Suchergebnisse

The central concept of the present thesis is that the sense of belonging underlying heritage should be rooted in a strong community-based feeling. Sure enough, historical assets are looked at with a feeling of admiration coupled with a certain detachment. Heritage, however, is based on an inherent sense of belonging and it is therefore endowed with a representative power. In this respect, any historical asset likely to become part of the common heritage –thus considered as a social asset belonging to the collective memory of its community– must comprise a set of identity-based factors that should work as the link between the aforementioned heritage and collective memory. Within this framework, we will consider that the Colonial Centers of the three cities under study are mainly perceived by the general population as historical assets, but are not deeply-rooted in their social memory. Such assets can be assigned no further interest other than being considered as monumental ensembles; consequently, they are not considered attractive enough to be perceived as urban centers. According to the interpretation of the present thesis, the above situation may be due to the fact that, in the memory of the population under study, its precolonial reality still subsists. Their members still recognize themselves in the language, religious worships and rituals of their earlier historical reality. A reality which was, in fact, able to institute government structures and a social and territorial organization that still subsists today. This is why, although traces of the short colonial period can still be found, they have not been rooted deeply enough in the common heritage for these Colonial Centers to be seen as the main representatives of the native people's identity. As a result of a poor integration process, their identity reaffirmed itself in the precolonial native values and professed a firm rejection, a rejection that can still be found in the form of a "Damero". Thus, the resulting urban structure "Damero" is therefore related to a certain property scheme and to specific habitat and social composition models that differ quite significantly from those the native population used to have in the past and are still practiced. The present thesis aims to shed some light on a number of key questions in order to help elucidate: . Whether the population segment descending from the native people –which constitutes a vast majority in the region under study– is inclined to consider Colonial Centers as places of Memory. . Whether of city Centers –were thus loaded with all sorts of religious, political and economic attributes coming from overseas– was able to develop some degree of acknowledgment among the native population in accordance with the wishes, efforts and assimilation goals of the Spanish Crown and the Holy See. Finally, the thesis has concluded that the Colonial Centers of all the cities that were part in earlier times of the Inca territory only embody the memory of a minority of their inhabitants. In fact they have, on the contrary, nourished a certain form of resentment towards a rather important percentage of the population. Therefore, any project involving the regeneration of these urban Centers is confronted with a general lack of interest inasmuch as it involves the revival of a colonizing matrix which is only seen as the witness of another civilization altogether. In conclusion, having identified the disconnection between the urban colonial heritage and the cultural legacy of the heirs to the preceding generations, we are faced with the reality of three cities whose centers do not represent the central urban space traditionally perceived as a deeply valued and highly symbolical space. As we will try to prove, this is due to the fact that the policies implemented have not resulted from a common and shared project with the participation of the true protagonists of the city –to whom any regeneration program should be aimed at. ; La base de esta tesis, reside en el sentir comunitario que debería profesar un principio de pertenencia, el cual debe dar fundamento al patrimonio. Así, mientras que cualquier bien histórico es observado con admiración no falto de desprendimiento, el patrimonio se fundamenta en este sentido de pertenencia y por tanto es esencialmente representativo. Así, para que un bien histórico pueda constituirse en patrimonio (como bien social perteneciente a la memoria colectiva) el bien debe de incorporar factores de identidad que vinculen: patrimonio con memoria colectiva. En este marco, consideramos que los Centros Coloniales de las tres ciudades estudiadas son percibidos por el grueso de su población como un bien histórico, pero sin arraigo en la memoria social, y en consecuencia, difícilmente constitutivo de un interés otro que el de mero conjunto monumental y por ende, con escaso atractivo como centro urbano. La tesis interpreta que esto se debería a que en la memoria de la población considerada, aún permanece su realidad histórica pre-colonial, la que en ella se reconocen a través de la lengua, cultos y ritos religiosos, la que fue capaz de crear estructuras de gobierno, una organización social y territorial que aún subsiste, la que además fue poco proclive a la urbanización. De este modo, el corto periodo colonial de menos de trescientos años, dejó huellas, pero no suficientemente radicadas, como para fijar unos Centros Coloniales como lugares representativos de la identidad local. Identidad que por falta de integración, se reafirmó en sus propios valores autóctonos pre-coloniales, así como de rechazo hacia una presencia ocupante, cuyo símbolo se manifiesta aún hoy en forma de damero. Una estructura urbana, la del damero, que implica una forma de tenencia, que supone una forma de hábitat y de composición social, distinta a la que tradicionalmente la población nativa tenía y la que aún hoy persiste. Por ello, a lo largo de la tesis, se persigue dar luz sobre ciertas cuestiones que nos permitirán esclarecer: - Si para el colectivo descendiente de la población autóctona, ampliamente mayoritario en la región objeto de este estudio, los Centros Históricos constituyen un lugar de Memoria. - O si finalmente la presencia simbólica de unos Centros, que en su tiempo no fueron más que ciudades de nueva planta construidas por y para españoles, cargadas de atributos religiosos, políticos y económicos procedentes de ultramar, llegaron a construir un sentimiento en la población local, acorde con el deseo, los esfuerzos y objetivos de asimilación, ambicionados por la Corona española y la Santa Sede. La conclusión a la que llega esta tesis, es pues, que los Centros Coloniales de las ciudades que en su día formaron parte del territorio incaico, son lugares que conforman un lugar de memoria de tan solo una parte minoritaria de sus habitantes y que por el contrario, constituyen una forma de resentimiento para otro numeroso segmento de la población. De este modo, cualquier planteamiento de regeneración de dichos Centros, tropieza con el desinterés mayoritario, por lo que supone de resurgir de una matriz colonizadora que no es más que el testigo de otra civilización. Finalmente, establecida la desconexión entre el patrimonio colonial urbano y el acervo cultural de los herederos de las generaciones precedentes, nos queda la tangible realidad de tres ciudades, Cajamarca, La Paz y Asunción del Paraguay, cuyos Centros no representan el espacio urbano central, valorado y simbólico que, para acometer su regeneración, deberían ser. Como veremos, ello se debe a que, en lugar de ser una tarea común y participativa de los verdaderos protagonistas de la ciudad, a quienes debiera dirigirse el programa de regeneración urbana, se ha practicado una política de recuperación monumental. Recuperación monumental, que dada la desafección de la población por estos centros, ha estimulado su abandono como centro residencial y en consecuencia como referente urbano. ; Postprint (published version)

