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Contemporary political rhetoric and management reforms have highlighted accountability issues for government. A troubling feature associated with these management reforms is a gap between the expectations of management reform and the reality of the American culture of accountability. This culture gap is likely to be particularly evident in organizations that are structured around principles of command and control, such as the military. This article explores the cross pressures individuals face when they are urged to demonstrate initiative and obedience to command while operating within a web of accountability relationships that represent several different behavioral standards against which their performance can be judged.To conduct this research, the authors interviewed members of the Accident Investigation Board appointed by Major General Ryan, Commander of the United States Air Force Europe (USAFE), to investigate the April 1996 crash in Croatia of the military transport plane carrying United States Secretary of Commerce Ron Brown and his party of distinguished visitors. These personal interviews were supplemented with the official reports of the Accident Investigation Board and transcripts of testimony before the Board. Based on these data, we analyze the accountability dynamics involving the various military officials associated with the "mishap flight." We find that while institutional rhetoric and managerial conditions encouraged entrepreneurial behavior and initiative, the administrative reality still emphasized a risk‐averse, rules‐oriented approach to accountability when things went wrong.

In this paper I demonstrate how a man, in real time interaction, makes relevant his social identity as teacher and African American as he tries to get the students to adopt stylistic and strategic aspects of educated middle class rhetoric, which I call the abstract/ speculative inquiry style. When the teacher asserts certain institutional classroom interactional privileges associated with being a teacher (e.g., interrupting a student's turn) he highlights his identity qua teacher (and his interlocutors' identities qua students), and therefore highlights the power asymmetry of the social interaction. Insofar as the teacher exploits (and the students allow him to exploit) these power-asymmetrical interactional resources as he promotes abstract/speculative rhetorical inquiry, and attempts to silence concrete/empirical rhetorical inquiry, he and they imbue the character of teaching abstract/speculative inquiry with hegemonic, even coercive, political significance. When the teacher foregrounds his shared African American social identity with the students he 1) does not assert those institutional classroom interactional privileges associated with being a teacher, and 2) uses more concrete/empirical features in his own rhetoric —even as he attempts to promote abstract/speculative inquiry. As a consequence of these co-occurrence facts, the teacher marks both a particular rhetorical style (abstract/speculative inquiry) as well as a hierarchical classroom interactional ecology with non-African Americaness or whiteness, while imbuing concrete/empirical inquiry and a more symmetrical conversational ecology with African-Americaness.

[First paragraph]Columbus and the Ends of the Earth: Europe's Prophetic Rhetoric As Conquering Ideology. DJELAL KADIR. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992. xiv + 256 pp. (Cloth US$ 30.00)The Imaginative Landscape of Christopher Columbus. VALERIE IJ. FLINT. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992. xx + 233 pp. (Cloth US$ 30.00)Terra Cognita: The Mental Discovery of America. EVIATAR ZERUBAVEL. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1992. xiv + 164 pp. (Cloth US$ 17.00)Imagining the World: Mythical Belief versus Reality in Global Encounters. O.R. DATHORNE. Westport CT: Bergin & Garvey, 1994. x + 241 pp. (Cloth US$ 49.95)Three of the books under review were published in 1992, and each of them approaches the significance of Columbus's landfall 500 years earlier in a different way. What they have in common, as their titles and subtitles indicate, is that they all purport to be about a mental framework - an "imaginative landscape" (Flint), a "mental discovery" (Zerubavel), "Europe's prophetic rhetoric as conquering ideology" (Kadir), or "imagining the world" (Dathorne).The 1992 commemoration led to a flood of books on Columbus and on the discovery of America. Now that the commotion has died down, it becomes easier to separate the wheat from the chaff, to distinguish between occasional publications hastily put together for the occasion, and solid contributions to scholarship which, while never immune to their own times, may be expected to retain a value that is more than temporary.

