A truly democratic and egalitarian society cannot exist without a broadly based public education. Nova Scotia has an enviable record in the field of education as a leader and innovator in the development of both the public schools and post secondary institutions. The Scots, who have always valued educating their young, implanted this same value in Nova Scotian soil. Other groups have also followed the Scottish lead in educational matters. Even in difficult economic times, which came frequently to Nova Scotia, education has not been sacrificed on the altar of economic restraint. In the 1980's education does not appear to hold such a protected position. Education budgets are being slashed at both the public school and post-secondary levels. Economic restraint has become the accepted gospel and not even education is immune from the message. It is thus timely to consider the status of education in the political and legal framework of Nova Scotia. Moreover, it should be strongly asserted that Nova Scotia's children have a legal right to education that cannot be diminished either in the name of financial restraint or political expediency. The purpose of this article is to make that assertion.
The purpose of this study was to compare the rhetoric of two Negro women orators- Sojourner Truth and Frances E. W. Harper as shown by a critical analysis of selected speeches from 1851 to 1875. For this study, two working hypotheses were required. First, to determine the historical value of these two women, it was the working hypothesis that Sojourner Truth and Frances Harper were influential forces in molding public sentiment toward reform issues during the Antebellum and Postbellum periods of American History, specifically antislavery and women's rights. On the basis of the investigation this hypothesis was borne out. Second, to evaluate them as public speakers, it was the hypothesis that Sojourner Truth and Frances Harper developed effective theories of rhetoric, which were probably influenced by their diverse backgrounds. On the basis of the investigation this hypothesis was partially borne out. By looking into the backgrounds, lives, and works of Sojourner Truth and Frances Harper several insights and influences that applied to their speech-making were noted. Sojourner's major influences consisted of her mother's religious instruction, her association with the Quakers, and her exposure to the reform movement in New York City by the Latourette family. The major influences in Frances Harper's life included her uncle, her education, training in the domestic arts, and her quest for knowledge through books. To place these women in their proper rhetorical setting, it was necessary to reconstruct the general rhetorical atmosphere as demonstrated by the political, economic, social, and intellectual aspects of life in the Antebellum, Civil War, and Reconstruction years. Because these women had extensive career s and were known throughout the North and the South, it was concluded that there was a high degree of probability that these two Negro women orators were influential forces in shaping public sentiment regarding the reform issues of anti-slavery and women's rights. The examination of these Negro women as public speakers demonstrated that although they did not advance a systematic theory of rhetoric, they were in all probability effective platform speakers. Thus, Sojourner Truth and Frances E. W. Harper were effective practitioners of their art. The investigation of their rhetorical skills including invention, logical proof, emotional proof, ethical proof, structure, style, delivery, and effectiveness demonstrated that while these women employed different techniques, it may be said that, these techniques were a logical outgrowth of their backgrounds and experiences in life. These techniques were also complimentary not only to the speaker's personality but also to the occasion and the nature of the audience. Further research in this area of public address was suggested. One of the most valuable contributions to American public address would be a history of the speaking activities of Negro women in America.
Contents: I. Points of Departure and Directions -- II. What, Who, When and How : Programming and Implementation -- III. Managing Invisible Men: Procedures for Field Staff -- IV. Managing Local Participation: Rhetoric and Reality -- V. Frontiers for Planners -- VI. Principles and Choices
Nov. 18, 1970. 8 pgs. York wants Glendon shut from June 1 to Aug. 15. Foucault takes over as full-time president York wants Glendon shut by Andy Michalski Glendon loses five-year post office veteran photo and story by Mary Hay Quebec censorship continues with Choquette's threats and John Turner's denials SAC plans community project After Citiforum Ashes and Diamonds Miller's Logic by Jim Miller The Citiforum (or BIG YAWN) demonstrates how students endure better than adult and how politicians shoot more rhetoric than real dialogue The Sketch by Jim Daw The Rhetoric by Michael Jones AUCC survives - academic irrelevance, disorganized students, frustrated faculty, drunken administrators Dream turns nightmare by John H. Riley The Only Good Indian lives by Elizabeth Cowan Go-fers screwed Carlisle makes big splash by Nick Martin C House wins GWVL Top scifi Saturday
In this transcript, Catherine May discusses some important efforts to improve the environment, and some causes for concern including nitrogen buildup in the air. In rhetoric that mimics the concerns over climate change in contemporary times, May states, "Well, I think we all are beginning to realize that today's concern with out environment is a late start. But with modern technology and an aroused citizenry, the job can be done."
'No country can ever be held in just estimation', proclaimed Arthur Young in 1780, 'when the rental of it is unknown': and Young , in his Tour in Ireland, proceeded to estimate the rental of this country. His was the rhetoric of the political arithmetician, but he was neither the first nor the last to embark on aggregate calculations. Several of the best-known past observers of the Irish scene, from Sir William Petty to the elder Wakefield, also left their o w n estimates. Some, like Wakefield's, were carefully worked out; others, such as Dean Swift's, were based almost totally on hearsay or speculation.