Last week, before a joint session of Congress that was televised in prime time, President Obama made what was arguably his most effective speech yet on health care reform. He outlined his main goals with clarity, provided details about funding and indicated his flexibility to include some Republican initiatives such as medical malpractice reform. He tried to reassure those have health insurance and are happy with it, that they would be able to keep it. He talked about coverage security and stability. He also hinted that he was ready to be flexible on the central tenet of his plan, the public option, which, he said, is "a means to an end", and therefore replaceable if that "end" (lowering costs by introducing competition) can be reached by other ways. By articulating his vision with determination, common sense and pragmatism, he seems to have reclaimed the debate that had slipped from his grip during the summer months, and gained new momentum in the approaching battle that will dominate the fall legislative agenda. He reminded Americans why he was elected, rebuked his enemies' arguments, dispelled their myths and reaffirmed his electoral mandate. However, he still faces significant opposition from the public. A new Washington Post-ABC poll taken after his speech shows 45% of Americans are in favor and 48% opposed to the President's plan.While his speech may have rallied all Democrats (Blue Dogs included) behind his effort, it did not at first look to have had much impact on the attitude of the opposition. During the address, TV cameras showed most Republican senators and representatives looking skeptical, shaking their heads, and in the case of the House Minority leader John Boehner, appearing extremely tense and dour, almost aggressive, especially during the strongest moments of the President's speech that drew the most applause. This negativity reached its peak with Representative Joe Wilson's clearly audible heckle of "You Lie!"in response to President Obama's claim that illegal immigrants would not be covered by his overhaul proposal. In a presidential system, this hostile outburst is both an unprecedented and unacceptable breach of protocol. The President is both the head of government and the head of state, and members of Congress are expected to respect the institution of the presidency, a separate and independent branch, most especially so when the President is visiting the House. Although at the behest of his party's leadership, Wilson later apologized to the White House, when interviewed by the media he wasted no time in reassuring his South Carolina constituency that his outburst had been both emotional and sincere, and refused to make a formal apology the next day on the floor of the House. He insisted that he "won't be muzzled" and that he will continue to speak "against a government takeover of health care." He has clearly decided to grab on to the excitement and mobilization of that 10 % of the Republican base.Such is the spirit of the times that incivility and disruption of the summer town hall meetings has spilled over to the Capitol itself. On the same week, the extreme right once again took the nation by surprise when they boisterously opposed the President's "Back to school" speech, an address on the first day of school that was televised at noon for all public schools to watch. In it, the President talked about the importance of studying hard, finishing school and making long-term plans to attend a university, hardly subversive or partisan material per se. Some of the protesting parents kept their children home so they would not be "forced to watch it."This brand of populism is not new in American politics but it remains dormant for some periods of time, only to resurface with virulence at times of economic crisis. Neither ideological nor partisan, it is part of the same movement that opposed the first President Bush in the early nineties because of his nonchalant attitude towards the deficit and his support of free trade. It then led to the formation of a third party under Ross Perot. It also led to the infamous bombing of a federal building in Oklahoma perpetrated by Timothy Mc Veigh who is now dead in fulfillment of his subsequent death sentence. These populists are anti-establishment and anti-elite, anti-immigrant and anti-free trade, anti-tax and anti-deficit. They cannot be labeled as conservative or libertarian because of their inner contradictions. They are difficult to organize because central control is what they loathe the most, so a party that decides to channel their frustrations should be wary, since they run the risk of alienating the moderate majorities, while at the same time not gaining consistent support from this unpredictable lot. And these Tea Party (anti-tax) Patriots are particularly bothered by a black President. They are overwhelmingly white, and tend to be older and less educated than the average American. While their zeal to protect their own privileges and benefits is understandable, their values are incongruous; for example, first among their most cherished benefits is Medicare, a government run program, and yet they are adamantly against any (other) government-run plan. On Sunday these groups loaded up buses and came to the Capitol to protest against the "advent of Socialism" and to celebrate early what they deem will be "Obama's Waterloo", namely, his inability to pass health care reform.They represent the reaction to the brand of pragmatic post-partisan politics Obama purports to embody. It is a fringe group, full of anger, fear and resentment, not in actuality represented by any party's ideology but used by some cynical politicians to fill the void of leadership and the lack of any serious proposals to offer as alternatives. This populism of the right has historically emerged during times of crisis, and systematically addressed their bile towards immigrants, people of other races or creeds, or whoever they considered outsiders according to their own parochial values and prejudices.Thankfully, those demagogues that gave them heed over the summer break are not fully representative of the Republican Party, and as of last Sunday, a change in the tone of the opposition has started registering. Some conservative legislators that understand the political dynamics because of their experience or their instincts seem to have realized, perhaps under the directive of party veterans such as Bob Dole and Howard Baker, that the time is ripe for some kind of compromise, especially after the President extended his olive branch by not insisting on a government-run plan. Republicans seem to have realized that they have made their point by obstructing the process long enough, and are signaling a new stance to compromise. Already this past Sunday on Meet the Press Republican Senator John Cronyn of Texas softened his message by saying that there is bipartisan agreement over 80% of the bill. He expects reform legislation to pass if Democrats affirm their commitment not to undermine private insurance companies by "dropping their insistence on a public option." The compromise seems to pivot around the notion of a "trigger" mechanism by