Suchergebnisse

Questa tesi consiste nell'analisi socio-antropologica delle risposte al sisma che il 20 e il 29 maggio ha colpito l'area nord della pianura padano-emiliana, in Italia. La zona precisa di ricerca è stata quella compresa tra i comuni di Mirandola, Cavezzo, Concordia sul Secchia e San Possidonio, della provincia di Modena. Il soggetto specifico è stato Sisma.12, un comitato di terremotati, apartitico e trasversale, che porta avanti specifiche rivendicazioni, elaborando e ponendo in essere politiche "dal basso", che nascono dalle esperienze dei suoi membri, differenti ma partecipate, come alternative alle scelte messe in atto dalle istituzioni. ; This is a contribution to the analysis of the socio-cultural responses to the earthquake that hit the area north of the Po Valley, in Emilia (Italy) on the 20 and 29 of May, 2012. The exact area of research is located in the cities of Mirandola, Cavezzo, Concordia sul Secchia and San Possidonio, all of them situated in the Modena district. The subject of the survey is Sisma.12, a committee founded by some earthquake victims, "not-partisan and ideologically cross" claiming for specific rights. Also offering solutions to such a disaster, starting from the individual experience of its members, though different but participated, as alternative to the choices made by the institutions.

The article casts the light on how and to what extent the recent EU legislative developments can uphold the thesis that would identify cybersecurity as a public good, in particular, taking into account systems' robustness. The doctrine of the public good, which is typically an economic concept, in its normative dimension reveals a framework of shared responsibilities, in view of the common interest in having a satisfactory level of security of the information systems at the basis of our societies. Improving cybersecurity is essential, on the one hand, to trust and benefit from innovation, connectivity and automation; on the other hand, for safeguarding fundamental rights and freedoms, including the rights to privacy and to the protection of personal data, and the freedom of expression and information. Against this background, the new strategy of the European Commission on cybersecurity, the proposal for an NIS 2.0 Directive and, at a lower level of abstraction, the inclusion of minimum cybersecurity requirements for connected devices in the Directives and Regulations of the "New Legislative Framework" (NLF), testify the firm will of the Commission to outline a clear, coherent and inclusive regulatory framework, in order to increase the global level of security within the Union.

Genital modifications are rites of institution related to gender binarism. The article elucidates how only some of them came to be depicted as "traditional", irrational, backward, and harmful by the humanitarian morality, which, after having associated them to "non-therapeutic" reasons, labelled them as "Female Genital Mutilation". The authors illustrate the problematical aspects of this globalised order of discourse on FGM, by articulating theories on humanitarian reason, gendered subjection and vernacularization. Thanks to the ethnography, the essay highlights that critical political anthropology is needed in order to stop concealing the multiple subjectivities who are implicated in this issue. ; Le modificazioni dei genitali sono riti di istituzione che partecipano al binarismo di genere. L'articolo ricostruisce come solo alcune di queste, connotate come "tradizionali", irrazionali, primitive e dannose, per il loro carattere "non terapeutico", siano state definite dalla morale umanitaria Mutilazioni Genitali Femminili/MGF. Le autrici evidenziano le criticità dell'ordine del discorso globale sulle MGF, intersecando le teorie della ragione umanitaria, dell'assoggettamento di genere e della vernacolarizzazione. Grazie all'etnografia, si evidenzia quindi l'importanza di un'antropologia critica del politico che non invisibilizzi le multipli soggettività coinvolte.