This article examines the widespread belief that American presidents tailor their political message to suit the predispositions of their audiences. Some 69 of Lyndon B. Johnson's and 62 of Ronald Reagan's communications, as reproduced in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, are coded for content and assigned an ideology score; the audiences for each of these presidential communications are also categorized according to ideological predisposition. I expected to find Reagan, the ideologue, to be more consistent in message content than Johnson, the pragmatist. Yet both were nearly equal in the degree to which their messages were inconsistent. When the two presidents varied the content of their rhetoric, it accorded with the predispositions of their audiences, yet each varied his messages along a different dimension. When combined with findings of an earlier study, which concluded that Johnson had a penchant for tailoring Viet Nam messages to his audiences, it is argued that situation and beliefs are in a "push-pull" relationship, depending on the nature of the content of the presidential communication. When a "position" issue such as Viet Nam is at stake, the situation is likely to be more influential and presidential behavior more calculated; and when a "core" issue like freedom or equality is the subject of presidential rhetoric, beliefs are likely to be more important and presidential behavior more habitual.

Situating Obama's end-of-war discourse in the historical context of the 2001 terrorist attacks, this timely book begins with a detailed comparison with the Bush war-on-terror security narrative before examining elements of continuity and change in post-9/11 elite rhetoric. Erika King deftly employs two case studies of presidential and media framing - the weeks surrounding the formal announcements of Obama's December 2009 "surge-then-exit" strategy from Afghanistan and the end of combat operations in Iraq in August 2010 - to explore the role of mass media in presenting presidential narratives of war and finds evidence of an interpretive disconnect between the media and a president seeking to present a more nuanced approach to keeping America safe

In autumn 1944 Franklin Roosevelt's presidential campaign was losing momentum. Then, in Congressional debate, U. S. Representative Harold Knutson of Minnesota accused Roosevelt of extravagance, claiming he sent a Navy destroyer to the Aleutian Islands to retrieve his Scottish terrier. FDR parried these charges with "the Fala speech," a mocking and acerbic attack on Republicans ("No, not content with that, they now include my little dog, Fala") that reenergized his campaign. "The Fala speech" also indirectly rescued Richard Nixon. Under attack in the 1952 campaign, Nixon saved his vice presidential aspirations and political career with the "Checkers" address. However, the origin of "Checkers" in FDR's "Fala Speech" has been ignored. These rhetorical rescues offer insight into banality and pathos in political rhetoric.

A strange obsession for truth seems to define the present time: injunction to truth-telling, call to being authentic, fear of the fake are some of the features characterizing practices and rethorics of our living together. The realm of politics appears to be a privileged ground to this end, being able to grasp the symptoms diffused in the everyday life and configure them into steady models of behaviour through the effectiveness of its (self)representations. This paper aims to address the rhetoric pervasiveness of the concept of truth by inquiring the semantic field deployed by neologism "truthiness" and its Italian translation "veracità", tentatively defined as a "natural" truth that presents itself without mediation or filters and keeps together diverse phenomena, from popular wisdom to food wholesomeness. As a matter of fact, the need for witnessing one's genuine and truthful being seems to be the recurrent feature in several cultural expressions of the present time, as well as in the subsequent subjectivation processes. The goal of the paper is thus to analyse this "aesthetics of truthiness" to outline its specific enunciative strategies that testify how the matter of post-truth should be addressed primarily in terms of behaviours instead of knowledge.