which, after five years, if the implemented legislation has failed to control costs and extend coverage, then the government-run plan would be introduced. This trigger option is meant to appease the liberals to the left of the President, while at the same time get the vote of a few Republicans, among them Olympia Snowe of Maine, at present the most sought-after person in the Senate. A moderate and a problem-solver, Snowe has been working very hard for a bipartisan solution and has remained appalled at her own party's extreme behavior during the last few months. Harking from Maine, the only state in the North East that still elects Republicans to Congress, she is one of the few remaining deal-makers in the Senate, a breed that seems bound to become extinct after the passing of Senator Ted Kennedy and the retiring of Bob Dole and Howard Baker.The issue will be decided in the next two months. One of the most quoted statements of Obama's speech before Congress was that six presidents before him had tried health care reform but that he was "determined to be the last." It is clear Obama is ready to spend every penny of his political capital on health care reform. It is still too early to doubt the President's judgment, but his may well be a pyrrhic victory. In pursuing his brand of cold consensus at all cost and trying to bring all stakeholders (special interest groups on the right and left of the debate, namely, insurance and pharmaceutical industries and labor unions) to the table, Obama may have undermined his own effort at reform. Coming on the heels of the stimulus package, and the bailouts of the financial system and automakers, the health care debate this time more than ever, has focused people's attention on government's intrusions in their lives. The government has become the biggest lender, insurer, automaker and guarantor of investment risk. Government spending accounts for 26% of the economy a bigger share than at any time since WWII. An eloquent and very capable leader with an undeniable mandate and majority in both Houses is expected to deliver. The big irony is that populistopposition to his plan has succeeding in stirring the unease of a nation already in the grip of anxiety due to the recession, and has made him inclined to drop the most populist of his proposals, namely, the public option. But will his pragmatism succeed or is it already doomed by the typical Washington deadlock?By trying to make every group happy the President is seeing his public support slip away in the polls. There is still time for Obama to recover, use his mandate and his majorities to the full, and insist on a bill that brings about real reform and not a mere extension of the system we have today.Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia

"There is hardly a political question in the United States which does not sooner or later turn into a judicial one." - Alexis De Tocqueville Over the Memorial Day long weekend, the White House announced President Obama's nominee to replace retiring Judge David Souter in the Supreme Court. Barring any unforeseen circumstances, Circuit Court of Appeals judge Sonia Sotomayor will be confirmed by next September, in time for the new Supreme Court term starting in October of this year. Obama has pressed the Senate Judiciary Committee to start hearings and be ready to vote before the August Congress recess, but Republicans would like more time to scrutinize her sizable record and score some political points in the process.Because the nomination was announced during the Senate's Memorial weekend recess, the first reaction on the Conservative side came from anonymous blogs, from radio talk host Rush Limbaugh and from former speaker of the House Newt Gingrich. Needless to say, the attacks were fierce. Sotomayor was alternatively portrayed as an "activist judge" intent on making policy from the bench, a "reverse racist" and a candidate with "insufficient credentials" (the latter being the most laughable of all and the one that gives you the measure of the lack of seriousness of the rest: a Princeton summa cum laude graduate, and Yale Law Review editor, with over 17 years of experience as a federal judge, and over 3,000 decisions made, Sotomayor's credentials are anything but impeccable). This week the Republican Senators, who will actually be in charge of the process, tried to regain the initiative and significantly moderated the tone of the discourse. Indeed, the vetting process to the highest tribunal of the land should focus on Sotomayor's earlier decisions from the bench (she has been both a US district and a circuit court judge), her views on the Constitution and the law, on the rights of states and on the importance of precedent, and not , as her anonymous detractors would like us to think, on empty slogans, her taste for Puerto Rican food or the way she pronounces her name (accentuating the last syllable, which is seen by these ignorant critics as lack of assimilation to the Anglo culture). But having been born in the Bronx from poor immigrants, and risen in class and status to where she is today, Judge Sotomayor is more than ready for the fight. Her life experiences have taught her to see the world through different perspectives. She is not in the least intimidated by other groups' prejudices presented as righteousness, and by those who are targeting her, as Mary Sanchez from the Florida Sentinel so aptly puts it, "as if a weaker species had wandered into their den".The Republican Party is in such disarray that different elements within it are constantly and recklessly trying to score points with the electorate, using any tactic at hand without much consideration of its consequences. Given the solid majority of Democrats in the Senate, and the fact that several Republicans are likely to vote in favor of Sotomayor (she was, after all, nominated by George H.W Bush for the federal bench the first time (1992) and approved unanimously by the whole Senate), the question for Republican elected officials is how far to go in their attacks without producing an irreversible backlash at the polls from women and Hispanics for years to come. At the same time, they will be pressed by the extreme right to do some damage to the nominee and through her, to the President. Judicial fights are part and parcel of the political struggle over the court's direction, and even if the replacement of Souter with Sotomayor is not likely to change the balance of the court, the hearings should be used as a stage to present the philosophical differences between the two parties, rather than as a nasty squabble over personal characteristics, anonymous character attacks and meaningless slogans. The ideological mix in the Court (5 conservatives-4 liberals, with Justice Kennedy as the swing vote, sometimes voting with the liberals) will remain the same; the Democrats right now have a filibuster-proof majority, and there will be other Supreme Court nominations by this President to come, so the Republicans should recognize that the only battle worth fighting in this case is a clean one, free from vitriol and toxicity. Scholars have identified four primary selection criteria used by presidents in their appointments of Supreme Court justices: merit, ideology, friendship and representation. Obama's choice of Sotomayor was based on her impressive credentials, her experience of seventeen years in the federal judiciary, which offers some insight into her judicial philosophy (similar to Obama's), and her charisma and compelling biography as a Latina born in the Bronx. She therefore clearly