Suchergebnisse

The author describes the evolution of philosophical foundations of the mechanical and the organic principle, from Spencer to Whitehead as well as Durkheim's first application of these principles (mechanical and organic solidarity) and their sociological extensions as a form of sociability (L. V. Wiese, Gurvitch). And finally, the author gives a detailed review of the application of the mechanical and the organic as a structure of organisation in the science of management (Burns, Stalker, and later theoreticians). The mechanical and the organic principles identily the structure of being, society and organisations from the point of view of the capacities of individuals and their involuntary or voluntary ties. The mechanical and the organic are also the poles between which the structure of an organisation varies depending on strategy, size, technology and environment. (SOI : PM: S. 256)

The author analyses Fayola's work in the light of recent achievements of the theory of administration. He looks into Fayola's organic approach and the immanent division of the content of his work into the constitutive and the functional aspects. Fayola's concepts are built into the foundations of the science of administration since they are used as the criteria for the classification of the subject-matter and for defining management. Also, his concepts are so well-defined that only an occasional new concept is added to them. The shortcomings of Fayola's thinking are the product of the limitations of his time and his internal organic approach as well as of the basically static structure of organization and administration. (SOI : PM: S. 206)

The Ministry of Science of the Republic of Croatia decided on a new "Rule book of definition of scientific areas". By the "Book", politology is a scientific field in the area of social sciences. The field is divided in three branches: 1. politology, 2. theory and history of politics, 3. political philosophy. The author of this article shows by documents how the "political science" is quite differently structured by IPSA and APSA, and describes 120 years of dominantly American development of "political science" and of professions of political scientists which brought out a recent new world standard with around 100 subdisciplines and areas of expertise which are structured in 8 fundamental disciplines: 1. political institutions, 2. political behaviour, 3. comparative politics, 4. internationa relations, 5. political theory, 6. public policy and public administration/management, 7. political economy, 8. political methodology. The author points out that a voluntaristic intervention in the definition of scientific areas could mean an attack on development of science, research organisation, renewal of teaching staff on University, and on academic education of political scientists, as well as on internationally comparable competence of Croatian experts, and Croatian democratic political thought and political culture in general. (SOI : PM: S. 240)

Because it was the estate of a junior branch of the Habsburg family, Belje was treated as land confiscated by the state after 1918. At first it was occupied by the army, then it came under the administration of the National government of Baranja, Backa and Banat, and finally it fell under the control of the Ministry of Trade and the Ministry of Finances in Belgrade, which meant that it was officially the property of the crown. All this had a negative effect on the economy of the estate, which became a problematic enterprise instead of a model of successful agricultural production. Following the death of King Alexander, and with the establishment of commercial ties between the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the Third Reich, Belje attained relative independence in its export policy. Nonetheless, as regards the hiring of labourers and connections with Croatia, Great Serbian policy continued to hold sway. (SOI : CSP: S. 525)

The policy of pressure on Croatia as an illustrative - although not isolated - example has not inspired empirical and theoretical studies of this phenomenon. The discussion has remained at the level of everyday political discourse, even "coffee-house politics". Due to its extreme topicality, as well as its theoretical "solvency", the author has attempted with this essay to come up with a theoretical definition of the concept of pressure and to demonstrate on the Croatian example its goals, scope, dynamics and future prospects and outcomes. Among the existing approaches, the author has chosen the "politico-economic approach" which defines the policy of pressure as a specific form of political communication between the "centre" and the "periphery" in Wallerstein's "world system". The example of Croatia serves the author as an ideal-type model of such communication through a combination of political science and sociological analysis. In his opinion, and due to certain favourable contingencies, Croatia is the nearest to the ideal type of such communication. + Due to a lack of systematic empirical data, the discussion naturally remains at the theoretical- hypothetical level, and should be understood as an invitation to further discussion and as an incentive for more extensive empirical research. However, since this is a very dynamic phenomenon, the question is: is the author's argumentation still valid today as it was at the time when the essay was written? There have been two changes: (1) the war on Kosovo which proves the author's hypotheses; and (2) a certain "thaw" in the relations between the international community (particularly USA) and Croatia (it is still unclear whether this change concerns the fundamental strategic trends or is solely a "politico-meteorological" phenomenon (the alteration of colder and warmer periods). This is why the author did not deem any alterations in the text necessary; one should wait and in the meantime expose the (hypo)theses to some critical scrutiny. (SOI : PM: S. 211)