Suchergebnisse

[spa] La presente tesis doctoral, desde un prisma socio-jurídico, analiza el tratamiento de la inmigración internacional en Chile. El objetivo de esta investigación es indagar los razonamientos predominantes al abordar los flujos de personas en dicho país. En este sentido se reconocen cuatro lógicas prevalentes: instrumental, securitaria, caritativa, y racista, segregadora y discriminadora. Estas lógicas imperan en la gestión de la movilidad humana en Chile, tanto a nivel normativo, como político-institucional, discursivo y social. A través del estudio de la legislación, de los programas implementados, de las políticas adoptadas, de la institucionalidad vigente, de las retóricas empleadas y de los comportamientos sociales se traza un diagnóstico del tratamiento de los desplazamientos de personas, cuestionando la forma de gestionar los mismos, en tanto no respondería a un Estado de Derecho coherente, sino más bien, se condice con una gestión securitaria, criminalizadora, instrumental y victimizadora de la migración, que visualiza al otro como una amenaza laboral, económica, sociocultural y a la seguridad, en fin, en Chile la migración se aborda desde el paradigma del control y no desde el prisma de los derechos humanos. Comprendiendo que quien se desplaza debe ser reconocido por su calidad de persona, se plantean propuestas que buscan propender a una mejor forma de abordar los flujos humanos en este país. ; [cat] La present tesi doctoral, des de un prisma soci cultural, analitza el tractament de la immigració internacional a Xile. L'objectiu d'aquesta recerca és indagar els raonaments que predominen en abordar els fluxos de persones en aquest país. En aquest sentit es reconeixen quatre lògiques prevalent: la instrumental, la de seguretat, la caritativa i racista, la segregadora i discriminatòria. Aquestes lògiques imperen en la gestió de la mobilitat humana a Xile, tant en un nivell normatiu, com polític – institucional, discursiu i social. A través de l'estudi de la legislació dels programes implementats, de les polítiques adoptades, de la institucionalitat vigent, de les retòriques emprades i dels comportaments socials es traça un diagnòstic del tractament dels desplaçaments de les persones, qüestionant la forma de gestionar els mateixos, en tant que no respondria a un Estat de Dret coherent, sinó més aviat es condice amb una gestió de seguretat criminalitzadora instrumental i victimitzadora, de la migració, que visualitza a l'altre com una amenaça laboral, econòmica, sociocultural i de seguretat, en fi a Xile la migració s'aborda des del paradigma del control i no pas des del prisma dels drets humans. Comprenent que qui es desplaça ha de ser reconegut per la seva qualitat com a persona, es plantegen propostes que busquen propendir a una millor forma d'abordar els fluxos humans en aquest país. ; [eng] This doctoral dissertation analyses the treatment of international migration in Chile from a socio-legal standpoint. The objective of this research is to delve into the traditional arguments used for addressing the entry of people in this country. Accordingly, the research recognizes four prevalent justifications: instrumental, securitarian, charitable, and racist, segregated and discriminatory. These justifications have prevailed in the management of the migration process in Chile, at a normative level, but also at a political-institutional, discursive and social levels. Through the study of legislation, implemented programs, adopted policies, current institutions, used discourses, and social behaviors, a diagnosis is proposed on the treatment for the movement of people. This diagnosis questions the way of handling migration, because it would not be aligned with a coherent Rule of Law, but with a securitarian, criminalizing, instrumental and victimizing way of management, that understands the other as a labor, economic, sociocultural, and security threat. In a nutshell, in Chile, migration is handled from a control paradigm and not from a human rights' paradigm. Assuming that who is migrating must be recognized as a human being, the research sets out proposals that look to address in a better way the migration phenomenon in Chile.

At the ideological level, the protection of human rights and freedoms in the United States is proclaimed as a political, legal and moral axiom. It has become a generally accepted view that the rule of law conception reflects the meaning and content of the US legal system, which is based on the original values of the American people.The ideological source of the rule of law conception in the United States was the theological direction of natural law theory. The theological direction, based in the United States on the doctrines of Calvinism, developed an attitude to law as a supernatural entity that is not subject to the state. The article considers the influence of these ideas on the formation of the modern rule of law conception in the United States. It is impossible to give a comprehensive and correct definition of the rule of law that included all the meanings of the concept and its equivalents in all languages. This creates an analogy with large-scale sacred concepts, such as "God". It can be said that the concept "rule of law" is definitely similar in this sense to the concept "God", which is also inclusive in its sphere, and means the objectified supernatural entity that is the object of worship and the source of the good. ; En el nivel ideológico, la protección de los derechos humanos y las libertades en los Estados Unidos se proclama como un axioma político, legal y moral. Se ha convertido en una opinión generalmente aceptada que la concepción del estado de derecho refleja el significado y el contenido del sistema legal de los Estados Unidos, que se basa en los valores originales del pueblo estadounidense.La fuente ideológica de la concepción del estado de derecho en los Estados Unidos fue la dirección teológica de la teoría de la ley natural. La dirección teológica, basada en los Estados Unidos sobre las doctrinas del calvinismo, desarrolló una actitud hacia la ley como una entidad sobrenatural que no está sujeta al estado. El artículo considera la influencia de estas ideas en la formación de la concepción moderna del estado de derecho en los Estados Unidos. Es imposible dar una definición completa y correcta del estado de derecho que incluya todos los significados del concepto y sus equivalentes en todos los idiomas. Esto crea una analogía con conceptos sagrados a gran escala, como "Dios". Se puede decir que el concepto "estado de derecho" es definitivamente similar en este sentido al concepto "Dios", que también es inclusivo en su esfera, y significa la entidad sobrenatural objetivada que es el objeto de adoración y la fuente de lo bueno. ; No nível ideológico, a proteção dos direitos humanos e liberdades nos Estados Unidos é proclamada como um axioma político, legal e moral. Tornou-se uma opinião geralmente aceita que a concepção do estado de direito reflete o significado e o conteúdo do sistema legal dos Estados Unidos, que é baseado nos valores originais do povo americano.A fonte ideológica da concepção do estado de direito nos Estados Unidos foi a direção teológica da teoria do direito natural. A direção teológica, baseada nos Estados Unidos sobre as doutrinas do calvinismo, desenvolveu uma atitude em relação à lei como uma entidade sobrenatural que não está sujeita ao estado. O artigo considera a influência dessas idéias na formação da concepção moderna do Estado de Direito nos Estados Unidos. É impossível dar uma definição completa e correta do estado de direito que inclua todos os significados do conceito e seus equivalentes em todas as línguas. Isso cria uma analogia com conceitos sagrados em grande escala, como "Deus". Pode-se dizer que o conceito de "Estado de Direito" é definitivamente semelhante a este respeito a "Deus", que é também incluir no seu âmbito, conceito e significa entidade sobrenatural objetivado que é o objeto de adoração e a fonte do bem.

[ES] Los medios de comunicación social no sólo transmiten noticias sobre las drogas sino que representan un poderoso medio de acción para el pleno desarrollo de las personas. Analizar la relación entre los medios de comunicación y el complejo fenómeno de las drogas constituye el primer paso para la acción educativa. A partir de esta comprensión se podrá poner en marcha la «nueva enseñanzaaprendizaje », desde una visión más realista de la cuestión de las drogas, que asuma los derechos de las personas consumidoras y no consumidoras. Estamos ante una cuestión social en la que habrá que valorar tanto las sustancias y las personas como los condicionantes sociales (culturales, políticos, económicos) que dan vida a este complejo fenómeno. Presentar la información sobre las drogas sin dramatismos y con la mayor objetividad posible teniendo en cuenta la variedad de elementos que en ella intervienen, facilita tomar decisiones saludables ante las drogas. Más allá del prohibicionismo, al sistema educativo compete ofertar los recursos necesarios para que las personas y, en definitiva, la sociedad, pueda actuar de forma saludable ante esas sustancias denominadas drogas, y en todo lo relacionado con ellas. Se trata, en definitiva, en aprender a domesticar las drogas tanto legales como ilegales. ; [EN] The social media doesn't just broadcast some news about drugs themselves but they even set up a powerful way of acting to fulfil people's development. The first steps which should be taken is to analyse the relationship between the media and the complex phenomenon from drugs. From this understanding attitude, it could be carried out a new learning approach, from a more realistic point of view about drug issues, which will undertake the rights of the consumers and non consumers. We are facing up a social question where we will have to consider the substances and the people as well as the determining factors (cultural, political and economical issues) which actually leads to this complex phenomenon. It will be much easier to make a healthy decisión towards drugs, if when presenting any information we try to be more objective and not over dramatize, taking into account the variety of facts that they are to be taken part. Further on from being forbidden, the educative system's duty is to offer the necessary resources for people, and in a short while, towards society, in order to enable them how to behave in a healthy way whenever they find this kind of substances or even anything which could be related to with. To sum up, it could be said that it's just a matter of learning how to tackle with legal and illegal drugs. ; [FR] Les moyens de communication sociale ne sont que des transmetteurs d'informations sur les drogues. lis sont aussi un moyen d'action pour le développement integral des individus. La premiére chosse a faire pour entreprendre une action educative serait d'analyser la relation entre les moyens de comunication et le phénoméne des drogues. Et c'est a partir de cette compréhension qu'on pourra mettre en marche le nouvel «enseignement-apprentissage» d'un point de vue plus réaliste sur les drogues, qui tienne en compte les droits des consommateurs ou des non consommateurs. Nous voilá en face d'un probléme social oú il foudra évaluer autant les substances et les personnes comme les conditionnants sociaux (culturéis, politiques, économiques) qui conforment un phénoméne si compléxe. Pour pouvoir prende les décisions face aux drogues et qui soient en méme temps útiles a la santé, il est nécessaire de présenter l'information sur celles-ci sans dramatismes et avec objectivité, en tenant compte du grand nombre d'éléments qui y interviennent. Au systéme éducatif correspondra alors offrir toutes les ressources nécessaires pour que les personnes et la société puissent agir face á ees substances et tout ce qui les concerne. Il s'agit, en définitive, d'apprendre a apprivoiser les drogues, les légales ainsi que les ilegales.

