Suchergebnisse

For six decades, between 1945 and 2005, Belgian officers and soldiers carried out part of their career or of their military service in Germany. Created as the Belgian Occupation Army, the name changed in the early 1950s to Belgian Forces in Germany, a symbolic name change that marked the beginning of an evolution during which the former enemy became a partner in the framework of NATO in 1955. The article focuses on the first years of this presence in Germany, when the memory of the Second World War and of the second occupation of Belgium by Germany was still fresh. It questions the representation of Germany and the Germans among the soldiers and the officers, but also among those who outlined Belgian military policies in Germany. It shows the "moral superiority complex" of many Belgians towards the defeated, but also towards the British ally who was suspected of being lenient towards the Germans and failed to understand their mentality. Furthermore, the relations between Belgians, British and Germans were conditioned by the Allied refusal to confer the political competences of the military government to the Belgians and by a unilateral British decision to extend the Belgian divisional area to Westphalia, two hundred kilometres east of the Rhine. The principal objective of the Belgian participation in the occupation, the guarantee of the Belgian interests with respect to the defeated Germany, then seemed impossible to reach. Two geographical areas are at the centre of the analysis : the border region, subject to claims of Belgian reparations, and the city of Cologne which the Belgian troops occupied at the expense of French aspirations on the Rhineland. The article also seeks to understand the very difficult introduction of a Belgian cultural propaganda, which illustrates the tense terrain of Belgian politicy towards Germany. If the government adopted a moderate position with regard to the reparations relatively early on, it maintained a hard line where the relations between Belgians and Germans were concerned, fearing a public opinion little disposed to accept a rapprochement. However, the reality on the ground often defied this attitude. ; Peer reviewed

Public service and lower-class suburbs, a coproduction on crime :
The Parisian Transit Authority's bus network —
On the basis of empirical research conducted on bus lines in the northern suburbs of Paris, the problem of insecurity is taken to be not so much a measurable statistic as the result of a coproduction out of both drivers' and passengers' experiences. Following a presentation of statistical indicators and a typology of passengers' beha¬ viors, the problem of insecurity is approached from the inside by. successively examining the following issues : ticket prices and cheating (free riders) ; the bus driver's job as well as the contrast between reality and bureaucratic rules ; and the inse¬ curity of the personnel, who have adopted a defensive group position (and even "poor white " reactions). The resentment of the lower classes, who see themselves negatively as excluded from society, joins up with the resentment of the drivers. When these two resentments meet inside a bus, they coproduce situations of insecurity.

It is by no means easy to criticize the al-Saud monarchy from within the country, as Dr Saad Al-Faqih discovered in 1994 when he was cosignatory to a letter of grievance sent to the King. Following a period in the kingdom's jails, he was forced to leave the country. Exiled to London, this surgeon has created a veritable Saudi opposition party: the Movement for Islamic Reform in Arabia (MIRA). As the name of his organization indicates, Dr Al-Faqih is a religious man whose diatribes against the Saudi elite draw as much from the Koran as from the growing resentment of his non-exiled compatriots. An expert in the arcane workings of power in Riyadh, he paints an uncompromising picture of the reigning family: corrupt & spineless, the Princes tear each other apart in their struggle for power, without any regard for the well-being of the Saudi people. For the moment, oil revenues still manage to keep the regime afloat, but in the shadow of the mosques, resentment is growing. Adapted from the source document.

Libya and Africa, by Charles Tripp
Africa has become a particular focus of Qadhafi's attention. This has been due to his isolation in the Arab world, his ideological proclivities, and the sensé of missionary zeal and insecurity which have characterised his révolution in Libya. Thèse same forces have driven him to seek a compliance with his will in Africa as absolute as that which he has created in Libya itself. In this he has failed. Resentment at Qadhafi's methods and his inability to overcome this resentment hâve denied him success. As elsewhere, this has also marred his policies in Chad. Insulated by his autocracy, he has been disinclined to modify his attitude, with the resuit that he tries the same tac tics repeatedly. However, there are indications that the security not only of neighbouring states, but also of Qadhafi's own régime are now being affected by the consequences of the régional conflicts in which he has persisted in embroiling his country, to no very useful end.