meets three of those four criteria. Obama's short list included three other women with similar credentials, all close friends of his, but none of them Latinas.Sotomayor's ideology appears to match Obama's, himself a constitutional scholar, in that both share a penchant for pragmatism and a conscientious quest for justice and fairness under the law. For example, although she has a thin record on abortion cases and therefore her position is not clear, in one case concerning the right of the federal government to attach conditions to the use of its foreign aid money, she ruled against the pro-abortion group. In several cases of gender or racial discrimination she decided against the minority or female plaintiff. This makes some groups on the Left somewhat apprehensive. It would not be the first time that a President nominates a judge based on compatible ideology and is later disappointed when his appointee votes with the "other" block. But her vote affirming the decision by the city of New Haven to scrap a promotion test which only white firefighters had succeeded in (Ricci v. De Steffano) is what is making the headlines: the Right's intention is to portray her as a "reverse racist" and an unequivocal defender of affirmative action. Ironically, this case will come before the Supreme Court this summer, and many think her decision (unanimously made by a panel of three judges) could be overturned just before her hearings get under way, thus providing more ammunition to the opposition. Also making the headlines is her 2001 statement, during a La Raza Law Symposium, that "a wise Latina woman, with the richness of her experience, would reach "better"conclusions than a white male"who hasn't lived that life." This week Obama regained control of the debate that Republicans had been craftily shaping, by excusing her for the wrong choice of the word "better" and by explaining that what she meant was that "her life experience will give her more information about the… hardships people are going through." This was an allusion to the fourth criteria listed above, that is, the one of representation, in this case, of Hispanics/Latinos. Since the Supreme Court is not an elected body, it follows that its representativeness is not a must. Credentials, wisdom and judicial temperament should suffice for judges to fulfill their role as interpreters of the Constitution and neutral arbiters of the law.However, the history of the Supreme Court suggests that Presidents do make efforts at representativeness when choosing their nominees, certainly to gain the political sympathies of new groups, but also to give legitimacy to the body and its main function of judicial review. (Indeed, such legitimacy has been disputed on and off since the Marbury v. Madison decision of 1803 gave its judges, appointed for life, unelected and unaccountable to nobody, the exclusive authority to decide on the constitutionality of laws for all spheres, including those of the other branches of government. This was a power that Thomas Jefferson vehemently opposed because it was nowhere to be found in the Constitution and it undermined the principle of checks and balances.)In the early part of the twentieth century, religious affiliation became a major focus, and by 1916 both a Catholic and a Jewish judge had been appointed. As different religious groups became more assimilated and religion became a non-issue to the appointment process, the imbalance of race and gender became the major considerations. But a quick review of the "representatives" of those categories shows that their representation can at times be symbolic or passive. While Sandra Day O'Connor, a conservative appointed by Reagan to close the "gender gap", actively represented women's interests in her jurisprudence and many times voted with the liberal block, Clarence Thomas, the second black judge to accede to the Supreme Court, has actively opposed affirmative action, which he regards as a noxious policy that undermines personal merit and creates resentment in the majority group. In contrast, the justice he replaced, Thurgood Marshall, the first African American in the court, was a leader of the civil rights movement who had made his reputation as a young lawyer, successfully arguing before the court the unconstitutionality of segregation in public education inBrown v Board of Education. Finally, both Justice Brennan and Justice Scalia are Catholic but find themselves at opposite sides of the ideological spectrum.In sum, to paraphrase Justice Day O'Connor, if human beings are the sum total and the product of their experiences, they cannot be defined by their gender, ethnicity, race or religion alone. Sonia Sotomayor is a very experienced federal judge with remarkable credentials who will, according to her own statements, attempt to decide every case based on its merits as it relates to the law, using objective legal standards. She also happens to be a woman of Puerto Rican origin, proud of her humble origins and of her cultural roots. And she meets all of the criteria Obama was looking for in a Supreme Court judge. Given the predominance of Democrats in the Senate, her confirmation is almost certain. Let us hope that the confirmation process itself is guided by honest inquiries and arguments on the merits of her appointment, on her judicial temperament and philosophy, and not turned into a media circus of innuendo, slurs and empty slogans that can scar a nominee for life, and in the process, devalue our democracy.Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia

PRESIDENTE DE SUDÁN ACUSADO POR GENOCIDIO EN DARFUREl fiscal jefe del Tribunal Penal Internacional ha solicitado una orden de detención contra el presidente de Sudán, Omar Al-Bachir, por genocidio, crímenes de guerra y de lesa humanidad en relación con el conflicto de Darfur, que ha causado más de 300.000 muertos desde que comenzó el conflicto étnico, en enero de 2003. Varios medios informan al respecto:"New York Times": "Sudanese President Accused of Genocide":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/15/world/africa/15sudan.html?ref=world"El País" de Madrid:"El TPI pide la detención del presidente de Sudán por la tragedia de Darfur. El fiscal acusa a Al Bachir de matar a de 35.000 personas y de causar la "muerte lenta" de hasta 265.000.- La ONU suspende su misión militar por temor a un rebrote de la violencia": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/TPI/pide/detencion/presidente/Sudan/tragedia/Darfur/elpepuint/20080714elpepuint_9/Tes"CNN":"Rights group fears Sudanese backlash":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/07/15/darfur.charges/index.html"Sudan calls meeting over 'genocide charge'":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/07/12/sudan.president.genocide/index.html"Sudanese president charged with genocide":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/07/14/darfur.charges/index.html"CNN exclusive: ICC prosecutor on Darfur charges":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/07/14/icc.transcript/index.html"Sudan: More 'blood' result of genocide charge":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/07/13/darfur.genocide.ap/index.html"La Nación":""Están usando tres armas: violación, hambre y miedo": Moreno Ocampo dijo que el mundo está ante un gran desafío":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1030219"El conflicto en Darfur: una decisión de inciertos efectos: Piden la detención del presidente de Sudán por genocidio":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1030217"Time":"Choosing Justice