International audience ; The literature on the right to the city, which has seen a major resurgence in recent years, focuses primarily on two subjects, which specifically interrogate the relationship of city-dwellers to the State: social movements/urban citizenship. In order that the claim of a right to the city might be codified, whether overtly or implicitly, numerous works (Purcell, Kyumulu, etc.) also emphasize the extent to which the right to the city manifests in widely diverse "questions", any of which may well contradict or be in competition with any other.In the framework of a comparative research program (DALVAA "Rethinking the right to the city from the Southern cities – perspectives on sub Saharan Africa/Latin America) we distance ourselves from these uses of the idea of right to the city and their emancipatory political ambitions. We put forth the right to the city as an exploratory notion that interrogates the processes of organization and normalization of postcolonial urban societies, from which we posit the hypothesis that they are partly marked by neoliberal rationalities currently under construction. The goal is to shift the analytical focus from an anti-establishment social group, politically constructed in conflict, to the subject ("the individual in socialization" to use Henri Lefebvre's phrase), understood through his social and spatial practices. Through this shifting of focus, we aim to reveal the modes of control and the exercise of power in the city. Analyzing on the micro level, we attempt to interrogate the processes of the construction of norms through the prism of the position of subjects in the practices of control of public space. In Cape Town and Lomé, forms of resistance and of production of counter-rationalities in ordinary, and not conflictual or post-crisis, space-time will be analyzed using qualitative field data.In Cape Town, we will analyze the control of a central historic square, which has been heritage-ized and "beautified" in the framework of a politics of neoliberal ...

In Italy, the recent Pillon bill "Rules on shared custody, direct maintenance and guarantee of parents double entitlement" and related shows unequivocally the attack on the rights won by women and minorities in family matters. It is not a "road accident", which can be amended through the discussion in the Justice Commission, but on the contrary, it fully represents the substantial coincidence on the issue of rights among the political forces that today constitute, in Italy, the governing majority. ; In Italia, il recente Ddl Pillon "Norme in materia di affido condiviso, mantenimento diretto e garanzia di bigenitorialità" e collegati mostra in modo inequivocabile l'attacco ai diritti conquistati dalle donne e dalle minoranze in materia familiare. Esso non è un "incidente di percorso", emendabile attraverso la discussione in Commissione Giustizia, ma rappresenta al contrario, con piena evidenza, la sostanziale coincidenza sul tema dei diritti tra le forze politiche che costituiscono oggi, in Italia, la maggioranza di governo.

