Można postawić tezę, że wybory z 4 czerwca 1989 r. miały dla przyszłości Polski znaczenie zasadnicze. Porozumienie zawarte przy Okrągłym Stole umożliwiało opozycji demokratycznej jedynie obecność w parlamencie i tym samym kontrolę aparatu władzy. Miało też przerzucić na opozycję część odpowiedzialności za państwo. Wynik wyborów spowodował, że obóz komunistyczny musiał władzę oddać w ręce dotychczasowej opozycji. W artykule przedstawiono wysiłki przedstawicieli Komitetu Obywatelskiego w Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej zmierzające do zabezpieczenia rzetelności wyborów. Jest to jednocześnie obraz powstawania w Polsce prawa wyborczego charakteryzującego demokratyczne państwo oraz tworzenia się kultury prawnej społeczeństwa. ; It might be argued that the election of 4 June 1989 was of essential importance for the future of Poland. The agreement reached at the 'Round Table' merely provided for the presence of democratic opposition in Parliament, allowing it to exercise some control of the apparatus of power. The intention of that concession was to pass onto the opposition a share of responsibility for the state. However, as a result of the election that followed, the ruling communists had to actually hand down power to their opponents. This paper describes the efforts that the Citizens' Committee in the State Election Commission made to protect the integrity of the election. It also describes the process of electoral law formation in Poland, as well as the development of the legal culture of society.
The aim of this study was to present private and official codifications concerning the topic of responsibility of international organizations. Moreover, it highlighted some controversial issues which occurred during the work of International Law Commission (ILC). The topic of responsibility of international organizations was analyzed both by private bodies such as Institute de Droit International and International Law Association and – as mentioned above – ILC. The efforts of Institute de Droit International resulted in a resolution on The Legal Consequences for Member States of the Non-fulfilment by International Organizations of their Obligations toward Third Parties. While in 1996 International Law Association studied these topics, a Committee on the Accountability of International Organizations was established. These private drafts paid attention of ILC to some legal issues which helped ILC to identify problems which require further discussion. After completion of its work on State responsibility in 2001, ILC decided to include the topic Responsibility of International Organizations in its work program. Mr G. Gaja was appointed the Special Rapporteur and in years 2003-2011 he presented eight reports which took into account the comments and observations received from governments and international organizations. In his reports he largely followed the model of Articles on State Responsibility for Internationally Wrongful Acts. In 2011 the Commission adopted the draft of 67 articles on Responsibility of International Organizations, divided into six parts. The Draft Articles aimed at codification of a set of secondary rules applicable to a wide range of international organizations. The codifications of rules on the responsibility of international organizations was a very difficult task due to diversity of international organizations, which differ in size, functions and competence. Furthermore, there is a lack of relevant practice that would allow to elaborate the principles relating to responsibility of international organizations. Nonetheless, the responsibility for international wrongful acts is the most important institution of international law irrespective of the subject which committed a wrongful act. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim
The article discusses the philosophical foundations of ethical responsibility. It ponders the question whether scientific progress should be associated with an unlimited degree of freedom to conduct research. It discusses in detail the distinction between responsibility in the formal sense and material sense introduced by Hans Jonas. It considers several examples of the similarities between politics and science as disciplines and elaborates on aspects which connect them. It treats Kant's notion of the categorical imperative as a point of departure towards exploring the boundaries of political responsibility verses individual responsibility. It subsequently goes on to ask the question whether scientists and politicians are faced with a greater sense of responsibility towards the wellbeing of future generations. Finally, it analyses the example of the Environment Minister and later Secretary of State Jan Szyszko, who is also an entomologist and a researcher of animal population. It aims to establish whether his conduct as a minister was influenced by the and values he attained as a member of the scientific community.
The processes of economical, political and cultural integration to the European Union lead to the creation of a large area of interrelation among a large number of societies with different cultures and languages. This means that the traditional communication areas which have so far lived in some functional monolingualism will find themselves located in a unique interrelation process. One of the goals mentioned in the European Council documents is to promote the unity among the European societies and, at the same time, to preserve the current cultural and linguistical diversity. In the present paper we analyse the reasons for which it is necessary to protect the linguistical diversity and outlight the need to protect the European regional languages. We stream the importance of education in the "multiidentity" through the mutual knowledge of various languages and cultures which coexist in the European interrelation space. ; The processes of economical, political and cultural integration to the European Union lead to the creation of a large area of interrelation among a large number of societies with different cultures and languages. This means that the traditional communication areas which have so far lived in some functional monolingualism will find themselves located in a unique interrelation process. One of the goals mentioned in the European Council documents is to promote the unity among the European societies and, at the same time, to preserve the current cultural and linguistical diversity. In the present paper we analyse the reasons for which it is necessary to protect the linguistical diversity and outlight the need to protect the European regional languages. We stream the importance of education in the "multiidentity" through the mutual knowledge of various languages and cultures which coexist in the European interrelation space.
