Legacy: Cecil Rhodes, the Rhodes Trust and Rhodes Scholarships
In: The round table: the Commonwealth journal of international affairs, Band 97, Heft 399, S. 899-901
ISSN: 0035-8533
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In: The round table: the Commonwealth journal of international affairs, Band 97, Heft 399, S. 899-901
ISSN: 0035-8533
In: Bulletin of the atomic scientists, Band 65, Heft 5, S. 71-81
ISSN: 1938-3282
In: New global studies, Band 13, Heft 3, S. 335-350
ISSN: 1940-0004
Abstract
The African borders established in Berlin in 1884–85, at the peak of Cecil John Rhodes' South African ambitions, were functional to the main five colonial-imperial powers, but certainly not to African societies then, nor to future generations. The residues of Rhodes' settler-colonial racism and extractive-oriented looting include major cities such as Johannesburg, which are witnessing worse inequality and desperation, even a quarter of a century after apartheid fell in 1994. In South Africa's financial capital, Johannesburg, a combination of post-apartheid neoliberalism and regional subimperial hegemony amplified xenophobic tendencies to the boiling point in 2019. Not only could University of Cape Town students tear down the hated campus statue of Rhodes, but the vestiges of his ethnic divide-and-conquer power could be swept aside. Rhodes did "fall," in March 2015, but the South African working class and opportunistic politicians took no notice of the symbolic act, and instead began to raise Rhodes' border walls ever higher, through ever more violent xenophobic outbreaks. Ending the populist predilection towards xenophobia will require more fundamental changes to the inherited political economy, so that the deep structural reasons for xenophobia are ripped out as convincingly as were the studs holding down Rhodes' Cape Town statue.
In: Women in higher education, Band 27, Heft 3, S. 9-9
ISSN: 2331-5466
In: The round table: the Commonwealth journal of international affairs, Band 105, Heft 2, S. 221-222
ISSN: 1474-029X
In: Race & class: a journal for black and third world liberation, Band 58, Heft 2, S. 70-78
ISSN: 1741-3125
The international Rhodes Must Fall campaign has reinvigorated public interest in the legacy of Cecil Rhodes, Empire and the production of historical memory. But it has also been subject to a fierce backlash in the rightwing media, which has fought against the campaign at an Oxford college to remove a statue of Cecil Rhodes both on the grounds of free speech (and the right to offend) and on the grounds that Rhodes must be judged by the standards of his time. Here, the author revisits Rhodes' legacy in Africa, detailing not only his imperial exploits via the British South Africa Company but the way he was reviled by British politicians, thinkers, and writers at the time – even at Oxford itself.
Blog: The Axe Files with David Axelrod
Ben Rhodes, President Obama's deputy national security advisor for strategic communications and speechwriting, speaks with David about his road to the White House, the role of Saudi Arabia in 9/11, working with Hillary Clinton as Secretary of State, what went wrong in Libya, his optimism about lifting the Cuban embargo, and his defense of the President's approach to foreign policy.
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Blog: The Axe Files with David Axelrod
Ben Rhodes thought he wanted to pursue creative writing, but witnessing the 9/11 terrorist attacks as a graduate student at New York University altered his career path. He joined the 2008 Obama campaign as a speechwriter, eventually becoming deputy national security advisor for strategic communications in the Obama administration. He joined David to talk about how American foreign policy has shaped the world in the last 30 years, what he learned from traveling with Obama during and after his time in the White House, national identity, and his new book, After the Fall: Being American in the World We've Made.
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leyds-60-8179.pdf created from original pamphlet in the WJ Leyds Collection held in the Africana Section of the Stellenbosch University Library and Information Service. ; Mr. Rhodes has cost the Empire some sixty millions in cash and some seventeen thousand in killed and wounded, not to speak of the ill-will of foreign States and the risks and expenses involved therein. Without taking into account the degradation of national sentiment and national ideals that has resulted from the unhappy ascendancy he has managed to attain.
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In: Roger Williams University Law Review, Forthcoming
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