Pravo na samoodređenje naroda jedno je od najspornijih pojmova u međunarodnome javnom pravu. Jednako tako, taj je pojam ne samo pravni već i filozofski, politološki, sociološki i povlači za sobom razna pitanja i reperkusije. Zbog toga se njegovoj analizi treba pristupiti detaljno, postupno i interdisciplinarno kako bi se sagledali razni važni aspekti toga pojma koji dovode do odgovora na pitanje je li samoodređenje naroda princip ili pravo i koga se tiče, je li to pravo jus cogens de facto i de iure ili je uvjetovano i ograničeno drugim pravilima suvremenoga međunarodnopravog poretka. Tu se prije svega misli na kogentnu zabranu narušavanja teritorijalnoga integriteta postojećih država te ugrožavanja međunarodnoga mira i stabilnosti proklamiranih još u Povelji Ujedinjenih naroda. To povlači za sobom razmatranje načela uti possidetis i njegovih korijena i obveznosti primjene, jednako kao i secesije kao najčešće posljedice afirmativnoga ostvarivanja prava na samoodređenje naroda. Također se na to nadovezuje i pitanje disolucije država, najčešće federalnih, za koju se treba proanalizirati ima li ona materijalne razlike s obzirom na secesiju koja također nije izrijekom ni dopuštena ni zabranjena. Autor sve te povezane pojave i pojmove interpretira kroz nama najbliže poznat slučaj, i dalje nedavnoga, raspada bivše Jugoslavije koja je bila moderni presedan za federalne države, a ima odjeka i u aktualnim zbivanjima poput onih u Ukrajini i Španjolskoj. Da bi se imao još potpuniji dojam o povezanosti prava, politike i raznih interesa, progovara se i o konstitutivnosti naroda, manjinama i njihovim pravima na osnovi raznih dokumenata i mišljenja teoretičara te i o državotvornosti i državnom priznanju za koje jednako tako nema konsenzusa o tome je li ono konstitutivni ili deklaratorni akt trećih država i međunarodne zajednice. Da bi se izbjegao najgori mogući scenarij, a to je onaj prihvaćanja pravnoga "statusa quo", treba kroz otvoreno raspravljanje i davanje prijedloga de lege ferenda precizirati pravnu problematiku kako se ne bi političkim i javnim diverzijama ili distrakcijama prikrivali interesi koji su ili suprotni duhu Ujedinjenih naroda ili su, s druge strane, legitimno suprotstavljeni jedni drugima. ; The right to self-determination of peoples is one of the most controversial concepts in public international law. Also, this concept is not only legal, but also philosophical, and also pertains to political science, sociology and entails various issues and repercussions. Therefore, its analysis should be approached in detail, gradually and with an interdisciplinary approach in order to comprehend the various important aspects of the concept that leads toward the answer to the following question - Is the self- determination of peoples a principle or a right and what else in involved here? Is this right jus cogens de facto and de jure or is it conditioned by the organic other rules of contemporary international order? This primarily refers to the cogent ban of breaching the territorial integrity of existing states and jeopardizing international peace and stability as proclaimed in the Charter of the United Nations. This entails a consideration of the principle of uti possidetis and its roots, as well as secession, the most common consequence of the affirmative exercising of the right to self-determination of peoples. Also on the continuation and dissolution of states, mostly federal, which is necessary for an analysis whether or not there are any material differences in relation to secession, which is also neither permitted nor prohibited. The author here will interpret our closest known case (one still recent) the breakup of the former Yugoslavia, which was a modern precedent for a federal state and has reverberation in current events like those in the Ukraine. In order to have a more complete impression of law, policy and various interests will also make mention of the constitutionality of peoples, minorities and their rights through a variety of documents and the opinions of scholars and also concepts concerning the nation and state recognition. There is no consensus whether it is a constitutive or declaratory act by third countries and the international community. In order to avoid a worst case scenario, the acceptance of the legal "status quo", it should be openly debated in order to avoid political and public diversions or distractions that hide interests which are either contrary to the spirit of the United Nations or, on the other hand, legitimately opposed to each other. ; Il diritto di autodeterminazione dei popoli è uno dei termini più discussi del diritto internazionale pubblico. Inoltre, questo termine non è soltanto giuridico, ma anche filosofico, politico, sociologico e lega a sé varie polemiche e ripercussioni. È per questo che l'approccio all'analisi del termine dev'essere dettagliato, graduale ed interdisciplinare affinché si possano osservare i vari aspetti del termine che portano alla risposta del quesito se l'autodeterminazione nazionale è un principio o un diritto e relativo a chi, se è un diritto jus cogens de facto e de iure o se è condizionato e limitato da altre norme del diritto internazionale contemporaneo. Qui si parla in primis del divieto cogente di lesione dell'integrità territoriale e della pace internazionale e della stabilità proclamati persino nella Dichiarazione delle Nazioni Unite. Il tutto suppone l'osservazione del principio uti possidetis, delle sue radici e dell'obbligo d'implementazione, come anche della secessione, conseguenza più frequente della realizzazione affermativa del diritto di autodeterminazione dei popoli. Inoltre, ciò è relativo al fenomeno della dissoluzione degli stati, soprattutto federali, per i quali è doveroso analizzare la presenza di distinzioni materiali riguardanti la secessione, la quale di per sé non è esplicitamente né opzionale né vietata. L'autore interpreta i relativi fenomeni e termini per mezzo del caso a noi più vicino e più familiare, la dissoluzione dell'ex Jugoslavia, la quale è stata un precedente moderno per gli stati federali, e che ha ripercussioni anche nei casi attuali dell'Ucraina e della Catalonia in Spagna. Con lo scopo di cristalizzare il legame fra il diritto, la politica e i vari interessi, si parla anche della costitutività dei popoli, delle minoranze e dei loro diritti in base ai molti documenti e alle opinioni degli analitici, ed infine della creazione e del riconoscimento di uno stato, per i quali nemmeno prevale un consenso se si tratta di un atto costituente o declaratorio da parte di terzi e della comunità internazionale. Al fine di evitare degli esiti catastrofici, ossia l'interiorizzazione dello "status quo" a livello giuridico, è opportuno discutere in maniera aperta per precisare la problematica legislativa ed evidenziare gli interessi contrari allo spirito delle Nazione Unite o semplicemente giustificatamente opposti.