Over Peace in Darfur":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1822529,00.html"Civil War Threatens Sudan, Again":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1810801,00.html"MSNBC":"Sudanese president is charged with genocide: International Court accuses al-Bashir of trying to wipe out Darfur tribes":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25671505/"Sudan president may face war crime charges: Prosecutor of war crimes tribunal to seek arrest warrant Monday":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25644639/"China Daily":"Court indictment of Sudan leader 'worrying'":http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2008-07/16/content_6851358.htmPagina de "CNN" con links a artículos sobre el conflicto de Darfur:http://topics.edition.cnn.com/topics/darfurAMERICA LATINA"El País" de Madrid publica: "Aerolíneas Argentinas cerrará hoy su vuelta a casa. El Gobierno argentino acuerda la transferencia del 94,6% de las acciones del grupo español Marsans": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Aerolineas/ultima/vuelta/casa/elpepuint/20080714elpepuint_1/Tes"La Nación" publica: "El kirchnerismo y el agro miden fuerzas. Hoy habrá actos casi simultáneos ante el Congreso y ante el Monumento de los Españoles; la CGT hará un paro desde las 12":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1030300"Se espera una multitud hoy en Palermo, Llegarán productores del interior y políticos opositores":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1030301"Multitudinarios actos en Argentina en la víspera de crucial sesión parlamentaria por impuesto al agro: Sector rural recibe masivo apoyo y Kirchner afirma que respetará la decisión del Congreso":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/07/16/internacional/_portada/noticias/47B18B08-BAEE-431B-A60A-97691ECA8A8A.htm?id={47B18B08-BAEE-431B-A60A-97691ECA8A8A}"Optimismo en el Gobierno pese a nuevos rechazos al proyecto oficial sobre retenciones móviles": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1030670"Buscan minimizar la masividad del acto del agro":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1030680"El País" de Madrid informa: "El conflicto del campo colapsa Buenos Aires: Dos manifestaciones se enfrentan en la capital argentina para apoyar y rechazar el alza de las tasas del grano en vísperas de su votación en el Senado": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/conflicto/campo/colapsa/Buenos/Aires/elpepuint/20080715elpepuint_21/Tes"The Economist" analiza: "Ecuador: Taking the headlines. An asset seizure raises questions":http://www.economist.com/world/la/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11707593"CNN" publica: "France honors ex-captive Betancourt":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/07/14/betancourt.honour.ap/index.html"La Nación" publica: "Tras el rescate en Colombia: la ex candidata presidencial sigue en París, Sarkozy condecoró a Betancourt":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1030194"CCN" informa: "Chavez loosens terms of oil-supply pact":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/BUSINESS/07/13/venezuela.petrocaribe.ap/index.htmlAndrés Oppenheimer analiza: "Correa busca votos con canales de TV":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1030221"MSNBC" informa: "Mexico City suffers from protest fatigue: As demonstrators block roads daily, some politicians say enough is enough":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25684036/ "The Economist" analiza: "Latin America's economies: The ghost at the till: Bitter experience has made Latin Americans intolerant of inflation. But have their policymakers banished this spectre?": http://www.economist.com/world/la/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11707341ESTADOS UNIDOS / CANADA"La Nación" publica: "A Obama, correrse al centro le resta votos: McCain se acercó en las encuestas":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1030230"Time" presenta un sitio con links a artículos relacionados con las elecciones en Estados Unidos:http://thepage.time.com/"The Economist" analiza: "Foreign policy and the election: Looking abroad: Barack Obama tries to focus on foreign policy ahead of a tour of Europe and the Middle East":http://www.economist.com/world/na/displayStory.cfm?story_id=11739532&source=features_box_main"El País" de Madrid informa: "Los electores castigan el cambio de discurso de Obama. El viraje hacia el centro del candidato demócrata en cuestiones claves como la guerra de Irak hace que su ventaja sobre McCain se reduzca de 15 a 3 puntos en menos de un mes, según la última encuesta de 'Newsweek'": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/electores/castigan/cambio/discurso/Obama/elpepuint/20080714elpepuint_5/Tes"El País" de Madrid publica: "El gobierno de EE UU acude al rescate de las mayores entidades hipotecarias del país. Los principales operadores hipotecarios del país mueven una deuda por valor de 5,3 billones de dólares. -Los mercados reaccionan a la noticia con subidas": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/gobierno/EE/UU/acude/rescate/mayores/entidades/hipotecarias/pais/elpepuint/20080714elpepuint_4/Tes"CNN" informa: "EU chief to meet Iran over nuclear stand-off":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/meast/07/11/iran.negotiations/index.htmlEUROPA"El País" de Madrid informa: "El Fiscal turco pide el procesamiento de 86 supuestos terroristas que querían atentar contra el Gobierno: La red de Ergenekon está acusada de querer derrocar al Ejecutivo de Erdogan por medio de la violencia armada": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Fiscal/turco/pide/procesamiento/86/supuestos/terroristas/querian/atentar/Gobierno/elpepuint/20080714elpepuint_7/Tes"MSNBC" informa: "France gathers world leaders for Bastille Day: Sarkozy woos Syrian and Israeli leaders to parade in Paris":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25675701/"El País" de Madrid publica: "La presencia de Siria marca el desfile de la fiesta nacional francesa, Los jefes de Estado y Gobierno que asistieron ayer a la cumbre euromediterránea asisten a la parada": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/presencia/Siria/marca/desfile/fiesta/nacional/francesa/elppgl/20080714elpepuint_6/Tes"CNN" informa: "Belgian PM quits over deep divisions":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/07/15/belgium.government.ap/index.html"La Nación" publica: "Un fuerte sismo sacudió a Grecia: El movimiento telúrico afectó la isla de rodas y fue de 6.4 grados en la escala de Richter; murió una mujer":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1030322"CNN": "Earthquake hits near Greek islands":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/07/15/greece.earthquake/index.html"MSNBC" publica: "Quake rattles Greek island of Rhodes; 1 dead. No damage reported at the island's renowned archaeological sites":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25683575/"Time" publica: "Russian Ships to Patrol Arctic Again":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1822514,00.html"La Nación" analiza: "Tras el acuerdo entre Washington y Praga, Rusia renovó sus amenazas contra EE.UU: El Kremlin señaló que el escudo antimisiles "debilita" la seguridad europea y advirtió que responderá de manera "adecuada"":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1030326"The Economist" analiza: "Russia's presidency: The odd couple. The world still wonders whether Dmitry Medvedev or Vladimir Putin is boss":http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11708197"El País" de Madrid analiza: "90 años después: Los rusos inician las conmemoraciones del nonagésimo aniversario de la muerte del último zar y su familia.