Constituent Michael A. McVicker, a constituent and local businessman, writes to Catherine May to protest the purchasing procedures of the Atomic Energy Commission, the inconsistency of which have been detrimental to McVicker's business. May intercedes on McVicker's behalf in her letter to Glenn T. Seaborg, Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission. Seaborg replies with promises to look into the matter, but as he is with most of his communications with May, he does not admit fault for the act or utter any commitment to mitigating the situation. One will notice that in many of May and Seaborg's transaction there is a terse exchange of political rhetoric amounting to very little meaningful action; this series of letters is an excellent example of this.
The efforts of the EEOC, the Department of Justice, and other federal and state agencies during the first decade of enforcement have been the subject of a great deal of commentary and review. Much of this commentary has been critical. Private enforcement of Title VII has produced the major legal developments, but these efforts have received little attention in the literature. This Article therefore will present a comparative review of governmental and private enforcement efforts under Title VII. A brief overview of the historical efforts to eliminate employment discrimination prior to Title VII is necessary to place private enforcement efforts in proper perspective. It is not the purpose of this Article to* review the development of the substantive law during the first decade of Title VII; this has been covered elsewhere. The beginning of the second decade of Title VII's enforcement has produced new issues, such as "reverse discrimination" and "quotas," whose resolution may determine whether the legal principles of employment discrimination law that developed during the first decade will remain a potent tool for the elimination of employment discrimination, or whether it will be reduced to "mellifluous but hollow rhetoric."'
No area of consumer protection has produced as much near religious ferment in recent years as that collection of rules which insulate third party financers from product-related claims or defenses of consumer purchasers. Courts, legislatures, agencies, commissions, and commentators 6 have assailed the holder in due course idea from all directions, so far as its application in consumer transactions is concerned. The cloud of rhetoric thus raised has tended to obscure the complexity of the subject, state only imperfectly the significant considerations, and oversimplify the appropriate legal responses. Moreover, the focus of much of this recent discussion has been on traditional notions of holder in due course. There are now important new developments in the form of the recommendations of the National Commission on Consumer Finance, a completely redrafted 1974 Uniform Consumer Credit Code, a new Model Consumer Credit Act drafted by the National Consumer Law Center, the possibly imminent promulgation of a holder in due course Trade Regulation Rule by the Federal Trade Commission, and, most recently, the enactment of a federal statute limiting holder in due course application in credit card transactions.This Article takes up the changing shape of the holder in due course controversy and outlines grounds for consensus as to future legislative policy.
We in America have never made peace with the concept of pluralism. As a nation, we are fundamentally committed to the ideal of "equal opportunity"; yet, despite our presumably concomitant dedication to the principle that society should accommodate diverse values and goals,we have not conceptualized any means of determining whether equality of opportunity exists except by measuring people on the same scale. We have an appropriate rhetoric for describing equal opportunity--self-actualization, through which each person develops to the fullest extent in those directions that he or she wishes--but we have no institutionalized standards for determining whether realization of potential has been accomplished more or less evenly across diverse groups. A basic consideration underlying any approach to this problem is whether two peoples, living under the same government, valuing different objects, and enjoying different ventures, can find any bases for comparing their opportunities to express and pursue those distinctive matters most desirable to them? Indeed, can it ever be said that equal opportunity exists between peoples not pursuing the same goals? The purpose of this Article is to offer comment on the nature of equal educational opportunity and the problem of realizing it in the contemporary United States.
A JCAHA journal article on the historical background of Asian trading patterns in Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe.) ; Between the rhetoric of the British South Africa Company's motto and the perceptive social comment of Kipling lies the dilemma of the minority trading group and its host community. In Africa the problem has been exacerbated by the fact that the rulers and the ruled have belonged to different races forming in effect separate societies. Until the 1960s the minority trading groups have had, in effect, to deal with two host communities, one of which controlled the legal and regulative process while the other constituted the internal market for goods and services. Nevertheless minority groups belonging neither to the dominant political group nor the subordinate majority group succeeded in dominating the distributive and retail trade in much of sub- Saharan Africa. For example, in 1965 85 per cent of general merchants in Liberia were Lebanese, while in the same year in Uganda 70 per cent were Asians. ^ The Tables in the Appendix to this article indicate that this pattern was not the case in Rhodesia, where even if the Jewish and Hellenic populations are excluded, the larger proportion of trade remained in the hands of the predominantly British settler elite. This difference arose from the historical influences which brought British control to Central Africa and established the differential pattern of white settlement.
The alienation of man in modern technological society emerged as a concern central to many social issues of the 1960s. In that decade, the term "alienation" was appropriated as a watchword by an assortment of disaffected people who used it as a political, sociological, or psychological concept to indicate their perceived separation from the main stream of society. Not the least of its usage has been in the field of educational rhetoric where, very simply, it has been repeatedly held that the large Kafkaesque institutions that fulfill the function of formal education in our society are in one way or another responsible for, or at least characteristic of, much of the alienation in this society. This study is an attempt to arrive at the meaning of "alienation" as it is used in that context. In the process, it will examine not just alienation, but the family of concepts and explanations that surround the use of that term. Its main object will be to dispel sorne of the "woolly" notions that have underpinned the agonizing, criticizing, and recommendations for change that have been directed at existing practice in the schools. In the process, it will illustrate how, for tasks such as this one, certain modes of explanation are more suitable than others. If this study refers to "schooling" and not "education," it is simply because no agreement at all exists amongst educational theorists as to the meaning of the term "education," while there is unanimity on the question of "schooling" - it is the pro cess that takes place in the schools.