The legislative elections in Italy witnessed the success of radical political groups extremely opposed to immigration and specially inclined to intolerant slogans, such as the Northern League (Lega Nord) and other extreme right forces; results reveal many contradictions existing in a society in need of immigrants which, at the same time, finds it difficult to accept them. The country's long transition, begun in 1992, is still far from ending, and the crisis -political, financial and social- seems to turn Italian citizens into more cruel people. Can a country with over 60 million inhabitants suddenly loose, in a short period of time, its historical memory? Meanwhile, in a context of prejudice and associations opposed to the presence of new mosques, in fear of future invasions and legislative disorder, the number of foreigners in Italy is not as high as it is thought of, and many relevant sectors in economy demand the arrival of more immigrants. The integration is longed for but not yet achived. ; Il successo, nelle elezioni italiane, di forze politiche "antisistema" come la Lega Nord o l'estrema destra, piú contrarie all'immigrazione e piú inclini a slogan intolleranti, dimostra le mille contraddizioni di una societá che ha bisogno degli immigrati e che fatica ad accettarli socialmente. La lunga transizione, incominciata nel 1992, é ben lungi dal terminare, e la crisi politica, economica, sociale, sembra aver incattivito gli italiani. Ma puó un paese con 60 milioni di oriundi perdere improvvisamente, nel giro di pochi decenni, la sua memoria storica?.Intanto, fra pregiudizi e comitati che si oppongono alla costruzione di nuove moschee, timori di invasioni e disordine legislativo, si scopre che in Italia il numero di stranieri non é poi cosí alto come molti pensano e che molti settori dell'economia continuano a richiederne di piú. In attesa di una integrazione che ancora non c'è.

The paper takes into account a feature of Hans Kelsen's juridical thinking that has been so far rather underestimated: the weight of normativism on his theory of private law. The author closely connects Kelsen's critical approach to the notion of subjective right and further relates the legal norms to the institutions of the market economy. The interepretative assumptions of Kelsen are constantly confronted with the theoretical background that propelled the development of the modern constitutional state based on the rule of law.

The Faculty of Political Science of Florence – the oldest school of political and social science in Italy, founded in 1875 by Carlo Alfieri and named after his father Cesare – has a tradition of study that is widely recognised, even abroad, to which the cultural project of this series is related. The first book is dedicated to the research activity carried out by Luciano Cavalli and the profound traces that it has left on Italian and European sociology. Now Professor Emeritus, Luciano Cavalli taught and worked at the "Cesare Alfieri" for many years from 1966 on. Around his commitment as a "pioneer" of sociology in Italy he mustered an array of sociologists, active in different universities, many of whom have opened up new frontiers within the discipline and have successfully cultivated a dialogue with the other social sciences, as the contents of the book clearly illustrate. This extensive collection of essays offers a clear image of the fertile sociological work that burgeoned around the scientific commitment of Luciano Cavalli and was often generated by his own action of cultural stimulus. The three sections into which the book is divided – Portrait of an intellectual, The sociology of political phenomena and Sociological theory and social change – address issues of great relevance to the contemporary sociological debate. The rapport between the democratic construction of the modern State and the role and functions of the leadership, the relations between citizens and leaders, the various forms of the democratic institutional structures and the transformations of political culture are interwoven with the Neo-Weberian interpretation of the charisma theory that Cavalli masterfully proposed. Also particularly significant and topical are the critical reflections made by writers whose scientific itinerary has run parallel to that of Cavalli for decisive stretches, and who were and are bound to his teaching when they tackle arguments such as the changes in urban life, immigration and the problems of economic, political and social development in our times.