- Rusia anuncia que los análisis de ADN realizados a restos hallados en los Urales el año pasado apuntan a que son del hijo y una de las hijas de Nicolás II": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/90/anos/despues/elpepuint/20080716elpepuint_11/TesAsia – Pacífico /Medio OrieNTE"New York Times" publica: "South Korea Recalls Envoy to Japan":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/15/world/asia/15korea.html?ref=world"Time" informa: "Beijing Orders Pollution to Vanish":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1822476,00.html"China Daily" informa: "Three 'defence lines' set up to tighten Olympic security": http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/olympics/2008-07/16/content_6852045.htm "The Economist" analiza: "China and Taiwán: First, we take the department stores. After decades worrying about a mainland invasion, Taiwan is now courting one":http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11707158"The Economist" publica: "The illusion of calm in Tibet: After a botched response to bloody riots in Tibet in March, the Chinese authorities have ruthlessly restored order. But anti-Chinese resentment is deep-seated": http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11706247"CNN" informa: "Malaysian police seek arrest of opposition leader":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/07/15/ibrahim.malaysia/index.html"New York Times" publica: "9 Americans Die in Afghan Attack":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/14/world/asia/14afghan.html?ref=world"Time" informa: "New Attack Adds to Afghans' Woes":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1822515,00.html"CNN" publica: "Pakistan intelligence blamed for Afghan attacks":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/07/15/afghan.pakistan/index.html"La NACIÓN" informa: "Al menos 20 muertos por un doble atentado suicida en Irak: Dos hombres se inmolaron en las afueras de Baquba, un bastión de la red terrorista Al-Qaeda; hay más de 50 heridos":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1030325"Time" publica: "Suicide Bomb Kills 28 in Iraq":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1822789,00.html"MSNBC" informa: "Ahmadinejad wants U.S. talks 'on equal footing': Iranian president says direct discussions could happen in 'near future'":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25680902/"Le Monde" informa: "Washington envoie un émissaire à Genève rencontrer le négociateur iranien sur le dossier nucléaire":http://www.lemonde.fr/proche-orient/article/2008/07/16/washington-envoie-un-emissaire-a-geneve-rencontrer-le-negociateur-iranien-sur-le-dossier-nucleaire_1073897_3218.html"The Economist" analiza: "Israel and Iran: Coming to a city near you?: Be very afraid, please": http://www.economist.com/world/africa/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11708204"MSNBC" informa: "Israeli Cabinet OKs Hezbollah prisoner swap: Emotionally charged deal involves Lebanese man guilty of infamous attack":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25684747/"MSNBC" publica: "Bitter foes Hezbollah, Israel swap prisoners: Lebanese militant convicted of grisly murders is among those freed":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25697873/"Jerusalem Post" informa: "Olmert: My heart goes out to the families of Goldwasser, Regev":http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1215330994400&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFullAFRICA"CNN" publica: "Zimbabwe rivals start crisis talks in South Africa":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/07/10/zimbabwe.main/index.html"MSNBC" informa: "Zimbabwe: Sanctions failure a win over racism, China, Russia vetoed U.N. resolution pushed by Britain and the U.S.":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25649780/"CNN" informa: "Aid workers being shot, killed in Somalia":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/07/12/somalia2.aidworkers/index.htmlECONOMIA"El País" de Madrid informa: "El Santander compra el banco hipotecario Alliance & Leicester por 1.574 millones. El grupo de Emilio Botín canjeará una acción suya por cada tres de la entidad británica, que quedará integrada en el Abbey. -Downing Street apoya la entrada de empresas extranjeras": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/economia/Santander/ultima/compra/banco/hipotecario/britanico/Alliance/26/Leicester/elpepueco/20080714elpepueco_3/Tes"Time" publica: "EEUU Bad Economy Is The Good Life For Some":http://www.time.com/time/nation/article/0,8599,1822817,00.html"MSNBC" publica: "Oil hovers around $146 amid supply tretas: But skittish market is keeping a firm floor under energy prices":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/12400801/"The Economist" publica su informe semanal: "Business this week":http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11708645&CFID=13588114&CFTOKEN=19576546OTRAS NOTICIAS"El País" de Madrid informa: "El Papa subraya que sacerdocio y pederastia son incompatibles: Víctimas australianas de abusos exigen una indemnización": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/sociedad/Papa/subraya/sacerdocio/pederastia/incompatibles/elpepisoc/20080714elpepisoc_8/Tes"Time" publica: "The Papal Invasion of Australia":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1822775,00.html"CNN" informa: "Asia, Europe markets fall on U.S. worries":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/BUSINESS/07/15/world.markets.ap/index.htmlVideo con imágenes de la vida de Nelson Mandela a sus 90 añoshttp://www.time.com/time/photoessays/2008/mandela_90/

From the pages of The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte by Marx and understanding the political and social events in France between 1848 and 1852, several interpretations have been made, by Marxist and non-Marxist authors alike, regarding the role played by the lower middle class in moments of crisis. Particularly, after the advent of fascism in 20th century Europe, many voices have risen to signal the XVIII Brumaire as Marx's call of attention on the dangers set by the lower middle class's counterrevolutionary and reactionary spirit. Even more, some think of the XVIII Brumaire, and Marx's take on Bonapartism as the first, and extremely prophetic, definition and description of a modern fascist regime. The purposes of this essay are to: first, define and describe the lower middle class and its social and political consequences according to Marx; and, second, to explore how the lower middle class has been analyzed by a selection of Marxist and non-Marxist authors as a crucial sociological and historical problem. The latter has been taken to the extent of even comparing the political phenomenon of Bonapartism to Fascism and the lower middle class historical relationship in both of them. Bonapartism and Fascism are very distinct types of political regimes, even if they share some similarities. Nevertheless, it would be ahistorical to describe Louis Bonaparte's regime as fascist. Even so, Marx's typically coined reactionary or counter-revolutionary role played by the lower middle class in both cases was similar. (1)Several designations have been used to differentiate the lower middle class from the higher middle class or big bourgeoisie: petite bourgeoisie, Kleinburgertumand, the unpleasant, lumpen-bourgeoisie. It is impossible to assign fixed