"After World War II, Atlanta and Charlotte emerged as leading urban centers in the South, redefining the region through their competing metropolitan identities. Both cities also served as home to queer communities who defined themselves in accordance with their urban surroundings and profited to varying degrees from the emphasis on economic growth. Uniting southern women's history with urban history, La Shonda Mims considers an imaginatively constructed archive including feminist newsletters and queer bar guides alongside sources revealing corporate boosterism and political rhetoric to explore the complex nature of lesbian life in the South"--

Why is climate change the subject of such vehement political rhetoric in the United States? What explains the policy deadlock that has existed for nearly two decades—and that has resulted in the failure of US leadership in the international arena? Addressing these questions, Glen Sussman and Byron Daynes trace the evolution of US climate change policy, assess how key players—the scientific community, Congress, the president, the judiciary, interest groups, the states, and the public—have responded to climate change, and explore the prospects for effective policymaking in the future

A new era for 'school choice' and vouchers -- Civil rights rhetoric echoes in 'school choice' and vouchers -- Forgotten segregationists -- School choice and vouchers become segregationist tools -- Preserving virtual school segregation through vouchers -- The limits of lawsuits : toppling voucher programs but not segregated schools -- Milton Friedman and 'government schools' -- Challenging tax benefits of segregated private schools -- The 'post-racialist' standards movement -- For God and private schools -- No to 'racial-mixing,'yYes to vouchers -- New token students of choice -- Lingering facets of Jim Crow segregation -- Desegregation's future.

There is much heated rhetoric about the widening gulf between Europe and America. According to the American right, Europeans are lazy, defeatist and irreligious, while Americans are entrepreneurial, optimistic, and pious. And according to Europeans, America is harsh, dominated by the market, crime-ridden, violent, and sharp-elbowed. But are the US and Europe so different? Peter Baldwin, one of the world's leading historians of comparative social policy, thinks not, and in this bracingly argued but remarkably informed polemic, he lays out how similar the two continents really are.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Illustrations -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- 1. Antisemitism, Anti-Catholicism, and Anticlericalism -- 2. Jewish Anticlericalism and the Making of Modern Citizenship in the Late Enlightenment -- 3. Romanticism, Catholicism, and Oppositional Anticlericalism -- 4. Reforming Judaism, Defending the Family: Jews in the Catholic-Liberal Conflicts at Midcentury -- 5. Jews in the Transnational Culture Wars: Secularism and Anti-Papal Rhetoric -- 6. Representative Secularism: Jewish Members of Parliament and Religious Debate -- 7. Nationalism, Antisemitism, and the Decline of Jewish Anti-Catholicism -- Conclusion: Rethinking European Secularism from a Minority Perspective -- Abbreviations in the Endnotes -- Notes -- Index

An introduction to the violence of neoliberalism: crime harm and inequality -- Neoliberalism, consumerism and the global market -- Self-defense or neo-capitalist rhetoric? -- The commoditized spectacle : sports, violence and entertainment -- The cycle of oppression and inequality -- Neoliberalism as a tool and toolmaker in defining the value of the dead -- Neoliberalism, the carceral state and violence -- Neoliberalism and the selling of patriarchy -- The environmental death march : destruction, greed, profit and consumption -- The silent role of non-profit organizations in the neoliberalism trap -- The commodification and illusion of resistance -- Concluding thoughts.

Cover; Sage History Page; Halftitle Page; Marketing Page; Fulltitle Page; Copyright Page; CONTENTS; FOREWORD; PREFACE; ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS; 1 Setting the Stage; 2 The Partitioning of Madness; 3 Balm and Salve; 4 Partitioning of Minds and the Legitimitisation of Difference; 5 Borderline States and Their Interface with Psychiatry; 6 Writing and Rewriting Partition's Afterlife; 7 Refugees of the Partition of India; 8 Anger Is a Short Madness; 9 'Are We Women Not Citizens?'; 10 The Rhetoric of Violence; 11 Looking Within, Looking Without; ABOUT THE EDITORS ANDCONTRIBUTORS; INDEX

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: A Bind of Their Own Making -- PART ONE -- 1 Telling Stories -- 2 The Rhetoric of Reputation -- 3 Advocacy -- PART TWO -- 4 Your Word Is your Bond -- 5 The Sanctity of Property -- 6 Subjects of Selfhood -- 7 For Family and Property -- Afterword: From Property to Plessy -- Appendix: Researching Black Litigants -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W.