The paper inquires how Italian political institutions have coped with the Covid-19 emergency, on the ground of the restrictions of fundamental rights that have been provided on the whole territory of the State during the months of March, April and May 2020, as well as of the management of health care, where the division of competences between the central State and the Regions has engendered a series of troubles both for citizens and for doctors

The principle of equality, as widely accepted, contains both the profile of formal equality - i.e. the prohibition of unjustified discrimination - and the substantial one, essentially coinciding with the realization of the conditions of emancipation of disadvantaged subjects. In this second perspective, the principle of equality has been emphasized more for its political importance than for the construction of the tasks of the State and the regime of the activity of private subjects. With the affirmation of the neo-liberal ideology, the globalization of the market and technology and in the face of the fiscal crisis of the State, the political impulses that sustained the demand for equality as a claim on the State has suffered a radical eclipse. This is confirmed by the emergence of reflection on individual inequalities. The latter identify the person since his economic relations or of his specific social roles, breaking the unity of person itself. Substantial equality, therefore, ceases to be a general claim of the person, central to the legal system, to make way for positive actions with respect to some specific roles that the person plays in social and economic relations. The legal debate has punctually followed this new direction; those who have dedicated themselves to the theme of substantial equality, have done so by posing the theme as a political question. On the other hand, it seems necessary to pose the problem of the importance of the principle of substantive equality as a pure legal norm. Methodologically, the aim is to indicate which elements of change in the legal system are important and to indicate their role in the problem of equality. The aim of the essay is to indicate the properly juridical importance of equality, placing it in the dynamics of fundamental rights in their relationship with the Republic. In this perspective, if a portion of sovereignty is permanently retained in fundamental rights, equality is the measure of the task - of all public and private bodies - of making available the ...

During his first months in Italy Henry VII acts now as rex pacificus, chosen by the communities as peace's guarantor, now as emperor-judge, fully conscious of being selected from God's will, now as a compliant politician, now as an authoritarian rights' holder, now as a merciful ruler, now as an inflexible one. He adjusts to different city interlocutors and contexts two unlike and opposite sovereignty's concepts, which are the outcome at times of a local collective will, at times of an unquestionable universal authority. This behaviour proves his political realism beyond his need to protect the Empire's "symbolic capital". ; Ora rex pacificus, scelto dalla collettività come garante di pace, ora imperatore giudice, investito da Dio del proprio ruolo, ora duttile politico, ora autoritario detentore di diritti, ora misericordioso, ora inflessibile, in questo suo primo anno in Italia Enrico VII concilia, a seconda degli interlocutori e dei contesti urbani di riferimento, due diverse e contrapposte concezioni della sovranità, espressione talvolta di una volontà collettiva a livello locale, talvolta di un'indiscutibile autorità universale, dimostrando realismo politico al di là della necessità di difendere il "capitale simbolico" dell'impero.