In the sprawling megalopolis of Metro Manila, the failure or inability of centralized public and privatized water service utilities to connect outlying and poor communities within their service areas led to the emergence of community-owned water providers run by cooperatives and neighborhood associations, often led and initiated by women. Born out of necessity and daily struggles to provide water for their households, communities organize themselves as water service cooperatives or associative water systems that assume the traditional role of the state as duty-bearers in ensuring universal access and human rights to water. Employing long-term ethnographic fieldwork, participant observation, key informant interviews and literature review, this paper critically examines urban poor communities' experimentations of water service provisioning whereby women have taken on the cudgels to effectively deliver water to their own people and in the process, practice self-governance and autonomy. Using neo-institutionalist (Ostrom and Cox, 2010) and critical socio-institutionalist frameworks (Cleaver, 2002), we critically interrogate the praxes of women-led associative water systems, a model whereby water consumers both control and own the service in their capacity as consumers, using the cases of Bagong Silang and Recomville Two water service cooperatives located in Caloocan City. By illustrating on-the-ground experiences, we stress the crucial role that waterless citizens and communities play in bridging the gap in the country's water service provision, thereby expanding the private/public dichotomies that often dominate water governance debates. Through these case studies, we argue that associative water systems were borne out of collective desire to have safe, clean, and affordable water to flow to waterless communities. As Metro Manila remains under a privatized water set up, these community-owned initiatives are legitimate expressions of social transformation. We problematize how these women-led associative water systems progress in the face of neoliberal governance marked by hegemonic power of private and public actors. We also investigate how democracy is exercised —or not— within these systems as well as surface the various contestations they face. This paper therefore scrutinizes the principles and pitfalls of, the ups and downs and lessons learnt from associative water systems in providing piped connections to waterless communities. Our aim is to shed light on the reconstruction of public services anchored on collective action. We find that the political possibility for collective self-organization and bottom-up social governance are facilitated or constrained by a combination of political, socioeconomic factors such as access to technical inputs and financing, social acceptability and legitimacy of the cooperative, sustained social organizing, and understanding of micro-politics and power in the community. Afterall, community-led initiatives operate in a highly contentious local politics marked by clientelism and heterogeneity. We posit that the successes of associative water systems lie on their ability to practice democracy, transparency, and accountability as well as mobilize social capital, trust, and cooperation. However, the experiences of urban poor communities in Caloocan City reveal a more complicated picture in which water service cooperatives are plagued by multiple governance issues, internal corruption, power struggles, and affordability issues. The process of building cooperatives is tension-laden, revealing the challenges of creating the commons through sociopolitical and institutional arrangements on the ground. The paper further reveals how state and market institutions successfully managed to define the terms of engagement with the urban poor communities that constrain the latter's capability to expand water service in their areas, on one hand. On the other, private and public actors have distanced themselves from the people and obscured their objectives and economic interests from the communities they are supposed to serve. This generated a situation where dissatisfaction and capitalistic exploitation are directed toward cooperatives, instead, further redefining social relations within communities (Cheng, 2014; Chng, 2008). The paper is organized into six sections. The first parts provide a short introduction of the topic as well as a brief overview of the history and socio-political underpinnings of Metro Manila's water privatization and neoliberal undercurrents that gave way to the rise of associative water systems. The second section outlines methodological considerations that detail our general approach in gathering empirical material. The third part offers a conceptual and literature review of associative water systems in theory and practice, outlining the positive and promising principles as well as the pitfalls of the model as commons or bottom-up social governance. Examples from Bolivia and the Philippines are mentioned that offered inspiration for urban poor communities in Caloocan City to embark on their own cooperative-building and water service provisioning. The fourth part narrates the dynamics, history, and experiences of Bagong Silang and Recomville Two water service cooperatives, underlining the similarities in the contexts where they operate as well as the various tensions and challenges they faced in the process of creating cooperatives and delivering quality and safe water to the urban poor households. We pay special attention to the role of women as leaders and changemakers amid a generally masculinized culture. The part played by two NGOs as wayfinders and supporters that accompanied the cooperatives accentuate the importance of having allies and partners in the process. We also detail how the uneven and inequitable relationship between Maynilad and the cooperatives produced a culture of payment for water which partially contributed to strained social relationships in the community. This culture restructured the roles and responsibilities among community, state, and market actors. The fifth part sketches the lessons learnt from these experiences, underlining the communities' struggle for self-governance and autonomy to remake public services through collective action and participation in water service provision and stressing the crucial role that women played in the process. This section also identifies three challenges around issues of non-participation, power, and outcomes/impacts, underscoring the dangers of fetishizing communities (Cleaver, 2002) as homogenous, idealized forms or sources of social innovation. Divided along the lines of gender and class, women empowerment facilitated by the cooperative through trainings and skills enhancement did not sit well with some men in the communities. Further, the capacity to pay for water of the urban poor that is greatly tied to precarity of work and informality affects the operations and management of the system. We conclude by reiterating the pivotal role played by communities in enabling water to flow to their homes. But associative water systems are far from perfect. As on-going works-in-progress, the urban poor's desired water services can only be discovered and constructed through daily —democratic— political struggles, collective action, and contestations. The praxes of associative water systems accentuate what Dahl and Soss (2012, as mentioned in McDonald, 2016) argue that "democratic conceptions of the common good will always be partial and provisional, never universal or static" (p. 4). ; En la megalópolis en expansión de Metro Manila, el fracaso o la incapacidad de los servicios públicos centralizados y privatizados de los servicios de agua para conectar a las comunidades pobres y periféricas dentro de sus áreas de servicio llevó al surgimiento de proveedores de agua de propiedad comunitaria administrados por cooperativas y asociaciones de vecinos, lo que entendemos como sistemas de agua asociados, que a menudo son dirigidos e iniciados por mujeres. A través de un trabajo de campo etnográfico, la observación participante, entrevistas con sujetos clave y mediante una revisión de la literatura, nuestro artículo investiga críticamente las prácticas de los sistemas de agua asociativos dirigidos por mujeres, anclados en la acción colectiva, entendidos como alternativa a las fallas del estado y del mercado. Utilizando marcos neoinstitucionalistas y socioinstitucionalistas críticos, enfocamos nuestro trabajo en dos comunidades sin agua ubicadas en la ciudad de Caloocan y subrayamos sus luchas diarias por el autogobierno y el compromiso crítico con los límites de la publicidad. Encontramos que la posibilidad política de autoorganización colectiva y de gobernanza social bottom-up, se ve facilitada o restringida por una combinación de factores políticos y socioeconómicos, tales como: el acceso a insumos técnicos y financiación, aceptación y legitimidad social de la cooperativa, sostenibilidad en el tiempo, así como la confrontación de micropolíticas y relaciones de poder dentro de la comunidad. Las iniciativas lideradas por la comunidad operan en una política local altamente polémica marcada por el clientelismo, la heterogeneidad, así como por las dinámicas de clase y género. El documento también demuestra el papel fundamental de las mujeres —a menudo desatendidas tanto en la vida como en la política de la comunidad—, como vanguardistas en la realización del derecho humano al agua de las comunidades. Las cooperativas entendidas como vehículos de empoderamiento para las mujeres ayudaron a la promoción de su movilidad social y de su reconocimiento como miembros importantes, reconstruyeron sus identidades y relaciones tanto dentro de la comunidad, como de la familia, a través de expresiones diferenciadas de agencia humana y acción colectiva. Por último, los casos estudiados, ofrecen lecciones y desafíos importantes sobre la (re)creación de servicios públicos, implorando a los profesionales, los responsables políticos y los activistas que analicen los beneficios y los límites de tales formas en el contexto de la gobernabilidad neoliberal y las desigualdades continuas.

The adaptation of national legislation to international standards of gender equality in all areas of social relations, including in the field of legal science, has created the foundations for a gender approach in re-search. It is the total implementation of gender ideology in various spheres of activity that determines the role of the gender approach, through which diverse research on gender issues is possible. For the primary supply of the gender to the aspect of judiciary activity and the decisiveness of the most reliable results, we need to harmoniously follow the methodological and instrumental methods of medical practice. On the basis of the empirical research, the article raises the issue of gender dimension of judicial activity in the context of such issues as gender discrimination, gender equality, gender asymmetry. As a result, it has been possible to reflect the real picture of gender parity in the judiciary as a whole, with a differentiation depending on the court and to form an understanding of certain issues by male and fe-male judges, to determine a common denominator for them and the areas not covered by them. the power of their different perceptions. The formation of the gender approach in legal knowledge is a rather new scien-tific paradigm, the adoption of which involves the revision of many common perceptions and values and the adoption of new worldviews. Its substantive essence lies not only in identifying differences between a man and a woman, but also in introducing into the law new models of social relations subject to legal regulation. The solution to the problem of eradicating the gender asymmetry of the Ukrainian judiciary depends to a large extent on the complex use of different methodological approaches, principles and methods of sci-entific knowledge in the study of specific aspects, since only in their organic unity can a model of ensuring equal rights and opportunities of women and men of judges be effectively constructed. Addressing this issue requires the development of reliable means of measuring the gender specificity of judicial activity in general and of certain aspects of it in particular. ; Адаптація національного законодавства до міжнародних стандартів забезпечення ґендерної рів-ності у всіх без виключення сферах суспільних відносин, у тому числі і в юридичній науці, створили підвалини ґендерного підходу у наукових дослідженнях. Саме тотальне впровадження ґендерної ідео-логії у різні сфери діяльності детермінує роль ґендерного підходу, завдяки якому можливе здійснення різнопланових досліджень із ґендерної проблематики. Для ґрунтовного дослідження питання ґендерного аспекту суддівської діяльності та отримання до-стовірних результатів необхідно гармонійно поєднати сучасні методологічні інструментарії і підходи міждисциплінарного характеру з науковими здобутками минулого. На підставі проведеного емпірич-ного дослідження у статті піднімається питання ґендерного виміру суддівської діяльності в контексті таких питань, як ґендерна дискримінація, ґендерна рівність, ґендерна асиметрія за статевою ознакою. За його результатами вдалося відобразити реальну картину реалізації ґендерного паритету в судовій системі в цілому, з розмежуванням залежно від судової інстанції та сформувати розуміння тих чи ін-ших проблем суддями-чоловіками та суддями-жінками, визначити спільний знаменник для них та сфери, які не дотикаються в силу їх різного сприйняття. Формування ґендерного підходу в правовому пізнанні – досить нова наукова парадигма, прийнят-тя якої передбачає перегляд багатьох звичних уявлень і цінностей та утвердження нових світогляд-них орієнтацій. Його змістова сутність полягає не просто у виявленні відмінностей між чоловіком і жінкою, а й у впровадженні в право нових моделей суспільних відносин, що підлягають правовому регулюванню. Вирішення проблеми викорінення ґендерної асиметрії українського судочинства знач-ною мірою залежить від комплексного використання різних методологічних підходів, принципів та методів наукового пізнання при дослідженні конкретних аспектів, адже тільки у їх органічній єдності можна ефективно побудувати модель забезпечення рівних прав та можливостей жінок і чоловіків-суд-дів. Вирішення вказаного питання потребує розроблення надійних засобів вимірювання ґендерної спе-цифіки суддівської діяльності загалом та окремих її аспектів зокрема. ; Адаптація національного законодавства до міжнародних стандартів забезпечення ґендерної рів-ності у всіх без виключення сферах суспільних відносин, у тому числі і в юридичній науці, створили підвалини ґендерного підходу у наукових дослідженнях. Саме тотальне впровадження ґендерної ідео-логії у різні сфери діяльності детермінує роль ґендерного підходу, завдяки якому можливе здійснення різнопланових досліджень із ґендерної проблематики. Для ґрунтовного дослідження питання ґендерного аспекту суддівської діяльності та отримання до-стовірних результатів необхідно гармонійно поєднати сучасні методологічні інструментарії і підходи міждисциплінарного характеру з науковими здобутками минулого. На підставі проведеного емпірич-ного дослідження у статті піднімається питання ґендерного виміру суддівської діяльності в контексті таких питань, як ґендерна дискримінація, ґендерна рівність, ґендерна асиметрія за статевою ознакою. За його результатами вдалося відобразити реальну картину реалізації ґендерного паритету в судовій системі в цілому, з розмежуванням залежно від судової інстанції та сформувати розуміння тих чи ін-ших проблем суддями-чоловіками та суддями-жінками, визначити спільний знаменник для них та сфери, які не дотикаються в силу їх різного сприйняття. Формування ґендерного підходу в правовому пізнанні – досить нова наукова парадигма, прийнят-тя якої передбачає перегляд багатьох звичних уявлень і цінностей та утвердження нових світогляд-них орієнтацій. Його змістова сутність полягає не просто у виявленні відмінностей між чоловіком і жінкою, а й у впровадженні в право нових моделей суспільних відносин, що підлягають правовому регулюванню. Вирішення проблеми викорінення ґендерної асиметрії українського судочинства знач-ною мірою залежить від комплексного використання різних методологічних підходів, принципів та методів наукового пізнання при дослідженні конкретних аспектів, адже тільки у їх органічній єдності можна ефективно побудувати модель забезпечення рівних прав та можливостей жінок і чоловіків-суд-дів. Вирішення вказаного питання потребує розроблення надійних засобів вимірювання ґендерної спе-цифіки суддівської діяльності загалом та окремих її аспектів зокрема.

