans' political experiment in their defense for the ancient rights, mixed with republican and liberal tenets. Although those republicans were not organized together, all of them had the same ideological ground: a strong advocate of federalism and the ancient laws. ; Con el objeto de ir completando el vacío historiográfico sobre el republicanismo en el País Vasco y Navarra, esta investigación realiza un acercamiento a aquellos republicanos durante la segunda mitad del siglo XIX tomando como referencia dos hitos importantes. Estos dos acontecimientos demuestran el intento de encajar los derechos históricos en el discurso republicano democrático y liberal. Aunque a nivel organizativo no se pueda hablar de un republicanismo vasco-navarro, cabe destacar que la base ideológica de los republicanos de las cuatro provincias descansaba en el federalismo y en la defensa liberal de los fueros.

Explores contemporary challenges of republicanism; discusses political philosophy, deficiencies of liberal conception of liberty, Michael J. Sandel's civic republicanism, postmodern theories of identity and difference, shared public culture, and freedom of citizens in multinational and multicultural societies; 7 articles. Summaries in English.

This article presents a republican interpretation of Michael Walzer's theory of distributive justice and of his idea of complex equality. It demonstrates that Spheres of Justice is not only a defense of pluralism and equality (as the subtitle announces), but also of liberty or freedom. Like Quentin Skinner and Philip Pettit, Walzer understands liberty as nondomination. For Walzer, a just distribution of all social goods leads to a "complex egalitarian society" in which every citizen is equally free from domination and tyranny. Against alternative interpretations, this paper suggests that Walzer is indeed a political egalitarian and that complex equality should be interpreted as a simple equality of liberty or freedom. In the conclusion, the article argues that Walzer's and Pettit's versions of republicanism are complementary because they each illuminate the other's blind spot and thus mutually fi x each other's particular shortcoming.

Frontmatter --Contents --Preface to the Paperback Edition --Preface: Three Trips to Philadelphia --Acknowledgments --Introduction. Prophetic Republicanism as Vital Center --Chapter 1. The Civil Religious Tradition and Its Rivals --Chapter 2. The Hebraic Moment: The New England Puritans --Chapter 3. Hebraic Republicanism: The American Revolution --Chapter 4. Democratic Republicanism: The Civil War --Chapter 5. The Progressive Era: Empire and the Republic --Chapter 6. The Post-World War II Period: Jew, Protestant, Catholic --Chapter 7. From Reagan to Obama: Tradition Corrupted and (Almost) Recovered --Chapter 8. The Civil Religion: Critics and Allies --Conclusion. The Righteous Republic --Notes --References --Index

The present article explores, starting from the theory of deliberative republicanism, the convenience of building a model of public sphere inserted within the frame of government. The works is divided in three parts: first, it considers the distinction between republicanism, liberalism and Communitarianism in regards to the construction of a public sphere. Secondly, an approach is made to the four basic processes that accompany every republican deliberation. Finally, it weaves the construction of the republican-deliberative public sphere with the web of government, union that comes to be a paradigm of a marked citizenship inclusion for governmental action. Adapted from the source document.

The liberal and republican discourses produced in Portugal in the transition from the nineteenth century to the twentieth century emphasized the figure of the citizensoldier as part of the civic cult of the Nation. The ideal citizen of the new Republic, proclaimed at last in 1910, should be orderly, disciplined, morally exemplary and physically fit to address the harshness and needs of the war, besides being an unconditional lover of his Homeland. With this article we intend to promote a reflection on the purposes and character of the youth militarization project developed, in two different moments of the above-mentioned period, under the predominant influence of republicanism. Forwarding both moments of the study, our concern goes to the relations between military instruction and other curricular areas, particularly physical education, and moral and civic education. We will pay attention to the ritual practices that are developed which are an alternative to the catholic ritualism. In addition, the controversies with expression in the pedagogical field that have permanently accompanied the implementation of military preparation are analysed. Finally, we will seek to integrate the aforementioned project within the framework of international experiences, which had the same goals.

Even though there are more and more researching projects focused on republicanism in Spain, there is a historiography vacuum that should be filled up. This filling only is possible if new works analyze how republicanism developed in everyday life and how it survived to a very hostile context. A key for this analyzing could be the study of the political culture and its relationship with press. We have experienced some problems with historic press during our PhD, and after that, we realized that we could not classify a very republican Basque journal (La Voz) into any republican party or family. How can it be possible? In this paper we introduce a new republican category, which is going to help in future researches about republicanism: colorness republicanism. ; Aunque los estudios sobre el republicanismo son cada vez más abundantes, las carencias historiográficas son evidentes. Por ello, creemos necesario ofrecer un nuevo enfoque y analizar cómo se desarrolló a pie de calle y en el día a día. Una de las claves para entender mejor el republicanismo puede ser el estudio de la cultura política republicana y su relación con la prensa. Esta investigación parte desde nuestra propia experiencia, ya que después de haber analizado más de 40 años del diario republicano guipuzcoano La Voz, no hemos sido capaces de encasillar el periódico en una corriente republicana concreta. ¿Cómo es posible eso? Como respuesta a esa pregunta, proponemos la expresión «incoloros» para definir a aquellos republicanos que defendieron sus posturas sin integrarse en ninguno de los partidos democráticos que la historiografía actual denomina como históricos. Este espacio que proponemos es, sin duda, el más difícil de analizar debido a que la actual cartografía del republicanismo no deja lugar en el mapa para situar ese tipo de republicanismo «no alineado». Por el contrario, no cabe duda de que sin tenerlo en cuenta, ese mapa está incompleto. Even though there are more and more researching projects focused on republicanism in Spain, there is a historiography vacuum that should be filled up. This filling only is possible if new works analyze how republicanism developed in everyday life and how it survived to a very hostile context. A key for this analyzing could be the study of the political culture and its relationship with press. We have experienced some problems with historic press during our PhD, and after that, we realized that we could not classify a very republican Basque journal (La Voz) into any republican party or family. How can it be possible? In this paper we introduce a new republican category, which is going to help in future researches about republicanism: colorness republicanism.