meanings in distinct times and places to those concepts. What they mean, and enfold, in different historical moments is determined by historically concrete political, social and economic structures and conditions. A social lower middle stratum was economically, but not so much politically, active during the preindustrial era. Its internal structure, predominantly formed by independent peasants, corporate-guild artisans and shopkeepers, and the nature of its relationship to the rest of society was particularly different from the economically, socially and more politically active, lower middle class of primarily dependent clerks, independent peasants, technicians, professionals and small shop owners of capitalist society (2). From Marx to the present there have been few attempts to define the lower middle class because the main issue was not the Kleinburgertum's own historical, social and political particularities; but, the fact that the petite bourgeoisie conformed a "classes class". In Marxist terms, the lower middle class was a class in but not foritself. This meant that the petty bourgeoisie was dependent on its own fate but not on its own existence. The lower middle class was torn, and it still may be today, between two possible outcomes: proletarianization or embourgeoisement (3). In the first one, the petite bourgeoisie is condemned to being proletarianized. In fact, during the early industrialization period of England the small artisans and some specialized technicians were dissolved or forced into the industrial working class (4). In the second scenario, they would integrate with the big bourgeoisie finally accomplishing a long social aspiration. It would, certainly, diminish the fears and concerns of being proletarianized and, lastly and possibly, would allow clerks and professionals to be the frontrunners of a classless postindustrial society (5). Accordingly, as Marx said in the XVIII Brumaire, the lower middle class should be viewed as a transitional class whose members would finally end up being part of the proletarians or the bourgeoisie. Nevertheless, the lower middle class has had a pivotal role in certain historically crucial events: revolutions and counterrevolutions. Marx attributed no apparent class-consciousness to the petite bourgeoisie, except in times of severe crisis. The lower middle class, following Marx, lacked its own class-consciousness because it was afraid to become proletarian and aspired to attain the bourgeoisie's style of living and class standing in society even though it also despised the big bourgeoisie's productive means and way of life. Marx, in a prophetic Freudian style analysis, would ascribe this apparent contradiction to the lower middle class own self-hate. Nevertheless, lacking its own class-consciousness did not mean that the petite bourgeoisie was not capable of generating its own separate culture, life-style and Weltanschauung. The problem was that it engendered its own ethos in direct opposition to the proletarian and bourgeoisie ones; affecting, then, its own cultural authenticity. All this said, the lower middle class may not have been self-conscious but it certainly was self-aware. It had distinctive class awareness (6). The interest of Karl Marx in the lower middle class was provoked by the role the author gave to it during the events that unfolded in France between February 1848 and December 1852, particularly the role played by the petite bourgeoisie in the ascendance to power of Louis Bonaparte in the coup d'état of December 1852. First of all, it is imperative to define how Marx understood the social composition of the lower middle class in mid-nineteen century France. Small independent peasants, clerks and small artisans and shopkeepers were Marx's main petty bourgeoisie members. All of them were part of this classless class because they lacked the property of the main means of capitalist production, that in mid-nineteen century France Marx attributed to the industrial, large-retail and financial sectors; and, because they were not even proletarians either because they were small owners (particularly small peasants and shopkeepers) or because their work did not constitute an intensive manual waged labor (artisans and specially State's clerks). Marx did not see in them any economic conditions of existence, under which they lived, that could separate their mode of life, their interests and their culture from those of other classes. Given this situation, the small peasants, clerks and shopkeepers were not in any hostile opposition (as a clearly defined class with its own interests, culture and mode of life) to the bourgeoisie or the proletariat. Marx did not witness any sense of class-consciousness in them. He only viewed a local interconnection among small peasants, shopkeepers and clerks; but there was no sense of identification of interests between all of them that could beget unity and political organization. But even if they did not conform a class on itself, they were aware of their own uncertain socio-economic circumstances: at any given moment the big bourgeoisie, either by the action of retail competition or that of bank executions of failed mortgage payments, could toss them into the proletarian class. This socio-economic fear of becoming part of a propertyless class put them in direct opposition with the working class and drove them into the arms of the big bourgeoisie in moments of severe political crisis. Only here did Marx perceive the existence of class-consciousness in the petty bourgeoisie. In the XVIII Brumaire Marx distinguishes three moments where the lower middle class acted as a class in itself: in the February Revolution of 1848 when they rebelled, alongside sectors of the big bourgeoisie and the proletarians, against the Orleanist monarchy; in June 1848 when they actively collaborated with the big bourgeoisie in crushing the proletarian rebellion; and finally, in December 1852 when they endorsed Louis Bonaparte's coup d'état against the bourgeoisie republic. In the first episode, Marx observes a revolutionary role embedded in the lower middle class. He recognizes a class-consciousness in them; a strive to enact political and social change in the wellbeing of their own interests. In June 1848, Marx assigns them a counter-revolutionary role. They react out of fear and misguided by the bourgeoisie. They are afraid that a proletarian revolution would forever kill their socio-economic aspiration to become part of the bourgeoisie. According to Marx they are right to be fearful. A proletarian revolution would lead to a dictatorship of the proletariat and to the end of all classes. Alas, their desire of a bourgeoisie life-style as a "heaven on earth" would be tromped. A classless society would take away from them what distinguished them from the proletariat and what would, eventually, provided them upwards-social mobility: small private property and better paid and socially-respected professional labor. It has to be added that Marx also makes the bourgeoisie responsible for the lower middle class actions in the June rebellion. The former convinced the latter not to support and even to fight the proletarians by guaranteeing them access to better social standing, better financial and trade benefits and inclusion into the higher middle class. These were all false promises, which lack of satisfaction led to the events of December 1852. The lower middle class, betrayed by the bourgeoisie and immersed in deeply economic despair (which they made the big bourgeoisie responsible for) decided to fully endorse