Il mio lavoro compie un excursus sullo spionaggio americano in Italia nel periodo 1943 - 1945 dalla sbarco anglo-americano in Sicilia del 10 luglio '43 che diede inizio alla "campagna d'Italia" alla liberazione dalla Germania del 25 aprile '45, alla luce delle carte dell'Office of Strategic Services (OSS), antesignano della Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), in Italia, quali rinvenute, eminentemente, nei National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) e, precisamente, nel Record Group n. 226 (Records of Office of Strategic Services 1940 - 1946). La ricostruzione delle molteplici missioni condotte dai servizi segreti americani in Italia, nel periodo di interesse, ha confermato e chiarito che l'OSS non fu tanto un servizio strategico, ma un'agenzia operativa a supporto delle Forze Armate americane durante la "campagna d'Italia", i cui compiti consistettero, principalmente, in: - raccolta e trasmissione di informazioni strategiche, inizialmente di natura militare, ma, già nel corso del 1943, sempre più di tipo socio-politico e economico (secret intelligence); - propaganda e istigazione della popolazione a compiere atti di resistenza contro i tedeschi; - sabotaggio del nemico (scorch); - antisabotaggio (anti-scorch); - collegamento con le bande partigiane che combattevano nell'Italia occupata dal nemico; - organizzazione di squadre per il compimento di operazioni (special operations) a sostegno dell'azione militare alleata sulle linee nemiche o in avanscoperta. Inoltre, specialmente, nella fase finale della "campagna d'Italia" l'OSS assunse un ruolo fondamentale nella tutela dell'ordine pubblico e la legalità nel passaggio di poteri dopo l'evacuazione delle regioni del Nord da parte dei nazifascisti. Ben due furono le missioni inviate allo scopo di catturare il Duce vivo che, dopo l'incontro nel palazzo arcivescovile di Milano del 25 aprile, aveva intrapreso il suo ultimo viaggio lungo la sponda occidentale del lago di Como, ma queste agirono, l'una all'insaputa dell'altra e fallirono l'obiettivo. Proprio la fine di Mussolini rappresenta il punto di convergenza delle opposte forze dei servizi segreti alleati operanti nell'Italia del nord: la morte del Duce lasciò i servizi segreti americani, oltremodo, insoddisfatti e delusi per essersi lasciati sfuggire l'ambita preda, tanto che dovettero attivarsi a posteriori per scoprire la verità con l'invio, agli inizi di maggio, di una missione nel Nord dell'Italia capitanata dal colonnello Valerian Lada Mocarski. Al contrario, gli inglesi, bene irreggimentati e assai più disciplinati dei colleghi americani, non solo conferirono ampio mandato ai capi della Resistenza ma li invitarono a "risolvere" la faccenda al più presto possibile e, comunque, non oltre l'ingresso delle truppe alleate a Milano. Pertanto la fine del Duce condensa in sé e, nel contempo, rappresenta il caso emblematico della dicotomia interalleata che connotò di sé la politica anglo-americana in e verso l'Italia, che i servizi segreti alleati contribuirono a definire e attuare. ; The present work makes an excursus on American Intelligence during the period from the 1943 to 1945, from the D- Day of the Allied landing in Sicily on the 10th of July 1943 until the Day of the Italy's liberation from the Hun on the 25th of April 1945, based on the records of the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), the forerunner of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), concerning the American Secret Services' Campaign of Italy, that I have found in National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) at College Park, Marydand, especially in the Records Group no. 226 (Records of Office of Strategic Services 1940 - 1946). The examination of the papers now declassified, concerning the missions accomplished by the American Secret Services in Italy during the period above mentioned, have confirmed and clarified that the OSS wasn't a kind of strategic service but a special operative agency that supported the Allied Armies during the "campaign of Italy". The OSS carried out, mainly, the following activities in Italy: a. secret intelligence, of which the classes were not only military, but also political, psychological and social; b. istigation of the Italian population to carry out acts of resistance against German Forces; b. direct attack on communications and transport in that area of Italy held by the enemy; c. destruction of enemy aircraft on the ground; d. destruction of enemy supply dump; e. anti-scorch; f. special operations in direct support of the 15th Army Group; g. infiltration of agents, supplies and communication equipment and liaison with the patriots in that area of Italy held by enemy. Furthermore, the OSS played a prominent role in the final stage of the "campaign of Italy", especially in order to protect the public order and legality during the power change after the evacuation of Northern Italy by the Germans. Two special missions were sent in order to save the life of Benito Mussolini who had taken his last journey along the western shore of Lake Como, after meeting with the representatives of Committee of Liberation of Northern Italy (CLNAI) in the Archbishop's Palace on Milan. Unfortunately, they acted without any knowledge of each other and were unsuccessful. The Mussolini's death was the converging point of the opposing forces of Allied Secret Services in Northern Italy: the death of the leader of Italian Social Republic (RSI) left the OSS dissatisfied and disappointed because he had missed the coveted prey, so that it had to get active a posteriori to discover the truth and sent another mission in Northern Italy leaded by the colonel Valerian Lada Mocarski at beginning of May 1945. On the other side, the English Special Operations Executive (SOE), much more disciplined than the OSS, not only conferred broad mandate to the leaders of Resistance in Northern Italy, but invited them to "solve the problem" on their own as soon as possible and, anyway, before the entrance of Allied Forces into Milan. Therefore, it has to be pointed that the Mussolini's death concentrates on itself and, in the same time, represents the typical case of the dichotomy of the Anglo - American policy in and towards Italy, that the allied secret services helped to define and implement. ; Dottorato di ricerca in Storia della società italiana XIV-XX secolo (XXIII ciclo)

Istražujući modnu produkciju Sirogojno stila, pošla sam od pretpostavke da su 'predmeti kao i reči nosioci informacija'. Na osnovu do sada napisanih radova, a najiscrpniji je svakako rad Bojane Bogdanović, i sopstvenog terenskog istraživanja 2010. godine, nastojala sam da utvrdim koliko je ovaj modni stil bio nosilac informacija o kulturnoj sredini koju je reprezentovao. Obuhvatila sam istrazivanje materijala, proizvodnju i prodaju predmeta od vune. U razvoj ovog stila prenet je entuzijazm kreatorke Dobrile Vasiljević-Smiljanić i žena iz zlatiborskog kraja, kao i velika podrška tadašnjih političkih struktura (države), lolalnih vlasti i, preko porodičnih veza, Dobrile Vasiljević-Smiljanić i crkve. Njene kreacije su poznate po adaptaciji tradicionalnih lokalnih ornamenata. Stvoren je prepoznatljiv stil proizvoda od vune. Na tom 'putu vune' od lokalnih sirovina do islandskih, od unikatnih motiva do prodaje na otvorenom, od prodaje u zemlji i inostranstvu do muzealizovane prodaje u prvoj deceniji dvadeset prvog veka, prošlo je više od pedeset godina. Proizvodi iz Sirogojna bili su prepoznatljivi i u zemlji i u svetu. Svi negativni procesi koji su pratili devedesete godine XX veka uticali su na smanjenje obima proizvodnje i distribuciju proizvoda domaće radinosti iz Sirogojna. U kasnim devedesetim proizvodnja je prešla u ruke vlasnika iz lokalne sredine koji nije mnogo zainteresovan za nju. Ta proizvodnja i prodaja je u prvoj deceniji dvadeset prvog veka muzealizovana. Dobrila Vasiljević- Smiljanić mi je 2010. g rekla 'da bi sada sve trebalo početi od nule, od novih motiva do marketinga'. Čini se da i danas nedostaje njen veliki entuzijazam. Vlasnici nove firme kažu 'da su sela pusta i da nema dovoljno pletilja'. S druge strane, postoji prodaja na otvorenom, dobro postavljena i vidljiva onome ko dolazi u Sirogojno. Na tom prostoru, u tipskim kućicama žene pletu i prodaju predmete od vune sa motivima koje je nekada kreirala Dobrila Vasiljević-Smiljanić. Pletu ih žene koje su nekada radile u tom pogonu, a i one izvan njega. Većina ovih žena na taj način izdržava svoju porodicu, budući da je i u ovom kraju jedan broj muškaraca ostao bez posla. Sve ispitanice koje rade na otvorenom navode da su nezadovoljne svojim statusom. Prostor gde rade i prodaju registrovan je kao zanatska radnja, a njihova delatnost kao zanat, ali ih u privrednom registru vode kao preduzetnike, a ne kao zanatlije, što utiče na visinu poreza. Nezadovoljne su jer mesto gde rade drugi nazivaju 'buvljak'. Moje ispitanice nisu imale nikakav odnos prema činjenici da se na tom mestu kopira motiv čiji je idejni tvorac kreatorka Dobrila Vasiljević-Smiljanić. U završnom delu rada iznosim svoje viđenje tekstilne radinosti u Sirogojnu. Ističem da je Dobrila Vasiljević-Smiljanić imala aktivnu ulogu u fromiranju ideje da se otvori Muzej 'Staro selo'. Šteta je što je propala njena početna ideja da se u tom atraktivnom ambijentu predstavi tradicionalni postupak izrade predmeta od vune. Ti programi danas u manjem obimu postoje u Muzeju. Istraživanje tokom 2010. godine je pokazalo da se originalna proizvodnja 'Sirogojno stila' smanjuje i muzealizuje. Muzej 'Staro selo' bi mogao da objedini resurse, bude centar tekstilne zanatske delatnosti i tako zaštiti, razvije i unapredi tekstilnu baštinu Sirogojna. ; The basic premise of my research regarding the fashion production of Sirogojno style was that 'objects are, like words, carriers of information'. Based on research published so far - a paper by Bojana Bogdanovic being the most detailed - and my own fieldwork conducted in 2010, I have attempted to ascertain the extent to which this particular style of fashion carried information about the cultural environment which it represented. The research encompasses the study of the materials being used, the production and the sale of products made of wool. The development of this particular style was influenced by the enthusiasm of designer Dobrila Vasiljevic-Smiljanic and the women of the mt. Zlatibor region, as well as the support provided by the political structure of the period, the local government, and through Dobrila Vasiljevic-Smiljanic's family ties - the church. Her creations are famous for incorporating adapted local ornaments. A distinct and recognizable style of woolen products was created. This 'Wool Road' - from using local raw materials to materials imported from Iceland, from creating unique motifs to sale in the open, from national and international sales to musealized sales in the first decade of the 21st century - has lasted for over fifty years. Products from Sirogojno were renowned both in the country and abroad. All the negative processes which happened during the nineties influenced the decline of production and distribution of hand-crafted products from Sirogojno. In the late 1990's, the production was acquired by a local owner who didn't show much interest in it. This production has been musealized in the first decade of the 21st century. Dobrila Vasiljevic-Smiljanic told me in 2010 that 'everything should be started from scratch now, from new motifs to new marketing'. The new owners of the firm say that 'the villages are deserted and there aren't enough weavers'. On the other hand, there is sale in the open, well set up and visible to visitors of Sirogojno. In this space, in typical small houses, women weave and sell woolen garments adorned with motifs which were once created by Dobrila Vasiljevic-Smiljanic. Most of these women feed their families this way, because a number of men were left without jobs in this region. All of my informants who work in the open state that they aren't satisfied with their status. And none of them had any specific relation toward the fact that they were copying motifs created by Dobrila Vasiljevic-Smiljanic. In the final part of the paper I will offer my own understanding of the textile craft in Sirogojno. I emphasize that Dobrila Vasiljevic-Smiljanic had an active role in the shaping of the idea to found the Staro Selo Museum. It is a pity that her initial idea to represent the traditional way of producing woolen garments in this attractive setting fell through. Research conducted in 2010 has shown that the original production of 'Sirogojno style' is shrinking and being musealized. The Staro Selo Museum could pool the resources, become a center for craftsmanship and thus protect, develop and promote the textile heritage of Sirogojno.