The Syrian uprising has evolved into a civil war. The lines between the various communities making up the Syrian mosaic have become more evident. Intercommunal resentments that have been repressed for decades have begun to resurface. The regime, which has long exploited the different communities, is unable to control the "sectarian" movement of the conflict. Whatever the outcome of current events, the hatreds that fuel the civil war will continue to weigh on the country's future. (Politique étrangère (Paris) / SWP)

International audience ; The past several decades, segregation has been widely discussed by social scientists and especially by geographers. But whatever the focus of their studies (on the problem of measuring segregation, on the mechanism explaining the development of the phenomenon, etc.), almost all of them considered segregation as a spatial injustice. This paper closely examines this implicit relationship between segregation and injustice by reviewing the existing literature from different fields (geography, sociology, history, urban studies, political science, philosophy, etc.): is the segregated city unjust by essence? Is any social-spatial division of space – of urban space in particular – unjust? If not, when is it to be considered unjust? Conversely, is the diverse city the model of a just city? All these questions imply to carefully question the underlying assumptions that most of contemporary discourses make when dealing with segregation. ; Depuis plusieurs décennies, la ségrégation est un thème abondamment investi par les sciences sociales en général et par la géographie en particulier. Or quelles que soient les orientations adoptées (portant sur la question de la mesure du phénomène, ou celle des mécanismes, etc.), presque toutes ces recherches assimilent la ségrégation à une injustice spatiale. C'est cette implicite corrélation ségrégation/injustice que cet article examinera de plus près, à travers une revue de la littérature de différents champs disciplinaires (géographie, sociologie, histoire, urbanisme, sciences politiques, philosophie) : la ville ségrégée est-elle injuste par essence ? Toute division socio spatiale de l'espace – urbain en particulier – est-elle injuste ? Sinon, quand doit-elle être considérée comme injuste ? Et inversement, la ville mixte est-elle le modèle de la ville juste, vers lequel on doit tendre ? Autant de questions qui invitent à réinterroger les présupposés sur lesquels reposent de nombreux discours sur la ségrégation aujourd'hui.

International audience ; The past several decades, segregation has been widely discussed by social scientists and especially by geographers. But whatever the focus of their studies (on the problem of measuring segregation, on the mechanism explaining the development of the phenomenon, etc.), almost all of them considered segregation as a spatial injustice. This paper closely examines this implicit relationship between segregation and injustice by reviewing the existing literature from different fields (geography, sociology, history, urban studies, political science, philosophy, etc.): is the segregated city unjust by essence? Is any social-spatial division of space – of urban space in particular – unjust? If not, when is it to be considered unjust? Conversely, is the diverse city the model of a just city? All these questions imply to carefully question the underlying assumptions that most of contemporary discourses make when dealing with segregation. ; Depuis plusieurs décennies, la ségrégation est un thème abondamment investi par les sciences sociales en général et par la géographie en particulier. Or quelles que soient les orientations adoptées (portant sur la question de la mesure du phénomène, ou celle des mécanismes, etc.), presque toutes ces recherches assimilent la ségrégation à une injustice spatiale. C'est cette implicite corrélation ségrégation/injustice que cet article examinera de plus près, à travers une revue de la littérature de différents champs disciplinaires (géographie, sociologie, histoire, urbanisme, sciences politiques, philosophie) : la ville ségrégée est-elle injuste par essence ? Toute division socio spatiale de l'espace – urbain en particulier – est-elle injuste ? Sinon, quand doit-elle être considérée comme injuste ? Et inversement, la ville mixte est-elle le modèle de la ville juste, vers lequel on doit tendre ? Autant de questions qui invitent à réinterroger les présupposés sur lesquels reposent de nombreux discours sur la ségrégation aujourd'hui.

The Public Middle School's District Policy Reform has had an impact on parent's expectations and representations. In front of rejections and of the opacity of the application, and because of very high expectations and involvement, the resentment is particularly acute. In depressed urban areas characterized by urban and school segregation, it takes the form of a strong feeling of spatial and ethno-racial discrimination, which leads to call into question their loyalty to the institution. One can question the diffusion of that mechanism to other public services concerned by a process of individualizing application and of encouraging people to take greater responsibility, and by a strong process of social and ethnic differentiation of the targeted population. Adapted from the source document.