The article poses a question about the current meaning of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The starting point is the analysis of the legitimacy of the Declaration, which leads to the conclusion that the support for it has not been eroded by the passage of time, but has indeed gained strength. The Declaration's message on the universality of human rights is taken from the perspective of the controversy surrounding this principle during the drafting process and in the light of the subsequent debates related to the Second World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna in 1993. The Declaration and Programme of Action not only stressed that the universal nature of human rights is beyond question, but also pointed to the importance of national and regional specificities, and various historical, cultural and religious conditions that, however, do not relieve states, regardless of their political, economic and cultural systems, of the obligation to promote and protect all human rights. The InterAction Council's initiative to develop a Universal Declaration of Human Responsibility is presented as an attempt to reconcile different doctrinal and political positions with regard to the universality of human rights. The conclusion of these considerations is the expectation that the already visible tendency to absorb various philosophical, doctrinal and cultural traditions in order to enrich human rights justifications will prevail over attempts to question the universality of rights in the name of regional or other distinctions. The Universal Declaration was also a testimony to the holistic approach to human rights, encompassing economic, social, cultural, as well as personal and political rights. The subsequent winding road in attitudes to the two main categories of rights at the international arena ultimately led to the return of the spirit and letter of the Declaration and the recognition of equality of all rights in the legal and institutional-procedural dimensions. Various aspects of the Declaration's binding force ...
For some time we can observe the increasing popularity of corporate social responsibility (CSR) as the direction dominant over the classical economic model first in the United States, and then also in many countries of the European Union. A necessary element of effective implementation of CSR in public organizations are their transparency and legitimacy. This article aims to formulate the problem of the role of public organizations responsibility for the transparency of activities undertaken in the context of the pursuit of such a transformation of public management that these organizations have become much more socially responsible. For the wording of the problem is much broader argument that says that deficits in social responsibility in public organizations do not arise only because of people, but above all because the wrong management structure. Management in public organizations may not be a simple reflection of that known from the commercial sector.
The article is based on the premise that a constructive vote of no confidence is an institution of a political system which provides the best assurance for the stability of government and protection from governmental crises. The conditions and formal requirements of the procedure of a constructive vote of no confidence make it possible to protect a government from the consequences of the activity of an accidental negative majority. The paper aims to present and compare this procedure in the Federal Republic of Germany and Poland in terms of three main aspects: the conditions of its establishment, the actual procedure and the political consequences. A vote of constructive no confidence was introduced in Germany as a consequence of the negative experiences of the Weimar Republic, whereas in Poland it was the rational reasoning of the authors of the Constitution that provided for the procedure. The differences between the German and Polish procedures concern, among other things, the structure of the motion, the number of obligatory signatures under the motion, and the period from submission of the motion to the vote. The most fundamental political consequences of a vote of no confidence concern the strengthened position of the government and its leader, stabilization of the political system and enabling minority governments to be established. The paper concludes with the observation that a constructive vote of no confidence influences the political system and all its fundamental elements, protects the government and makes the parliamentary system more rational. ; The article is based on the premise that a constructive vote of no confidence is an institution of a political system which provides the best assurance for the stability of government and protection from governmental crises. The conditions and formal requirements of the procedure of a constructive vote of no confidence make it possible to protect a government from the consequences of the activity of an accidental negative majority. The paper aims to present and compare this procedure in the Federal Republic of Germany and Poland in terms of three main aspects: the conditions of its establishment, the actual procedure and the political consequences. A vote of constructive no confidence was introduced in Germany as a consequence of the negative experiences of the Weimar Republic, whereas in Poland it was the rational reasoning of the authors of the Constitution that provided for the procedure. The differences between the German and Polish procedures concern, among other things, the structure of the motion, the number of obligatory signatures under the motion, and the period from submission of the motion to the vote. The most fundamental political consequences of a vote of no confidence concern the strengthened position of the government and its leader, stabilization of the political system and enabling minority governments to be established. The paper concludes with the observation that a constructive vote of no confidence influences the political system and all its fundamental elements, protects the government and makes the parliamentary system more rational.