Transcript of an oral history interview with Arsalan "Arsi" Namdar, conducted by Sarah Yahm on 2 April 2015, as part of the Norwich Voices oral history project of the Sullivan Museum and History Center. Arsalan Namdar was one of a number of midshipmen from the Iranian Imperial Navy to enroll at Norwich University for education and training between 1976 and 1980. His interview reflects on his experiences as an international student from Iran as well as the impact of the Iranian Revolution on his life. ; 1 Arsalan M. Namdar, Oral History Interview April 2, 2015 Interviewed by Sarah Yahm Sarah Yahm: OK. So, I'm going to turn this recorder on. Let me just check one thing. Ah, that's number one. So, you're number one. OK. So, this will probably take about an hour. Do you have about an hour? ARSI NAMDAR: Mm-hmm. OK. SY: OK. Excellent. And I'm really just looking for your stories. Your stories, and your life history, and things you remember. And so I thought I'd start from the beginning. So, if you could just introduce yourself, and say your full name and where you were born. AN: Arsi Namdar. And actually my full name is Arsalan Namdar, and I was born in the city of Abadan, which is a— southwest of Iran. At the age of seven I was— my family moved to Tehran, and left Iran until I was about 18 or 19. SY: What's your earliest memory? Do you have an earliest memory? AN: From Iran? I was— I remember in Tehran, it was a beautiful city then. It was pretty populated. I think we had about four million in population. Right now, I think it's about 16— 14 or 16 million. And Tehran was always a very big populous, modern city, and always a lot of activity, and nightlife, and day life. It was really amazing. And the closest that I can think of it now is it's something like New York City, and now— so, I was— I lived with my family in an apartment. We had— actually, eight of us living in a three bedroom apartment, and we were raised really— we were a poor family, and my father was the only bread winner, and my mom was a house— a homemaker, but it was— we were a really close family, and we enjoyed being together, and I always— when I was growing up I was very patriotic in Persian ways, and I loved my mother country, and I wanted to become a writer, so I wrote some novels, and I was pretty good in Persian literature. And then I met— I was— I knew this girl who was my neighbor, and we had a four year age difference, and we ended up befriending each other, and so, it ended up being a love relationship. And then for some reason when I was 17 or 18 I— we had a falling out, and so, I don't— I didn't tell her that I was going to join the navy. So, I joined the navy, and Imperial Navy, and so, then they shipped us out after a year, and sent us to the US. So, that was the end of my stay in Iran, and my memory from those days. SY: Did you get to say goodbye to her, or— AN: Never did. (laughter) SY: You never did? AN: Yeah. So— SY: You ever had contact with her since? AN: Yes. I did. This is probably— I know that she's still— she's doing very well, and so I know that she's been married twice. And she's got two daughters— well, two daughters and one son. So, I think she's doing well. (laughter) SY: So, what made you decide to join the navy? AN: I was— actually, I wanted to dis-- my basic reason was that I just wanted to get away from that environment, and I wanted to— 2 SY: Because you were heartbroken, or because you wanted to get out of poverty? AN: I really— I think I was heartbroken, and I just— I'm the kind of person that I need to— I feel like there are times where you need to make a physical change, environmental change, in order to really put yourself in a new situation, new atmosphere and environment. And that really does a lot of good for you. So, I went and applied for— back then the Shah of Iran was very close to the US. He was one of the greatest US allies, and they had just begun sending— recruiting a lot of young folks— young men— to become pilots, and to go to pilot schools, and to join the navy. And because the navy was— the Shah's one of— he wanted to be a super power in the region, so he wanted to strengthen the navy, and air force in particular, and so I went and applied for a pilot job, and went through all the tests and everything, and I was rejected because I didn't have the good depth perception. So, I was really disappointed, and so, then I said, "What's the next thing I can do?" So, I went and applied for helicopter pilot position, and I was accepted. And so I passed the test, and went home, and told my mother, and she just went crazy. She said, "You know how many people are getting killed as pilots?" And this was for the navy pilots, and as a navy helicopter pilot. And so she cried day and night, and she was just really upset, and so I decided— I said, "Well, what's the next safest thing I can do? So, I said, "Well, I'll go join the navy as a midshipman, and become a navy officer." So, I went in and applied for that program, and I was accepted. And after some physical tests and background checks and everything, then we officially entered the rank of midshipman in Iran, and my particular crew was there for about a year before we were given the opportunity to come to the US. So— SY: And you were— because you said you wrote a lot— so, I imagine that you had wanted to go to college and get more of an education. AN: Yes, I did. And going to college in Iran is pretty— you have to really earn— really have to be good at what you do. And in terms of academics. And I was— I wasn't really the best student, and I wasn't the worst student. I was somewhere in the middle, and I don't think I had the aspiration to become a college student or to graduate from college. I really felt that because of what I wrote, I felt like I had— I wrote very well, and I was a well-read person as well. And so I did— back then I read a lot of Persian novels, and a lot of American, European, Russian novels, so that's what really— I spent a lot of time on doing that kind of educating myself. So, I really never planned on being— going to college, because I thought that I probably wouldn't be able to enter college. So, I never applied for national tests, and they call it the Concour, which is— it's just a national test that everybody goes and takes it, and depending on the level of— the score you get, then you can become eligible for certain universities. So, when this opportunity came in the navy, and I thought, "I can go do the two year of service in the armed forces." Everybody who graduated from high school, they had to serve two years in the military. That was a mandatory thing. And so, either do that, or just join the navy, because I thought the navy is pretty sophisticated, I saw the outfits they wore, all the uniforms were all really chic, and they got to go Europe and the US, and I thought, "Oh, that's really not a bad thing. It's great." So, that was one of the main attractions to the navy, and so I was glad to be able to join, but at first like 3 any military training it's pretty hard. You don't get all the glory and everything. Glory comes later on when you become somebody or you accomplish something much more— later in your life. SY: What was the military training like in Iran? AN: It was pretty tough. It was pretty brutal, and they— we had— basically as a military student you really had no rights. They just told you what you had to do, and then you did it. And the punishments were pretty severe sometimes. I remember once or twice I didn't march the right way, and they made us put little pebbles— stones in your boots, and then you had to march like that. So, it was kind of like a torture. And so, when we came here to the US, and we started at Norwich, Rook Week here was pretty— it was piece of cake, because it was always push-ups, and sit-ups, and running, and they really were nothing to us because— SY: (sneezes) AN: Bless you. SY: Sorry. It was— you said it was nothing to you? AN: Nothing really. It wasn't that big a deal, so as a result we— at first— the first few weeks we kind of goofed off, so that really made our classmates pretty upset because we weren't taking this seriously, but we had already been through all of that. SY: And I think both Bizhan and Sussan mentioned hating having these, because you guys have been in— you were really in the navy for two years, and then there were these kids shouting in your faces. AN: Yeah. Yeah. Exactly. And in hindsight, I really think— when you think about it, I think it was pretty silly. And you're pretty— at least on average, we were two to three years older— or maybe even older— than some of these newcomers, so we felt like we had experienced more of life than these kids who had just graduated high school. And in a way we had done it, because we were away from our parents— when I was 17, 18, I joined the navy, and they shipped us off to some center to be trained in it, so it was— for us, we were used to that kind of environment. To being alone, being independent. And then they sent us here to the US, and they sent us to the Citadel, a group of us— the second group with Bizhan— I think Bizhan was on it, too. They sent us to the Citadel, and that's the military college in Charleston. And so, we had first a three month training there, and then of course they would let us do some weekends, and we just partied, because young guys, and being in the navy, and Charleston being a navy town, it was just always fun. And so, that was— so, we were used to a lot harder times than— when we came here, that military life in the beginning was not as hard. But over time, it got really hard, because of we didn't get recognized Rook Week, our group, the Rooks, didn't get recognized, I think, until February, and that was pretty, pretty long, and it was torturous in a way, and being cold, and all that stuff. It just wasn't really pleasant. SY: Did you— and I think Bizhan also said that in Irani military training you don't get shouted at in the same way, is that true? AN: Well, he— actually, Bizhan actually went to a longer training than I did. He served his— part of his two year mandatory training, and then he came back, 4 joined the navy. I didn't go to that first mandatory training. But in Iran, I mean, punishments are not— they really mean it when they punish you, and you can't say one country's better than the other— I've seen the marines, and how they train them, the special forces, and the— here, and I just feel like that— those are pretty vigorous, too. And we were just— we were not special forces. We were just navy. Just simple navy midshipmen. And— but what he was referring to was that the part of the navy that sent us— that one year, we— I guess the focus was for us just to learn English. Nothing else. We did some marching, and some military stuff. But, it wasn't like 24 hour doing all hardcore military stuff. That didn't happen until later on in the process. SY: Interesting. So, what was your first impression of Norwich? AN: Norwich? (laughter) So, as I said to you, the first group of us— they sent us to the Citadel, and it was pretty— it was a pretty hard school, and it was in the South, and beautiful weather, and it was summertime, and it just really felt for me close to Iran than any other place. So, when we— at some point, I guess, they lined us up, and— a group of us— our commanders came and said, "You go to Norwich, you go to Citadel, you go to Jacksonville, you go to this, you go to Maritime Academy." And I ended up being assigned to Norwich. And I thought, "My God, what is Norwich? It's so old. Norwich is near the capitol of Vermont." Oh, okay. Capital of Vermont. This is really great. I looked on a map, and I couldn't find Vermont. And they said, "Oh, it's near New York City." And so— and you have to just put this into perspective. We didn't have Google, we didn't have iPhones, anything easy to use. So, maps, and just simply asking people about things. So, we came— they said, "Oh, you're going to Norwich." Okay, Norwich. It's near the capitol. It's great, it's good. It's going to be like the Citadel, and like Tehran, it's going to be good. It's great. So, the last night we all went to disco, and we all had fun, and it was a great time, and the next morning we all had to get up, and they shipped us to Norwich. And we got off the plane in Burlington International Airport. Look at it, and said, "Burlington International Airport?" We saw maybe one or two planes. And again, you have to understand, we came from a very populated area, and we went to Europe, we— bigger cities, and we came here to the US, and saw Vermont. Saw only one, maybe another plane. Two planes. So, and they have one of those ladders that in the middle of the runway you all have to get off. Here we are, we all have— it was in August, we all had jackets, suit jackets and ties, and are coming down the plane, and I look, and I look, "Oh my God." In the distance I see two or three yellow buses, and just all of a sudden all of us have a heart attack. My God, what are these? I've never seen these. What kind of buses are these? So, anyway, they put us on these buses, and just, clunk, clunk, clunk, the buses are driving, and they're— we go passed all these farms. For the first time I see cows. And I'm looking, "Oh my God, so many cows. More than humans here." And so, anyway, that was the end of our journey. They brought us here to Norwich, and although it was a gorgeous, gorgeous campus, for us,— that's something I didn't expect. I expected more of a city, a lot of action, a lot of fun and stuff. Came to Norwich, and they assigned a room to me and one of my friends. I think it was in Dodge Hall, and so, we looked at each other, he was my maybe classmates, and looked at each other, and I said, "Oh my God. 5 What did we get ourselves into?" And so, that next morning the two of us took a bus to Boston, and we stayed there for two weeks, because our vacation— we had two weeks of vacation— two or three weeks of vacation before we had to go back. So, that was my first experience in Norwich, and I tell you, that was— from my perspective, that was the most depressing day of my life. And of course that changed later. And when we got to love the institution, and all the memories that it brought for us, and all the good times and bad times that we had here. Friends we had, Americans and Iranians, and the friends that really to this day I'm still good— many of them are friends with. Even the Americans as well as Iranians. SY: Can we pause for one second because I can hear the vacuum, and it's showing up on the tape. AN: Oh, it does? SY: Yeah. The microphone's really sensitive, so it picks up things— because I can barely hear the vacuum, but it audible. Okay. So, yeah. So, what were your encounters like with other students? AN: So, when we came to Norwich, and really the administration was very supportive, and they were really great to us. In particular, I had a professor by the name of Professor [Larsen?]