Louis Bonaparte's coup d'état. Again, and maybe more than ever if Marx's argument is to be followed, the lower middle class acted as a fully conscious class and had a counter-revolutionary and, even more, a reactionary role against the French bourgeoisie republic. Why did the lower middle class support Bonapartism? According to Marx, Napoleon III was the only one that could represent the petty bourgeoisie's interests. They did not have any sense of class-consciousness, which meant that they were unable to express their interests in a collective way. Meaning, that they were, like Marx says, incapable of enforcing their class interests in their own name through a parliament or any other democratic convention or institution. The lower middle class needed, and were also longing for, a paternalistic, authoritarian and charismatic figure that would represent their interest and implement policies accordingly. Louis Bonaparte mirrored everything the lower middle class was pursuing: the protection of their interests by identifying them with France's interests; the understanding of France as an economically based petite bourgeoisie country in opposition to big bourgeoisie enterprises (banks and big retails companies); and, the conversion of the lower middle class's aspiration forgrandeur through the Second French Empire's expansionist foreign policy (7).Bonapartism protected them from the rapacious big bourgeoisie, assured their vital place in society as France's economic engine protecting small private property from socialist distribution of wealth drives coming from the working class and satisfied their sumptuousness desires by establishing a lower middle class based Empire as Europe's major power. Marx's perceptions and warnings on the lower middle class counter-revolutionary and reactionary roles in periods of political and economic crisis has been regarded, by Marxist and non-Marxist authors alike, as an indication for future revolutionary moments and as a prophetic alert on future authoritarian regimes like fascism. Lenin himself defined the petite bourgeoisie as a "half-class" or "quasi-workers" or "quasi-bourgeois" class that would be more difficult to eradicate than the big bourgeoisie and that would be politically unreliable (8). The lower middle class unpredictable behavior and dislike for radical policies could produce a reactionary backlash that could only be prevented by a rapid proletarization of all society. Nevertheless, even if Lenin was afraid of the possibility of an authoritarian government led by Kornilov and backed by the petty bourgeoisie (9); he later acknowledged, particularly by implementing the New Economic Policy, the lower middle class economic importance and envisaged them as a transitory class towards a proletarian society (10). Lastly, several authors have taken the XVIII Brumaire in order to compare Bonapartisim to fascism, even affirming that Napoleon's III rule was the first fascist regime in history, or to seek the social origins of both kinds of regimes in the lower middle classes. Jacob Schapiro not only sees the origins of 20th century fascism in 19th century Bonapartist France, he even defines Bonapartism as a type of fascism based on Marx's description of the regime in the XVIII Brumaire (11). Jost Dulffer analyses such comparison and, even if similarities are found, completely rejects its. He actually trends the historical origins of such comparisons to Trotsky's and August Thalheimer's writings on Nazism during the 1920s and 30s (12). Finally, Seymour Martin Lipset popularized the notion that fascism, just like Bonapartism, was an expression of the lower middle class resentments. According to Lipset, fascism was politically transformed rage of independent artisans, shopkeepers, small peasants and clerks that found themselves squeezed between better organized industrial workers and big businessmen and were "missing the boat" within the rapid social and economic changes of modern society (13). However, Ian Kershaw, Robert Paxton and Thomas Childers empirically confirm that fascism was not only a lower middle class phenomenon and that without the acquiesce of the conservative elites and sectors of the big bourgeoisie it would never had have come to power (14). Even if the comparisons between Bonapartism and fascism are historically pointless it is worth noticing, like Arno Meyer did, that Karl Marx was the first one to tackle the problem of the lower middle class lack of class-consciousness (15). Marx is correct in pointing out the lower middle class's awareness of itself and its dysfunctional and contradictory relationship vis-à-vis the big bourgeoisie and the proletariat. Even more so, Marx accurately identifies the social, political and historical role of the petty bourgeoisie: to gain consciousness in moments of crisis and pivotally function either as a revolutionary actor, alongside the bourgeoisie and the working class, or as a counter-revolutionary one, against the proletariat, or as reactionary one against the big bourgeoisie. This is, maybe, Marx's most important and timeless legacy from The Eighteen Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte.(1) Crossick, Geoffrey and Haupt, Heinz-Gerhard, The Petite Bourgeoisie in Europe 1780-1914, Rutledge, New York, 1998, pp. 16-38.(2) Mayer, Arno J., "The Lower Middle Class as Historical Problem", The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 47, No.3, Sep. 1975, pp. 409-436. (3) See Thompson, Edward, The Making of the English Working Class, Random House, New York, 1963.(4) See Bell, Daniel, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society: A Venture in Social Forecasting, Basic Books, New York, 1999. (5) See Giddens, Anthony, The Class Structure of Advanced Societies, Unwin Hyman, London, 1989.(6) See, Zeldin, Theodore, The Political System of Napoleon III, Macmillan, London, 1958.(7) Lenin, V. I., "Left-Wing" Communism: An Infantile Disorder: A Popular Essay in Marxian Strategy and Tactics, University of the Pacific Press, San Francisco, 2001, pp. 9-52. (8) Fitzpatrick, Sheila, The Russian Revolution, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2008, pp. 60.(9) Ibid, pp. 93-149.(10) Schapiro, Jacob S., Liberalism and the Challenge to Fascism, McGraw Hill, New York, 1949, pp. 308-31.(11) Dulffer, Jost, "Bonapartism, Fascism and National Socialism", Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 11, No.4, 1976, pp. 109-128.(12) Lipset Seymour M., Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics, Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 1981, pp. 127-182.(13) See, Childers, Thomas, "The Social Bases of the National Socialist Vote",Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 11, No.4, 1976, pp. 17-42; Kershaw, Ian,"The Hitler Myth": Image and Reality in the Third Reich, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2001; Kershaw, Ian, The Nazi Dictatorship: Problems and Perspectives of Interpretation, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2000; and, Paxton, Robert, The Anatomy of Fascism, Random House, New York, 2004.(14) Mayer, Arno J., "The Lower Middle Class as Historical Problem", The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 47, No.3, Sep. 1975, pp. 409-436. *Estudiante de Doctorado, New School for Social Research, New YorkMaestría en Estudios Internacionales, Universidad Torcuato Di Tella, Buenos AiresÁrea de Especialización: Procesos de formación del Estado moderno, sociología de la guerra, terrorismo, genocidio, conflictos étnicos, nacionalismos y minorías.E-mail: guere469@newschool.edu