Baltic Sea, as an area of strategic importance for Russia's policy toward Europe, has become a place of showcase of Russia's military might. Its primary purpose is to show the international community the level of determination Russian authorities express to make national interests of the Federation included in the global politics. The number of incidents which cannot be a ground for military action on a larger scale – even according to Russian conventions – requires a politico- military response by regional supranational organizations. The response should take the form of smart-power strategies and the formula of military involvement must go beyond purely defensive action in response to enemy action. Hence, it is necessary to determine the scope of comprehensive EU and NATO operations (due to the need to protect the territorial sovereignty of Sweden and Finland) to offset the forms of Russian incidental activities in a way that does not elevate political tension in the region. Such a reaction is possible through effective impact on forms of activities on the waters of the Baltic Sea, which are important for Russia, notably shipping. The European Union, and the European Maritime Safety Agency (EMSA) in particular, has appropriate instruments to create an effective impact. On the other hand, the role of the North Atlantic Treaty should be to prepare and conduct systematic and comprehensive operations which limit the possibility of encroaching on the treaty territory and protect the member states against Russia applying instruments of hybrid war. Key words: Baltic Sea, Russian national interests, NATO, The European Union
Polish-German relations are currently shaped by mutual understanding and collaboration. However, this does not prevent conflict of interests occurring between the two states with respect to foreign policy, or their standpoints, presented on the European arena. Nevertheless, these conflicts are a regular and permanent element of international relations, and the consequence of different geographical locations differences in the level and development directions of the economy of bcountries,d particularly of the primary responsibility of each state to act in the interest of its own citizens. ; Polish-German relations are currently shaped by mutual understanding and collaboration. However, this does not prevent conflict of interests occurring between the two states with respect to foreign policy, or their standpoints, presented on the European arena. Nevertheless, these conflicts are a regular and permanent element of international relations, and the consequence of different geographical locations differences in the level and development directions of the economy of bcountries,d particularly of the primary responsibility of each state to act in the interest of its own citizens.
The article examines if Poland can, in accordance with international law, effectively combat pressure on the border with a country de facto supporting an aggressor. Analysis of, among others, the Geneva Refugee Convention, EU law, the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and jurisprudence validate previous findings that right to life and prohibition of torture are non-derogable, permitting to protect borders and fight with terrorism. National procedures are challenged by a need to individualize decisions refusing entry and denying protection. Still, this does not justify violating human rights.
The article is based on the premise that a constructive vote of no confidence is an institution of a political system which provides the best assurance for the stability of government and protection from governmental crises. The conditions and formal requirements of the procedure of a constructive vote of no confidence make it possible to protect a government from the consequences of the activity of an accidental negative majority. The paper aims to present and compare this procedure in the Federal Republic of Germany and Poland in terms of three main aspects: the conditions of its establishment, the actual procedure and the political consequences. A vote of constructive no confidence was introduced in Germany as a consequence of the negative experiences of the Weimar Republic, whereas in Poland it was the rational reasoning of the authors of the Constitution that provided for the procedure. The differences between the German and Polish procedures concern, among other things, the structure of the motion, the number of obligatory signatures under the motion, and the period from submission of the motion to the vote. The most fundamental political consequences of a vote of no confidence concern the strengthened position of the government and its leader, stabilization of the political system and enabling minority governments to be established. The paper concludes with the observation that a constructive vote of no confidence influences the political system and all its fundamental elements, protects the government and makes the parliamentary system more rational.
There is a quite big progress in the area of education on acceptance and tolerance towards multiculturalism. The main supporter of politics of multiculturalism is Will Kymlicka, and therefore I refer to his thoughts in this essay. However, in contemporary socio-cultural situation of Western civilization, we need something more than the mere acceptance of cultural diversity. It is worth promoting educational programmes that include themes related to the raising of citizens' awareness of boundaries of self – both in the individual and group aspect. At the same time majority groups should be supported by some tools that would help them to protect their identities without harming others.
This report discusses the following topics: the concept and essence of outplacement; outline of the history of outplacement; outplacement in the context of other derecruitment processes; outplacement under conditions of increased risk and flexibility of the organization, outplacement as a tool of corporate social responsibility and social economy; the practice of using outplacement in Poland; benefits and barriers to the use of outplacement from the perspective of firms.
This paper deals with the role of religious parties in the Indonesian political system. It demonstrates the importance of Islamic parties and explains the declining significance of Christian parties in the last dozen or so years. In the conditions of deep religiosity in Indonesian society, religious parties are understood as political parties that meet the following criteria: 1) are created by and for the followers of Islam or Christianity, respectively, 2) serve to pursue their interests (specifically the interests articulated by the political and religious elites of religious communities) and 3) build their programs based on the principles and values of faith, and also promote and protect them.
Genetic modifications of organisms arouse a lot of controversy. Some people consider them to be beneficial for the future of the world, others, on the contrary, see them as a series of threats. For this reason, the function of the State is important, through creating specific regulations, controls the flow of GMO products on its territory. There are doubts, whether the regulations sufficiently protect the domestic market against uncontrolled flow of genetically modified products. Also the question remains if the scope of norms is sufficient, and the use of GMOs is appropriate for the safety of the environment.