. Fred Larsen. He was a professor of Geology, and I think he retired a few years ago. A couple few years ago. And he and his family really took myself and another friend of mine— the guy I went to Boston with— under their wings, and they invited us to the house, and really tried to make us feel good about our stay here. And of course this is August, and August going to September, and the leaves start to fall and changes, fall, it's not— it's pretty, but then it's cold. And so, when fall started, and with Rook Week and everything, that was, I think, the toughest for us, because they queued us up with an American classmates, and so, we were all together for years and years, and all of a sudden they said you room with these guys. And I had a wonderful roommates who was a very nice guy, and so I got to know him and like him and everything else. But it was pretty hard because we couldn't really— of course, we didn't have radio— again, this is back 30 something years ago. No radio, no iPhones, no TVs— no cable TVs, no internet, no nothing. So, we really had to interact with each other in certain ways that, for me, it was tough at that point, because I just— I had to really rely on my English a lot. It just— it wasn't the same as spending time with friends. And— well, initially, there was some fights between the Americans and the Iranians over different things. The most obvious one was that the navy used to give us a full salary, and that full salary— we went— all bought Trans AMs, Firebirds, Mustangs, Corvettes, and so we see all these first years students driving these expensive cars, and that really is not— thinking back on it, it just doesn't really sit well. Like, people who just came here and have really nothing, even though they came— most of them came from most prominent families, and are richer. But you just didn't have anything at that point, and so we were just driving around recklessly and having fun. Again, because we were in some ways, we were a lot older than them, and for us, we felt like we had experienced a lot of different ups and downs back home and different states. So, just for us, that was a normal thing. So, initially we had some issues, some fights, the Iranians and the Americans, and the way we dressed, that was— and of course, we were all young guys, more 6 mature, there were no girls left here in the Northfield area, or the Burlington area that we could date, or we could go out with, so I think that was a natural tendency for them to dislike us. SY: So, there are these pimply faced American kids, and you guys have sophisticated clothing. You're urban and cosmopolitan. AN: I mean, seriously, we had— we all had really tailored outfits, and nice cars. We drove everywhere. We didn't really— we didn't have cabs, we didn't have bikes, or we didn't walk. Everybody drove everywhere. And so, that naturally caused some frictions, and some frictions between us and them. But, in later years I think when they became friends, my friends, Americans and Iranians really became friends based on the values, not based on cars and things like that. They learned to like us for some of the things we offered, and we liked them for some of the things they offered. Mostly friendship and being really decent to us. And of course, you can always find some prejudiced rednecks out there who— they don't like you for whatever reasons. Just because you don't look like them. And that's not a low rank. That's a high rank. It just happens from— at every level. But we had some people that were really nice to us, and they really had— they respected us, and as a result to this day we still respect them. I mean, one example is [Keith Barrette?]. He was our classmate, and he's still around. Actually, he's still around. He's very involved in Norwich. He was one of the nicest guys. To this day, we all really like him. We all love him, and respect him, and we are happy that he was part of our history, and part of our life back then, and then we still have the ability to be friends and meet with him from time to time. But I think for me, the most painful thing was they gave us— my room was in the back of India Company, alumni, and it was— I think it was on the second floor, or third floor, and it faced— there was pine trees. And seriously, every time I looked at them I felt like I was in a prison camp. And that was really the most depressing thing for me. And that didn't feel good. And coming back to the same hall after the same building after like 20-some years a few years ago, I just saw the difference. I mean, I was just flabbergasted. How— so much difference and so much improvement. Kids nowadays have so many things that students— cadets— they just don't value. I mean, we used to march to the campus to the dining hall, and we had only one choice of meal. They would bring it to us, and most of us didn't eat pork, and so American friends, they were all waiting for us. As soon as we sat down, and we knew that, too, we never paid attention to it. So, as soon as they saw us sit down, they would say— they would come to us and ask for our portions, and we would give it to them because we just— it just— we didn't eat pork. And of course I eat everything now, you just had to get used to it. SY: Well, I mean, culturally— so, Commander [Arumi?], I was reading in the archives, he actually tried to intervene and explain to the administration about pork. Do you remember that? AN: Yes I do. And actually, he was a very sweet guy. He and his wife were very helpful to the Iranian guys, and she would cook for us every Friday. Persian meals, and they were delicious. I mean, I don't know if you've ever had (inaudible) [00:24:28]— SY: So good. 7 AN: -- they just— and so, she was cooking for us, we know where they would go. And people— Friday night a whole bunch of guys, they're not going to go to somebody older than them, to their house, and sit down and talk about this. They want to go party. So, our story with Diamond Hall was— I just wanted to pick up with that— that was our story. They would come and the days that they had pork or ham or anything like that, you just would— most of us would give up our dish, and our meal, and just— everybody would walk to the— there was a cafeteria down here that Officer Burger used to— that was our favorite. Officer Burger and then go play foosball. And that's what we did most of the time. SY: What did you say? What type of burger? AN: Officer Burger. SY: Officer Burger. What was that? AN: It was just a hamburger with a whole bunch of condiments on it. SY: So, there was something to eat if you couldn't eat in the dining hall. AN: We could not the first few months. The first year we weren't allowed. I think you either had to be recognized or upperclassmen. SY: So, did you go hungry a lot? AN: Sometimes we did, yeah. Sometimes we did. Yeah. And, you know, vending machines weren't available a lot then. And so— and of course lot of us were used to that kind, we just— it didn't matter if you had to have lunch or breakfast or whatever, because we were used to the kind of life that we could go like two meals without eating anything, and then go out at night just have a hamburger or hot dog or some-- not hot dog, just hamburger or something like that in Burlington. That's why a lot of us were very, very skinny. I'm 175 pounds now, but back then I was— when I was at Norwich I was 124 pounds. And most of my friends, if you looked at them, they were very, very skinny. Not because they were malnutrition, just because we just— that wasn't a priority to us. Priority was everything else. And everybody smoked too, so that suppresses your appetite as well. SY: Were you frustrated or angry that Norwich didn't seem to understand that culturally pork was not cool? AN: No. That didn't really bother me, and I really think that Norwich did a lot to help us. I really— I always appreciated their administration, and this has been really a great school in terms of being open and supportive, and I really think after all these years— still 35 years or so, they have not changed, and they have even gotten better. And I personally never felt that way, and what I felt was that there were cultural differences, and that's because it just— it was what it was, and it didn't really bother me. It wasn't like I would go out and say, "Oh my God these Americans are going to beat me up and kill me," or anything like that. You would make fun of them, and they would make fun of us. They would make fun of us for whatever. The way we dressed, the cars we drove. Sometimes you show up at regi balls, with girls that were not from around here who all were decked out. And we would make fun of them for doing some stupid things. We had a guy— a football player— who would get angry from time to time, pick up the soda machine, and just shake it up. To us, it was a funny thing. And so, the years I was here I really felt like it was one of the best experiences of my life. I mean, I 8 think Norwich taught me a lot in terms of quality and integrity, and really experiencing life, and trying hard, and just trying to work with others and be friendly. I learned a lot of that here. So, just because it was really encouraged by administration. SY: Did your kind of political understanding of the world change? You grew up under the Shah, not the most open of regimes. Not— I mean, and then you came to Norwich. Did you ever get to go to a town meeting? Did you sort of understand the different political system? How did you sort of understand the political differences? AN: We didn't actually— I didn't go to any town meetings, but I basically— we read a lot of newspapers, and sometimes from the TV, and watching TV, and we were really political in terms of American policies, we actually couldn't be. We were under the Shah, and we couldn't have any political affiliation. Only to the Shah. It wasn't until the year I got married to my American wife in secret— that was my last year here— that I felt like I was open to that, the idea of, "Oh, this is politics, and this is how this country is run." And by the way, I loved it. This is the greatest country. And I still do. This is the greatest country. No matter what your opinions are. And to a large degree you have freedom, and your freedom to do things and say things, and so I really— I was really fascinated by it. And I am now. It just is great. And I don't really think many countries are like this, and that's what makes the United States a unique country in itself. And— SY: What was it like growing up under the Shah? In terms of— did you experience repression or not? Were your family loyalists? How did that work? AN: So, under the Shah, we had to— if we agreed with the Shah and did not say anything against his regime, you could actually do okay. And I'm not saying well okay meaning you could become a millionaire. You could just have a normal life, and— SY: Under the radar. AN: Under the radar. But he just— exactly. He didn't want people to say things about him and about the regime. And that was really rightly controlled. And so they had this secret police called the SAVAK [Sāzemān-e Ettelā'āt va Amniyat-e Keshvar, Organization of Intelligence and National Security]. That— they were times where people would be really— and they would use that as a scare tactic. Really, if you say something that they didn't like, they could technically go after you and your family members, and really create some problems for you. There is no difference between then and now with what happens in Iran. You can't do the same thing in Iran either. This time the difference is they can't say that against the regime of Ayatollah, Khomeini, or his successors. So, to me, it's a lot more oppressed now than it was then. It just— the Shah— the thing I like about the Shah was he was very modernized. He was a great ally of the US, and unfortunately he wasn't supported when he was facing the Mullahs. When the Mullahs were taking over Iran, and that was his demise. And to this day I think everyone is realizing that they lost— I mean, look at the Middle East. There's really no one that is our ally here. There's really no one. And the Shah was undoubtedly the biggest supporter of the US and US ally. So— SY: Was there talk of the 1935 coup— right? 9 AN: Right. Yeah. The coup d'état, right. SY: -- the overthrow. Was that something that was talked about when you were in Iran? AN: I think it was in 1953, or— SY: Oh, sorry, it was '53. I was totally wrong. It was later. AN: I think it was 1953. But, no. My father, when I was in Iran, would mention it, and he would say to me, "These people, these religious factors, who come here and say death to the Shah and whatever." He said— he used to tell me they don't understand what the regime was like under— before the Shah took over because it was a kind of religious dynasty. And so he would always— was in disagreement with people who were against the Shah. And back then when I came here to the US, obviously I had to pass all sorts of background checks. They wouldn't let us into the navy unless we were completely clean. Not only us, but our families, and a good extension of our families. So, when I came to the US and things started to get bad last year of college year, then I could see that— what was happening in Iran. I just— people who were all against the Shah, all of those people who were against the Shah, they were moving towards all the religious factors, and for a time— a very brief time— things happened to be— they appeared to be OK. And as we all know, they went the other way, and went to the other end of the spectrum, and it's really— I don't think it's any good at all in terms of the economics, social, and any other way you look at Iran. SY: So, do you remember hearing about the revolution while you were here? AN: Iranian Revolution? You're talking about the— SY: I'm sorry. I'm talking about the overthrow of the Shah. AN: Overthrow of the Shah. SY: Do you remember hearing about that? AN: Oh yeah. I did. Because my family were also affected by it. My brothers— two of them— were arrested by Khomeini's regime, and because they— I think the crime was that they were trying to spread propaganda against the regime. One of my brothers was jailed for seven years, and the other one was jailed for a couple years, he had been tortured. And then my other sister, who was also arrested, and so, eventually escaped Iran all three of them. And they are living in Europe, and one in the US. So, the regime went after a lot of people for no reason at all. It just, as I said, it wasn't any better than the Shah. And the Shah was actually giving freedom to people. Women had freedom. Women had freedom to vote. They had a say in their daily life, and work, and society, and anything else. They don't have that now. They just— man in the king of the castle, and it's more of the— the regime is a more of an oppressive regime in more ways than people thought or imagined. So— SY: So, yes. Let's talk about that. So, here you are. Senior year, and you're starting to hear rumblings of what's happening in Iran. So, what filtered down to you from here. What were your— AN: Only people who would go to Iran for visits. Some of the cadets would go there, and then would come back and say this is really bad. And of course we would read the American media at that point, and we would watch things, and we would know what's going on. And I remember one year we were all— all of the navy 10 guys— were gathered here by our commanders, and rented a whole bunch of buses, and they put us all on the bus, and they said, "We're going to Washington to see because the Shah's coming, and we're going to be supportive of the Shah." So they had all of us military students on one side, then they had all the civilians on the other. Some Iranians were against the Shah, so at some point a fight broke out, and it was really nasty. It just— they ran after us. We didn't have anything to defend ourselves with. These anti-Shahs had everything in their position, so— SY: You guys had no idea that— AN: No, no idea— SY: -- you were going into that? AN: -- they didn't tell us. No. They just said to support the Shah. SY: And so how do you think— do you think that— how do you think you ended up there? What was the conversation between the Norwich administration and the Iranian ambassador? Like, how did that happen? AN: No, they just— they could just say— because technically we were their— Iranian government's possessions. Norwich really had no say in it because we weren't American. We were all Iranian and had Iranian passports. So, technically I could just be picked up during the day, in the middle of the night, put on a plane, and be taken back home. And it happened to some of our friends, and it just— they either had not done well in school, or they said something that was not favorable, so they were shipped back. So, Norwich really didn't have a say in it. They were— didn't know, because I think the commanders just told them, "They're going on a vacation. We're going to take you on vacation." SY: So, they didn't even know what you were getting into? AN: We didn't know that, no. We had no idea until we got to the hotel in D.C., and they said, "Oh, you're going out there, and this is the placards you can have," and said, "Long live the Shah." And it wasn't until later that we saw the other students running after us with sticks and— sticks with nails on them, and stone, and everything after us, and it just— it was really nasty. SY: So, how did it end? Were you terrified? AN: Oh, we ended up— someone was— some got involved in fights, some people got injured, but because we didn't have any— really any way to defend ourselves, we had casualties in terms of severe beatings, and I don't think anybody got killed, but injuries. SY: Wow. So, Norwich students got injured. AN: Oh, yes. They did. SY: Wow. Do you remember when you came back, did people ask what had happened? AN: I don't remember to be honest with you, no. SY: No? And you didn't get injured? AN: I didn't. Actually, I got beat up, but didn't get injured. It wasn't visible. But every single one of us got a piece of it. So, that was [New York?]