This paper examines how the Front National's electoral victories could be explained, partially, in terms of a new discursive rhetoric adopted by Marine Le Pen. In order to compare rhetorical strategies used by both Marine and Jean-Marie Le Pen and their impact on their followers, we use comparable data, which consist of press articles published during the presidential campaigns of each politician and postings by online discussants related to interviews. Using corpus linguistics tools and lexical semantics, we assess how differently both leaders position themselves emotionally and how this emotional positioning is reconstructed within the postings of the viewers. Although no important quantitative difference can be observed in the number of emotion key-words they used respectively, a shift in both politicians' rhetoric positioning can be observed when analyzing the context in which these keywords are embedded. If Jean-Marie Le Pen focuses on negative feelings towards the Other (anger, resentment), Marine Le Pen promotes a positive ethos (empathy) in order to detoxify the image of her party and broaden her electoral base. ; This paper examines how the Front National's electoral victories could be explained, partially, in terms of a new discursive rhetoric adopted by Marine Le Pen. In order to compare rhetorical strategies used by both Marine and Jean-Marie Le Pen and their impact on their followers, we use comparable data, which consist of press articles published during the presidential campaigns of each politician and postings by online discussants related to interviews. Using corpus linguistics tools and lexical semantics, we assess how differently both leaders position themselves emotionally and how this emotional positioning is reconstructed within the postings of the viewers. Although no important quantitative difference can be observed in the number of emotion key-words they used respectively, a shift in both politicians' rhetoric positioning can be observed when analyzing the context in which these keywords are embedded. If Jean-Marie Le Pen focuses on negative feelings towards the Other (anger, resentment), Marine Le Pen promotes a positive ethos (empathy) in order to detoxify the image of her party and broaden her electoral base.

Explores the views of three political thinkers who argued for the inclusion of multiculturalism & identity politics in the philosophy of modern democracy: Charles Taylor, Michael Walzer, & Will Kymlicka. The type of multiculturalism defended by Taylor promoted a model of citizenship that treated societies' cultural diversity fairly; his view that fragmentation was an identity problem occurring when citizens were incapable of identifying with political community is examined. Walzer's opinion that community membership fulfilled a need that was just as strong as the need for basic rights is reviewed. Kymlicka saw cultural membership as a fundamental good, favored the recognition of collective rights inside the liberal paradigm of rights & believed that group-differentiated rights might be necessary for the application of the basic liberal principles. Analysis of these ideas shows that multiculturalism may encourage the formation of identity interest groups & lead to resentment. Adapted from the source document.

Scores of well-known artists have been publicly active in Quebec politics since the Quiet Revolution. However, there is surprisingly little empirical data on the political participation of the artistic community as a whole. An extensive survey questionnaire was mailed to a random sample of 470 Francophone artists in Quebec from every major creative and interpretive discipline. The survey's results confirm an exceptional level of politicization: artists in Quebec attempt to influence their friends' voting habits, they contribute more often to political parties than the rest of the population, and they are more likely to attend a rally or to do work for a political party. The data reveal a high degree of nationalist mobilization, regardless of social status, and notwithstanding government or peer pressure, the promise of personal gain, and ethnic resentment. In reality, the political zeal of artists is best explained by the perceived economic, linguistic, and cultural advantages of sovereignty. Adapted from the source document.

The historic debate about the relationship between economic interdependence and conflict has intensified in recent years with two schools of thought dominating the discussion. One school argues that increased levels of economic interdependence encourage good political relationships and wards off possible conflict. The opposing school of thought suggests that excessive interdependence may actually create resentment, intensify rivalry and, ultimately, political discontent leading to conflict. This paper examines the main contributions to the debate and then explores the role of economic interdependence in two different conflict scenarios -- Africa and the Balkans. Only recently has the relationship between economic interdependence and conflict scenarios received rigorous empirical analysis and the results so far have failed to reach any kind of consensus. We are left to conclude, therefore, that while economic interdependence may not be a "silver bullet" guaranteed to pacify all interstate conflicts, it may help constrain the conflict escalation process to good effect. Adapted from the source document.