The concern in constitutional law with "overbreadth" is generally understood to denote a conscious departure from conventional standing concepts in free-expression cases. Assertedly justified by the special vulnerability of protected expression to impermissible deterrence, overbreadth doctrine invites litigants to attack the facial validity of rules which burden expressive interests. A litigant whose expression is admittedly within the constitutionally valid applications of a statute is permitted to assert the statute's potentially invalid applications with respect to other persons not before the court and with whom the litigant stands in no special relationship. Judicial focus is not on the protected character, vel non, of the litigant's expression but on the terms of the statutory rule being invoked to regulate that expression. Overbreadth methodology has its charms. Avowedly speech protective, it simultaneously fosters at least the illusion of comparative judicial restraint because it holds out the prospect that other means may exist to achieve legislative objectives. But charm is not its only attribute. Overbreadth's facial scrutiny approach has been seen as "strong medicine," and both the Court and commentators have struggled with various limiting conceptions. The result of these efforts is a body of doctrine widely perceived to be erratic and confusing. It seems appropriate, therefore, to take stock. What does overbreadth analysis entail? Specifically, how does its analytic structure differ from that of the "conventional" constitutional challenge with which it supposedly stands in contrast? Examined from this perspective, an increasingly wide gap appears between the views of the commentators and holdings of the Court, a gap obscured by the rhetoric accompanying the doctrine.
The problem for this thesis was to examine the historiographical material on Populism as a historical movement and relate it to a county in Kansas. The county selected for this study was Kearny, a county in the southwestern section of the state. In the study the general assumptions of the major writers on the subject were examined critically against research findings of this local investigation. Many of the assumptions and generalizations that have been accepted by historians in the past are in need of clarification or modification. The assumption by John D. Hicks in The Populist Revolt (1931) that out of the period 1888 to 1898 there were only two good crop years in Kansas is inaccurate. The high mortgage r ate that writers contemporary to Populism referred, as well as Hicks, must be modified to take into consideration the nature of many of the loans that were made during the boom period from 1885 to 1888. While Allan Bogue in his Money at Interest (1955) has provided a brief survey of the loan and mortgage problem much more work needs to be done in Kansas on their effect upon the political development of this period. There is tentative evidence that the rhetoric and reality were different. In addition this study has indicated that Populism had greater support in the western areas of Kansas than had formerly been assumed. On the local level it was found that local conditions in Kearny played an important role in whether Populism was accepted. Local newspapers provided primary material about conditions in the county during the Populist period, 1890-1898. The Kearny County Advocate, Lakin Index and Lakin Pioneer Democrat were the papers used. Count y records, the Biennial Reports of the various state departments and a local history, History of Kearny County, were used to reconstruct the county historically. The Kansas State Historical Society was utilized for newspaper research, census reading and manuscript evaluation.
Most of the rhetoric about the relationship between policy formation and research is rooted in the familiar rational model. But as is so often the case in human affairs, our deeds deny our discourse} At best, the decision process can lay claim to only limited rationality. This paper seeks to offer at least a partial explanation for this phenomenon and to suggest some ways of improving the linkage between research and policy formation. To achieve this two-fold purpose three theories accounting for the non-utilization of research will be noted and followed by a brief description of certain ways in which administrators seem to use research. Then two major situational factors which influence our use pattern will be elaborated. Finally, some implications will be derived for future action within an increasingly political framework. Throughout, the usual litany about the short-comings of educational research will be avoided. The perspective for these observations is that of an administrator. Thus, their source is primarily experience and intuition, buttressed wherever possible by the wisdom to be found in the professional literature. ; La rhétorique à l'égard des rapports entre la formation de politique et les recherches trouve ses origines dans le modèle familier du rationnel. Toutefois, comme il est souvent le cas dans les affaires humaines, nos gestes contredisent notre discours. Au mieux, le processus de prise de décision ne peut s'avérer que d'une ratiomlité restreinte. C'est l'Objectif de cette étude de proposer au moins une explication partielle de ce phénomène et de suggérer quelques moyens pour resserrer les liens entre les recherches et la formation de politique. Pour atteindre ce double objectif, trois théories, rendant compte de la "non-utilisation"de recherches, seront signalées et suivies d'une brève description de la mise en valeur des recherches chez certains administrateurs. Par la suite, s'élaboreront deux facteurs clés de situation qui influent sur notre modèle. Finalement, nous tirons certaines implications qui indiquent des démarches futures à l'intérieur d'un cadre politique toujours plus poussé. Nous évitons systématiquement la récitation de la même litanie critiquant les défauts des recherches pédagogiques. La perspective pour ces observations est celle d'un administrateur. La source de cette étude est alors principalement l'expérience et l'intuition soutenues, où cela s'avère possible, , par la sagesse puisée dans la littérature professionnelle