— there in D.C. for two or three days, and that's— I think it was a good two days, and then— SY: Did you have to keep going back out? AN: Oh, yeah. The second— we went there in like the morning, and the next morning, and the next afternoon. So, it wasn't a onetime event. 11 SY: And did you— when you went back out— did you have weapons of any sort, or know what you were getting into? AN: The second time we just— we had— we brought some bottles and things like that just in case, because you don't want those guys to go after you, you need to defend yourself, so— SY: And the US police didn't touch it at all? AN: I think it was such a big crowd. It was thousands. Just imagine. And these police officers on horses— say, even 20 of them, 30 of them, 100 of them. We're talking about thousands of— it was just a mob scene, and so really, I think it was out of control. And it was out of control. SY: And were the Irani students of the Citadel and VMI, did they come up, too? AN: Oh, everybody. Everybody in the navy, air force, anybody that the navy ordered, and the military ordered— the Iranian military. We all had to go. We had no choice. We were the agents of the Iranian government. SY: Yeah. So, you weirdly went into battle in D.C. without any— without the US knowing or noticing. AN: I don't know— I'm sure people knew. I mean, you see group here and a group there. You see the potential for some interaction. It could— it's possible. But the job wasn't to protect us. The job was to protect people around the White House, and the dignitaries and everything. I mean, there's a mob scene. They're not going to go and worry about individuals like me, they're going to worry about individuals like Heads of State. So— SY: That makes sense. So, were you starting to get worried in your senior year about stuff that was going on back home? AN: Actually, I was not senior— I was junior year here. And it was— I was really worried at that point. And to be honest with you, I changed my mind about being— serving under the Shah at that point temporarily. But then I thought about it. If we go to sign allegiance to Ayatollah, then that's something that really wasn't in my dream. So, that's when I got married, said I'm not going back to Iran to serve the Ayatollah. I just really— this is not what I want to do. My allegiance is not to him. So, that's why I stayed here. SY: And so you had a secret marriage. AN: I had a secret marriage— SY: That worked. AN: Yeah. I had a secret marriage. And then came back, and told my commander that I was going to go on vacation, and I never came back. And that was Runi, and never said, so— SY: Where did you guys go? Where'd you have your secret marriage? AN: We went to my wife's— she has an aunt— back then she lived in New York in Glenn's Falls, and my father-in-law— so we got married on a Saturday, this particular Saturday, December 30th. Then we went to— he arranged with his sister to have us work— well, live with them for a few months. Ended up living with them for nine months. In the basement she had a room, I would say 5 by 10, dark, used to be a bar that had some use. So, they gave it to us. It had no toilet, it had— it was awful. Nine months my wife and I lived there. We had a couch that my father-in-law bought from Sears for 300 dollars, and that was a sofa bed, too. 12 So, that would be the couch, and then open up to sleep in. So, that's where we lived. And that was rough. And I was in the navy. I had never worked in my life. I was being paid a handsome salary a month as a midshipman, and then I had to go find a job, and so my first job was— I started as a busboy in a hotel nearby. Queensberry Hotel. And I loved it. It was really— all the waitresses were really good to me. I would help them out— I was a young guy. I was in my twenties, and they were older than me, and I would be stronger, carrying trays and things like that. And the hotel general manager really took a liking to me, and so he would order— he and his family lived in one of the rooms— so he would order food every day and want me to bring him the food. Prepare them and bring them to him. And I had no idea what these American foods were like. What does this mean? What does that mean? So, I had a tough time with that. But every time I went up he gave me a tip, and he wanted me take care of me. Really nice man. And so, then I— my wife started waitressing at a restaurant nearby, and then so we needed another job, so I went and got another job as a temporary street worker. Basically you help all the digging holes and jackhammer and things like that. And sometimes if I didn't have that I would go into the police department— it was a city job— I would go to the police department and help paint the walls, wash the cars, and things like that. So, that was my salary of two dollars and 10 cents an hour. And I was really proud of this, by the way. That was great money. So, that's how we started. I learned a lot from it, and I learned that no matter what you do, it's not what you do, it's how you do it. And I still to this day believe it. And I have a really good job now, but if I have to go lose my job for whatever reason I have to do something else, I can go to sweeping the floors and waxing the floors, but I can guarantee you it's going to be the best looking, cleanest floor you've ever seen in your life. And that's how I did it when I started as my houseman job in a hotel in Burlington. So, I started as a houseman, and within six months I became everybody's supervisor. SY: Why do you think— AN: It wasn't because I was a good looking guy and they liked me to be in the front— it was because I did such a great job. I had— they had us scheduled to do different tasks, and I did them all, and I did them all perfectly. I waxed the floors. Anybody who— any issues they had they didn't want to do, I would do it. Any time somebody called in sick, I would go in. The bathrooms— they have public bathrooms, and on the first floor of the hotel— and public bathrooms are always very dirty— I would go in and 10 minutes, I'd clean it up. I mean, that bathroom was spotless. So, people notice that. They see this guy is doing a good job. So, that's how I started— I got promotion like that. SY: So, what about— at this point you had two years of school? AN: Three years. SY: Three years of school. And so, what was your major? AN: Business. SY: Business. OK. And did you want to— I imagine you wanted to finish. AN: Yes. SY: So, how'd you go back and finish school? 13 AN: So, I went— when I got married, I wanted to come back to Norwich. Obviously, I couldn't, because the navy still had a hold of my academics, and they didn't release that until later apparently. SY: How did they set a hold on your— AN: Well, they wouldn't— I— for whatever reason, I couldn't get my credits here at Norwich. It didn't get released until later. Some years later. So, at that time I had gone to Trinity College in Burlington, and I got my Associates. SY: So, you had to redo all that. AN: Part of it, yes. And then I went to— I went another three of four years, and I went back to Trinity and got my Bachelor's. Well I got it all. My Bachelor's, I had like 12 or— no, 17 credits I had to take. No, I'm sorry. Seventeen courses I had to take, and I did them all in a year. So, I did day, night, and I had a full time job, and by the way I was cum laude. So, I just— it just proves that I really wanted to do it then, and I did it. Then, it wasn't until 2005 that Norwich granted 10 of us honorary degrees. And that was, to me, that was my most prized possession aside from my Norwich ring that— it just really— I had my other diplomas, but Norwich is bigger, and it's right in the middle of it, and it's a joy and pride for me. SY: Now did you stay in touch with any of your fellow students? So, did they know that you were going to leave and get married? AN: No, they didn't' know that until I left. Because you couldn't really trust anybody. I didn't know who was SAVAK, you couldn't— I didn't— also I didn't want to create any friction so that my family would get in trouble back home because my father cosigned me, so that if anything would be resolved, so if anything happened to me, and I left the navy, then he would pay all the expenses the navy had already put in my education. And they did. About 20 years later they went after my parents, and they wanted to take possession of the house and their belongings. So, my father called me, and said, "This is what's happening." I asked how much is it, and he said, "This much." And I just wrote a check, and they paid the government, and they were clear. So— but it was good timing then because inflation was so high that the amount I gave was almost 10 times more than it would have been up— 10 times less than I would have paid, so it just— it all worked out. SY: Yeah. And— OK. And then did you start— did you stay in touch with your family at all during that time? AN: I did, and it was pretty— we would write letters. Of course, they didn't have (inaudible) [00:48:24] or Tango and things like that— iPhone, you could talk to each other. So, from time to time we would write letters, and it would be pretty generic. No names, and no insulting the government, things like that. And sometimes I would call, and there are times that somebody— if you say something— the monitor on the other end would scold you for saying it, so— so they would do that, yeah. Because again, maybe my family— because we had three bro-- three siblings in prison by the Mullahs, and a number of family mem-- relatives who got executed by the government because they were against the government, so. SY: So, when did you get to see your family again? 14 AN: I got to see my mom about 15— 20 years ago. Eighteen years ago, I'm sorry. She came here to visit us, and then I went— my family and I went to Europe to Holland, a couple— three years after, and met with my mother and father. And they're still both of them living. My mom is in her 70s, my dad is in his 80s, so— SY: And are they in Iran, or— AN: In Iran. Tehran. SY: In Tehran. And your siblings? When did you get to see them? AN: My siblings— last time I saw my brother was about a few years ago. My sister is— oh my brother, five years ago. I went to see him, and I saw him there. SY: And it sounds like there's a period of, I don't know, 20 some odd years where you didn't see your family at all. AN: Yeah, it was. And it was one of the hardest things. And the reason is, I know my wife's family, they're really great. They love me. And really it was good to be accepted and to be part of them. But, you always feel like you don't— you— sight of it— there's something missing, and that is some of the things that have been missing for me and for my kids, because I always wanted to— I wanted to experience the love from my side of the family, because in Iran it's a lot more personable. I'm not saying— just, family is— it's— family relations are very deep. SY: And more affectionate, right? AN: More affectionate, just like— and they just— you feel like— we were talking to one of my friends, talking with how many people go see therapists here in the US, and it just really— it's hard for people to be talking to each other about— because no one's got time. In Iran, people don't go to therapists, they have family members. It's really— it's not unusual to have family members who live with you, so any problems you have you can always— you always have that support that— that support network that can always help you out. So, that's one other thing that I wish I had that for my kids, and I wish I had that for myself. I think that would have made me a lot better person in some ways for them, they would have a richer youth, and teenage years. It would be a lot better for them. SY: Do you speak Farsi with them at all? (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) [00:51:47] AN: No, I did not. I did initially, but that's one of the regrets. I should have spoken with them. I should have taught them, but I didn't. And actually, when I became a US citizen back three years after I got married. So, that was like '81, '80, '81 or so. Eighty-two. So, I was just— I was so mad at the Iranian government and all the things they do, I just didn't want to deal with it. Now, the last five, 10 years or so, I've started to pick up on strengthening my Farsi, because I was forgetting it, and I just realized— I just kind of made myself— I thought— I was thinking about, really, because I'm mad at them doesn't mean I don't— I love that language, and I just— it's really hard on me. So, I started to really read a lot of Farsi and listen to things, because you forget things, and I try always to see when I say something, how would it translate into Farsi, or the other way around. SY: Do you still dream in Farsi? AN: I dream about— yeah. I do. I mean, especially food involved. (laughter) 15 SY: That's what I was going to say. You must be homesick for food. What food do you crave that you can't get here? AN: They have these kebabs, filets, and they also have, we call them barg, which means leaf. But it's just kind of like leaf of meat. Filet. And they skewer it, and it's just unbelievably tasty. And that's served with rice and saffron. And they have this other kebab called koobideh, and that's basically kind of like hamburger, but it's on skewers this long, but it's absolutely the most delicious thing on earth. I mean, all Iranians, you don't find anybody who doesn't love chelo kebab. They call it chelo kebab. So, that's one of the things that— I mean, the smell of it, the taste of it, it's just out of this world. Seriously. SY: I believe you. (laughter) AN: Yeah. It just— it's just unbelievable. And that's one of the things I miss. And I miss the traditions. I miss the New Year. Persian New Year. It's a big deal in Iran. It was— SY: It was just last week, or two weeks ago, yeah. AN: Two weeks ago. Yeah. Twenty-first. And I know it's not a big deal here, but my wife does some prep for it, but it's just— it's not the same. So, those are the things that you feel like you wish you had. I wish for our governments— Iranian government and US government to get along, so people— SY: It looks like they're having— AN: I hope so— SY: Fear about what's going on this week, and last week. AN: Yeah, I'll see it when it's actually executed. I don't know. I don't trust these guys over there. SY: You'll believe it when you see it. AN: Yeah. I— you know what? It would be great if these two countries could get along and people could travel without the fear of getting hurt and kidnapped or whatever. SY: Bizhan's been back, have you ever gone back? AN: No, I've not gone back. He actually— when he resigned, he resigned from the navy. I did not. I just went AWOL, and because of my last name, because my brothers being anti-government, I really don't think I have a chance of going there freely. I would really— I wish I could, but I don't think so. Unless this government changes. SY: So, you're going to have to wait for news (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) [00:55:17]— AN: Yeah, to be honest with you, I don't think in my lifetime that's going to happen. I really don't think it. This is— traditionally, Iran— a regime lasts 70 to 100 years. Happened to Shah, it was 75. To these guys, it's only been 35, 40 years. I don't think I'm going to live another 30 years to see that, we'll see. SY: I don't know, you keep eating those egg white omelets, you might live another 35, 40 years. (laughter) AN: Yeah, maybe. SY: Sussan talked about how when she came back, because of the hostage crisis, there's a lot of hostility towards Iranians. Did you experience that? 