This thesis analyses how Italy and France dealt with handling and controlling Italian opposition in France. Chosen time interval elapses from 1920 to 1986. During these years two political opponents' migratory waves were monitored by the two nations: anti fascist emigration and several revolutionary left wing former militants of the Seventies emigration. The thesis analysis by a long period perspective how French and Italian institutions confronted with such a phenomenon, particularly considering the issue of juridical status conferred to Italian opponents abroad. During analysed period Italy and France operated in a precise diplomatic context characterised by the multiplication of bilateral and multilateral interrelations that progressively became more and more crucial with regards to the states' management of political emigration. Carried out analysis will underline continuity and breaches of this relation. Thesis first part analyses Italian Reign period from 1870 to end of Second World War. Introduction will mark the origin of asylum key principles that precedes chosen historical period but is fundamental to analyse the juridical frame of France and Italy future steps. First and Second Chapter focus on years between 1920 and 1940, with particular attention to political emigration handling by a bilateral (Chap. 1) and by a multilateral perspective (Chap. 2). Thesis Second part focuses on Republican Italy. The Introduction retraces juridical frame partial changes and focuses on asylum debate in the Italian Constituent. Analysis of political emigration handling will be carried out both from a bilateral (Chap. 3) and multilateral perspective (Chap. 4). ; Ce travail de recherche plonge ses racines dans l'analyse de la typologie d'accueil particulière dont ont bénéficié les exilés politiques italiens des années 1970-1980. La problématique à la base de cette thèse se propose de comprendre si la politique française d'accueil de ces années-là peut être considérée comme un fait nouveau ou si, au contraire, elle est à interpréter comme un geste dont les racines remontent à une plus longue histoire : celle de l'asile politique. Nous analyserons selon une perspective de longue période le rapport existant entre les institutions politiques et administratives des Etats et les groupes sociaux. Avec cette analyse, nous voudrions contribuer à reconstruire l'origine des pratiques, des instruments et finalement des conceptions politiques et juridiques que la France et l'Italie ont appliquées au groupe d'émigrés politiques italiens en France. La thèse se compose des deux parties, (avant et après deuxième guerre mondiale). Nous allons d'abord reconstruire la naissance des principes constitutifs de l'asile politique en Europe tout au long du XIX siècle. Nous allons donc analyser la gestion étatique de la présence en France d'une grande partie de l'opposition italienne pendant les années Vingt et Trente, d'abord selon une perspective bilatérale, et ensuite internationale. Dans la deuxième partie du travail nous allons reconstruire les changements du cadre juridique de référence au lendemain de la deuxième guerre mondiale. Nous allons ensuite analyser la façon dont les Etats ont géré la présence en France de l'opposition extra-parlementaire italienne des années soixante-dix, d'abord d'un point de vue bilatéral, et ensuite multilatéral.

In various works published in the last decades, antisemitic and antijudaic motives have been found in Kant's philosophy. Moreover, Kantian wish of an «euthanasia of Judaism» has been interpreted as forerunner of Nazism. This kind of misunderstanding of Kant's position can be avoided – this is the main thesis of this essay – only taking into proper account the political and social condition of Jews in Kant's time, on one hand, and the whole Kantian philosophy of religion, on the other one, including those passages where themes are tackled, even though without mentioning Jews, which were politically conclusive for their fate. Kant expressly challenged the legitimacy of serfdom, which was Jews' juridical status; the destiny he wished for Judaism, that is its reduction to pure moral religion, was the same he wished for Christianity; if the ways of expressing his attitude towards the dominating revealed religion are involved, it's because he knew that the Prussian censor would have been his first reader, and could also be the only one.

This paper explores the normative challenges of digital security technologies i.e., end-to-end (E2E) encryption and metadata analysis, in particular in the context of law enforcement activities. Internet of Things (IoT) devices embedded in smart environments (e.g., smart cities) increasingly rely on E2E encryption in order to safeguard the confidentiality of information and uphold individuals' fundamental rights, such as privacy and data protection. In November 2020, the Council of the EU published a resolution titled "Encryption – Security through encryption and security despite encryption". The resolution seeks to ensure the ability of security and criminal justice authorities to access data in a lawful and targeted manner. Nonetheless, in the context of pre-emptive surveillance and criminal investigations, E2E encryption renders the analysis of the content of communications extremely challenging or practically impossible, even when access to data could be lawful. Here, two different layers of complexity seem to emerge. They concern: (i) whether a balance between the values protected by E2E encryption and the aims of law enforcement can be attained; (ii) whether state-of-the-art AI models can preserve the advantages of E2E encryption, allowing for inferences of valuable information from communication traffic, with the aim of detecting possible threats or illicit content. Against this backdrop, we firstly examine whether AI algorithms, such as Machine Learning and Deep Learning, might be part of the solution, especially when it comes to data-driven and statistical methods for applying classification in encrypted communication traffic so as to infer sensitive information about individuals. Secondly, we consider the possible uses of AI tools in the analysis of IoT-generated data in smart cities scenarios, focusing on metadata analysis. We explore whether that AI-based classification of encrypted traffic can circumscribe the scope of law enforcement monitoring operations, in compliance with the European surveillance case-law. Finally, as far as our research focus is concerned, we discuss how the use of AI bears the potential of smoothing traditional trade-offs between security and fundamental rights, allowing for encrypted traffic analysis without breaking encryption.