16 AN: Yes, I did. Very much so. When— back in '78, or '79, I was working at this hotel called— maybe it was '80. The Radisson in Burlington. It's called Hilton now. So, I had an employee he worked for me. His name— whatever. And he was very anti-Iranian. And it was Iran this, Iran that, swear words, and— so, he didn't know I was Iranian, and finally when he found out I was Iranian, he just said, "I'm so sorry. I just didn't know you're Iranian, and I've been saying all these things." And I said, "It happens a lot. People don't know." When you talk about Americans are bad, or Iranians are bad, you just think of them in general. But you meet people, and you realize that really is not the case. And the prejudice I faced was not because of me. Once people started talking to me, they said, "Wow, you're not like that." Well, of course. I live in this country. I became a US citizen. I love this country. I'm not— it's not— I'm not the enemy. I'm like anybody else. But, my origin is Iranian. Just like you being Italian or being Irish. So, that's the way it is. But yeah. People— I mean, even after 9/11, just anybody who was dark, it was just— they were targeted. And then we learned to live with that. We learned to really put that aside. It's gotten a lot better in terms of labeling people and profiling them, I think so. So, I think, once people— and that's one of the things I love about Americans. Once they get to know you, and— first of all, I don't think many Americans are, in my experience, many Americans are not really vicious in terms of trying to put somebody down. People are very— they joke a lot in many ways. People like to be humorous about some things. That's just the way it is. And my experience has been I really haven't had people say, "You. Because of you." And once they get to know me, and say, "Hey, that's the situation. It is what it is." SY: Yeah. So, after all this, you're— you feel you— you arrive in Northfield, you arrive in the boonies, you say, "Oh my God, what is happening to me?" You end up staying in Vermont. Why'd you end up staying in Vermont? AN: Well, I stayed up in Vermont, the reason is because my wife is a Vermonter, and she wanted to be— she wanted to live here. I don't really like Vermont weather. I love the people. They're just the sweetest, most friendly, kind people. I just don't like the weather. And really, it's getting to me year after year. Just, I don't like the cold. Today's March— April. April second. I had to wear a long coat to come out. It's just— there's got to be an end to this at some point. So, my daughter lives in Florida. Southwest Florida. So, my dream is to move there someday and— but my wife is not convinced yet. That's the problem. That's the problem. SY: I don't know. You compromised. You've been here for a long time. Maybe it's your turn, huh? AN: Yeah. I don't know. We'll see. We'll see. Maybe another five or six years. We'll see. SY: Yeah. Exactly. I don't know if I have any more questions. I'm just looking through my list. Oh, yeah. So, then years later some of your classmates managed to trickle back in. So, what were those conversations like when you re-met them? AN: Oh, so coming back from Iran, or just— SY: Yeah. So, Bizhan makes his way back, Sussan makes her way back. It takes a while though. 17 AN: It does, yeah. It took a lot. For Bizhan, he almost didn't make it back here. He was stuck in [Bromford?] quite a long time. What really confirmed things for me was that I was right from the beginning that I shouldn't have gone to Iran, because a lot of my friends went, and said— and they went, and resigned, they almost didn't make it back, and they hated every minute of being in Iran. Even though it's our mother country, just because the regime made it so hard. And it was interesting to hear that people were in the same timeframe as I was in terms of thinking, and so for me it just was kind of a sweet— it's a pleasurous— pleasuring— pleasing thing to hear that I was— what I felt about Iran, not going to Iran was the right thing, and— SY: And everybody came back, and you could probably talk freely in a way that you hadn't been able to. AN: Oh yeah. Yeah. We did. And Bizhan's been to Iran several times. And even the last time that he went he said it was just really tough for him after a week. Said it was really tough. Just because we used to it— it's a part of our— we've been here more than half of our lives here in the US than we have been in Iran. So, for us in particular it's really hard. I don't think if I went to Iran, honestly I couldn't last more than a week or two. I seriously couldn't. Because A) the way of life B) all the different— the environment, the society and— SY: And the anxiety of whether or not you'd be able to leave. AN: Right. And that's a thing. And they have a different concept about things. Time is not important at all. So, you could go— when you invite Iranians over in Iran, you tell them dinner at 8:00. Dinner doesn't mean at 8:00, it means at 8:00 they start preparing the dinner. So, you end up eating dinner at 11:00 sometimes. SY: I think that's true for every people besides white Anglo-Saxons, you know what I mean? Any other country you go to it's the same. AN: And it's good to have that time concept. It's good to say, "Look, dinner's at 8:00. Be here at 7:45." Or whatever. I like the way things are more clear here what it is in the US. And people are pretty straightforward about it. In Iran, no. In Iran, say, "Hey, come here for dinner." Yeah, OK. And you can't tell people just come by yourself. You would say you come to my house, meaning you, that means the entire family. The entire family comes. So, it just— it's nice, in a way, and because everybody is together, and they love guests. That's another thing about our culture. We just love people coming and enjoying our food and being part of our lives. SY: Yeah. So, what's your job now? AN: I am the VP or Information Technology and CIO at Visiting Nurse Association in Colchester. SY: That sounds like a very good job. AN: It is actually. I started at— I went up the ranks. And I've been there 21 years. So, I really worked hard at getting here, and they just didn't give it to me because they liked— they thought they should have somebody like me. I worked hard for it. And I guess you have to prove yourself. Because again, you have in this country, again, you are given an opportunity, I feel like you people should be— they should use it to the absolute max, and if they don't use it— and that's why if they don't use it they're putting themselves at a disadvantage, and that's why it's true 18 that it's the land of opportunity. And it's true that if you want to do it you can do it. But you really have to work at it hard, and sometimes you have to work harder just because of who you are. Sometimes— different times I have to work a lot harder to prove myself because people just look at you and for whatever reason they just think you might not be able to write well, you might not be able to speak well, so those are things that kind of— they put you— you're set back, and they don't give you the opportunity. SY: Did you ever get disheartened during your sort of rise up the ranks? AN: I did. Like, you get— against what? My work, or people I work with? SY: No, just frustrated. I mean, like, yes. This is the American Dream. You can work hard and you can rise up, but there is discrimination, there are barriers, there are different things. It's frustrating. AN: No, I never did. I seriously I— again, I always thought this is such a great country. And if I can imagine myself when we had the hostage crisis here in this country, Iranians took those Americans hostage, 52 of them, for 444 days or something like that, and people still here we could live and we could get promotion. We could work hard. I mean, it doesn't happen everywhere, but I feel like I never had any backlash against me because of that. But I can't imagine being in Iran and being an American, and you take Iranians— Americans take Iranians hostage, and Americans in Iran be treated this well. And again, this is one of the greatest things about the United States, because that is— that's what makes us such a great nation. And that's what makes us so special. I mean, every day when I talk to these young people, I say to them, "You have this opportunity in this country, you have such a great country here, you have to realize it. Don't say US this, and US that, address it in a negative way. You haven't been to the other side to see what it is to live in this great country." And just have to— you just have to cherish that, and appreciate it, and you have this opportunity, you're part of this nation. SY: Yeah. One last question. How did you meet your wife? AN: Well, actually, I was— we were going to a disco called Friends in Burlington, and I had a girlfriend here one— actually, I had a live in girlfriend here, and I had a fight with her one night, and just went to disco with my friends. My male friends. So, my wife saw me at the— standing there by the cigarette machine, because they had cigarette machines inside, and she asked me to dance, and we danced for three hours. And so, that's— I think I told her I fell in love with her that night, and she said, "Oh, [I can't hear?]?" I said, "I loved you from the minute I saw you." So that's— SY: And now that's 30-- AN: Thirty six years we've been married. Yeah. Yeah. So, like any marriage, there's just like anything. You'll have ups and downs, but more ups. I really think that. More positive stuff than. SY: Absolutely. So, any last thoughts? AN: Last thought is I hope someday my kids will be able to listen to all these stories from Iranian guys, and Norwich cadets, and I hope they should— that they have an opportunity to come back and listen to some of these. 19 SY: Well, actually you're going to get a copy of this, and pretty soon the interviews I did with Bizhan and Sussan will be available online. So, that wish will be able to be granted very quickly and concretely. AN: Yeah? Great. SY: So, I'll send you— I'll send you— [01:07:09] END OF AUDIO FILE

Environment, Natural Resources and Biodiversity, are considered among the priorities for implementing management processes long term all countries, employed and used as flags of social, economic, cultural, economic and political demands. However units or ministries enjoy the lowest budget, they are not in the forefront of prioritizing the POA, no late reaction and few trained and hired specialized professionals. Bolivia has substantial rules with different names and a single focus: "Mechanisms of Regulation", which involves prevention systems under a precautionary principle, which can make possible, with imagination and will, immediate action. From the decade of the 70 in our country it will enact some legal instruments on environmental management: a) in 1975 which is considered the Wild Life, National Parks and Game and Fish to start an interesting process Management of Natural Resources (Law of Wildlife, National Parks, Fishing and Hunting: DL 12301, 14.03.1975); b) in 1980, a line is drawn to incorporate some safeguards mining activity, which did not give many results for its lack of consensus with the actors; c) between 1985 - 1989, to promote national productive sector precautele some agendas that water issues are developed, but again aimed at regulating the mining sector and the use of such a vital resource; d) between 91-92, since the commitments made by the country in the preparatory meetings for the Summit on Environment and Development in Rio de Janeiro, is included on the agenda concerns environmental, thereby initiating a debate serious about the paradigm based on the development and conservation, giving rise formulating the Environmental Law (DS 1333, 27.4.1992); e) in 1996, after extensive research process, the Forest Law (DS 1700, 12/07/1996) is formulated in view of the forest land in the country with over 52 MM / ha of forests where the environmental context, conservation, ecosystem functions and high value attributes are important; f) from 1999 Bolivia faces the conservation of biodiversity and natural resources from a technical look with the National Climate Change Programme, which ends its action in 2014 based on the new policies of the country where the climate issue and the management of natural resources is a matter of foreign policy; g) 2010 Bolivia convenes and hosts the World People's Conference on Climate Change and the Rights of Mother Earth (Tiquipaya 2010) managing to reunite more than 30,000 representatives of governments, social organizations, nations and peoples; h) for the 2012 Law of Mother Earth (DS is passed, 300) and with it the guiding policy of living well with sovereignty, with a governing body such as the Plurinational Authority Mother Earth and political body that counteract the commodification of natural resources through: Joint Mechanism for Mitigation and Adaptation for Integral and Sustainable Management of Forests and Mother Earth. ; El medio Ambiente, los Recursos Naturales y la Biodiversidad, están considerada entre las prioridades para implementar procesos de gestión de largo plazo en todos los países del mundo, empleadas y usadas como banderas de reivindicación social, económica, cultural, económica y política. Sin embargo las unidades o ministerios gozan del más bajo presupuesto, no están en las primeras filas de priorización de los POA, hay tardías reacción y escasos profesionales capacitados, especializados y contratados. Bolivia tiene cuantiosas normas con distintos nombres y un solo énfasis: "Mecanismos de Regulación", lo que involucra sistemas de prevención bajo un principio precautorio, donde podemos viabilizar, con imaginación y voluntad, acciones inmediatas. A partir de la Década de los 70 en nuestro país se va promulgando algunos instrumentos legales relativos a la gestión ambiental: a) en 1975 donde se considera la Vida Silvestres, los Parques Nacionales y la Caza y Pesca para dar comienzo a un proceso interesante en la gestión de los Recursos Naturales (la Ley de la Vida Silvestre, Parques Nacionales, Caza y Pesca: DL 12301, 14/03/1975); b) en 1980 se traza una línea para incorporar en la actividad minera algunos resguardos, los que no dieron muchos resultados por su falta de consenso con los actores; c) entre el 1985 – 1989, para promover el sector productivo nacional se desarrollan algunas agendas que precautele el tema del agua, pero otra vez tendientes a regular el sector minero y el uso de tan vital recurso; d) entre el 91-92, dado los compromisos asumidos por el país en las reuniones preparatorias para la cumbre sobre Medio Ambiente y Desarrollo de Rio de Janeiro, se incluye en la agenda política las preocupaciones de orden ambiental, iniciándose de esta manera un debate serio sobre el paradigma referido al desarrollo y la conservación, dando pie la formulación de la Ley de Medio Ambiente (DS 1333, 27/04/1992); e) en 1996, después de un amplio proceso de investigación, se formula la Ley Forestal (DS 1700, 12/07/1996), dada la vocación forestal del país con más de 52 MM/ha de bosques, donde el contexto ambiental, la conservación, las funciones ecosistemas y sus atributos de alto valor son importantes; f) a partir de 1999 Bolivia afronta la conservación de la biodiversidad y los Recursos naturales desde una mirada técnica con el Programa Nacional de Cambios Climáticos, que culmina su accionar el 2014 con base a las nuevas políticas del país, donde el tema climático y la gestión de los recursos naturales es un tema de política exterior; g) el 2010 Bolivia convoca y es sede de la Conferencia Mundial de los Pueblos sobre Cambio Climático y Derechos de la Madre Tierra (Tiquipaya 2010) logrando reunir más de 30.000 representantes de gobiernos, Organizaciones Sociales, Naciones y Pueblos del Mundo; h) para el 2012 se promulga la Ley de la Madre Tierra (DS: 300) y con ella el órgano rector de las políticas del vivir bien con soberanía, con un órgano rector como es la Autoridad Plurinacional de la Madres Tierra y políticas que contrarrestan la mercantilización de los recursos naturales a través del: Mecanismo Conjunto de Mitigación y Adaptación para el Manejo Integral y Sustentable de los Bosques y la Madre Tierra.

Environment, Natural Resources and Biodiversity, are considered among the priorities for implementing management processes long term all countries, employed and used as flags of social, economic, cultural, economic and political demands. However units or ministries enjoy the lowest budget, they are not in the forefront of prioritizing the POA, no late reaction and few trained and hired specialized professionals. Bolivia has substantial rules with different names and a single focus: "Mechanisms of Regulation", which involves prevention systems under a precautionary principle, which can make possible, with imagination and will, immediate action. From the decade of the 70 in our country it will enact some legal instruments on environmental management: a) in 1975 which is considered the Wild Life, National Parks and Game and Fish to start an interesting process Management of Natural Resources (Law of Wildlife, National Parks, Fishing and Hunting: DL 12301, 14.03.1975); b) in 1980, a line is drawn to incorporate some safeguards mining activity, which did not give many results for its lack of consensus with the actors; c) between 1985 - 1989, to promote national productive sector precautele some agendas that water issues are developed, but again aimed at regulating the mining sector and the use of such a vital resource; d) between 91-92, since the commitments made by the country in the preparatory meetings for the Summit on Environment and Development in Rio de Janeiro, is included on the agenda concerns environmental, thereby initiating a debate serious about the paradigm based on the development and conservation, giving rise formulating the Environmental Law (DS 1333, 27.4.1992); e) in 1996, after extensive research process, the Forest Law (DS 1700, 12/07/1996) is formulated in view of the forest land in the country with over 52 MM / ha of forests where the environmental context, conservation, ecosystem functions and high value attributes are important; f) from 1999 Bolivia faces the conservation of biodiversity and natural resources from a technical look with the National Climate Change Programme, which ends its action in 2014 based on the new policies of the country where the climate issue and the management of natural resources is a matter of foreign policy; g) 2010 Bolivia convenes and hosts the World People's Conference on Climate Change and the Rights of Mother Earth (Tiquipaya 2010) managing to reunite more than 30,000 representatives of governments, social organizations, nations and peoples; h) for the 2012 Law of Mother Earth (DS is passed, 300) and with it the guiding policy of living well with sovereignty, with a governing body such as the Plurinational Authority Mother Earth and political body that counteract the commodification of natural resources through: Joint Mechanism for Mitigation and Adaptation for Integral and Sustainable Management of Forests and Mother Earth. ; El medio Ambiente, los Recursos Naturales y la Biodiversidad, están considerada entre las prioridades para implementar procesos de gestión de largo plazo en todos los países del mundo, empleadas y usadas como banderas de reivindicación social, económica, cultural, económica y política. Sin embargo las unidades o ministerios gozan del más bajo presupuesto, no están en las primeras filas de priorización de los POA, hay tardías reacción y escasos profesionales capacitados, especializados y contratados. Bolivia tiene cuantiosas normas con distintos nombres y un solo énfasis: "Mecanismos de Regulación", lo que involucra sistemas de prevención bajo un principio precautorio, donde podemos viabilizar, con imaginación y voluntad, acciones inmediatas. A partir de la Década de los 70 en nuestro país se va promulgando algunos instrumentos legales relativos a la gestión ambiental: a) en 1975 donde se considera la Vida Silvestres, los Parques Nacionales y la Caza y Pesca para dar comienzo a un proceso interesante en la gestión de los Recursos Naturales (la Ley de la Vida Silvestre, Parques Nacionales, Caza y Pesca: DL 12301, 14/03/1975); b) en 1980 se traza una línea para incorporar en la actividad minera algunos resguardos, los que no dieron muchos resultados por su falta de consenso con los actores; c) entre el 1985 – 1989, para promover el sector productivo nacional se desarrollan algunas agendas que precautele el tema del agua, pero otra vez tendientes a regular el sector minero y el uso de tan vital recurso; d) entre el 91-92, dado los compromisos asumidos por el país en las reuniones preparatorias para la cumbre sobre Medio Ambiente y Desarrollo de Rio de Janeiro, se incluye en la agenda política las preocupaciones de orden ambiental, iniciándose de esta manera un debate serio sobre el paradigma referido al desarrollo y la conservación, dando pie la formulación de la Ley de Medio Ambiente (DS 1333, 27/04/1992); e) en 1996, después de un amplio proceso de investigación, se formula la Ley Forestal (DS 1700, 12/07/1996), dada la vocación forestal del país con más de 52 MM/ha de bosques, donde el contexto ambiental, la conservación, las funciones ecosistemas y sus atributos de alto valor son importantes; f) a partir de 1999 Bolivia afronta la conservación de la biodiversidad y los Recursos naturales desde una mirada técnica con el Programa Nacional de Cambios Climáticos, que culmina su accionar el 2014 con base a las nuevas políticas del país, donde el tema climático y la gestión de los recursos naturales es un tema de política exterior; g) el 2010 Bolivia convoca y es sede de la Conferencia Mundial de los Pueblos sobre Cambio Climático y Derechos de la Madre Tierra (Tiquipaya 2010) logrando reunir más de 30.000 representantes de gobiernos, Organizaciones Sociales, Naciones y Pueblos del Mundo; h) para el 2012 se promulga la Ley de la Madre Tierra (DS: 300) y con ella el órgano rector de las políticas del vivir bien con soberanía, con un órgano rector como es la Autoridad Plurinacional de la Madres Tierra y políticas que contrarrestan la mercantilización de los recursos naturales a través del: Mecanismo Conjunto de Mitigación y Adaptación para el Manejo Integral y Sustentable de los Bosques y la Madre Tierra.

El artículo plantea la urgente necesidad de que las instituciones educativas y de salud trabajen conjuntamente en busca del desarrollo físico, psicológico, social y espiritual del escolar en el marco de la Promoción de la Salud, mediante la implementación de algunas metodologías y en especial de la estrategia de escuela saludable avalada por la Organización Panamericana de la Salud (OPS). Esta implementación necesariamente debe apoyarse en los procesos de educación para la salud, la comunicación social, las alianzas estratégicas, la intersectorialidad, la interdisciplinariedad, el establecimiento y fortalecimiento de las redes como herramientas de todo proceso de promoción de la salud escolar; estas herramientas deben ser aprovechadas por las instituciones educativas si quieren desarrollar verdaderos y efectivos programas de salud escolar, los cuales deben de estar integrados dentro del PEI institucional. Las instituciones educativas en este caso, están representadas por la escuela y la comunidad educativa, la cual es descrita por la Ley General de Educación (Ley 115/94) como el espacio y el grupo por excelencia donde y con quien el escolar tiene la posibilidad de desarrollar sus potencialidades y adquirir una serie de habilidades y competencias que le permiten en mayor o menor medida enfrentar los retos de la vida de una manera efectiva; esto no es posible lograrlo sola, por eso, se debe relacionar con otros sectores y en especial con el de la salud. Lo anterior, para los sectores antes mencionados, además de la intención de hacerlo, está respaldado en un marco constitucional y legal cuyo punto de partida es la Constitución Política de Colombia en su Artículo 44, donde plantea los derechos fundamentales de los niños, además de leyes, decretos, resoluciones y declaraciones locales, nacionales y mundiales que están a la espera de que se aumenten los proyectos de formación integral como el camino más claro para la formación del escolar. El artículo plantea además, la responsabilidad de la Universidad en la movilización de las fuerzas sociales para trabajar en la formación del niño y la niña como futuro y presente de la humanidad. ; The article states the compelling need of health and educational institutions to work hand in hand to seek not only for the physical and psychological development of the students but for the social and spiritual ones as well; everything actively involved in the health promotion process by means of the implementation of several methodologies particularly the strategy of "Healthy Schools" which was positively assessed by the Organización Panamericana de la Salud (OPS). All this implementation must be based on the health education process, social interaction, strategic alliances, cooperation among all the different sectors involved, interdisciplinary work, and the establishment and strengthening of "networks" as outstanding tools for the whole process of Health Promotion in schools; every institution must take advantage of all these tools if they do want to get actively involved in the development of true and effective School Health programs which have to be fully integrated in the PEI (Institutional Educative Project). In such case the institutions are represented by the school and the community which is regarded by the Ley General de Educación (the General law of Education) ley 115/94 as the space and group where the student has the possibility to develop all his potentialities as well as to acquire a set of skills and competences which will eventually allow him to face the different challenges in life in a more effective way that definitely cannot be accomplished by itself, thus an interaction of the health field and educational institutions is compulsory to harmonically carry out all their actions in the school and make all of them go far beyond its sole duty which is basic health assistance. All of the above not only for the health but also for the educational field is completely supported on a legal and constitutional basis which is mainly established in the Political Constitution of Colombia in article 44 that states the fundamental rights of children, in addition to some local, national and international decrees, resolutions and declarations which are still expecting for integral projects to be increased and to show a better perspective for the future scholars as the upcoming citizens of the world and tomorrow. The article also states the responsibility of the University for the fostering of social forces that lead to a better formation of the childhood as the present and future of the world.

This study aims at sorting out the differences between the Turkish and European conceptions of security in the post-Cold War era and the impact of these differences on Turkey's quest for membership in the European Union (EU). To realise this aim, the study is composed of one major argument and a set of supporting arguments. The major argument of this study is that security is crucial for any analysis on the issue of Turkey's accession to the EU; not in terms of what Turkey can offer with regard to military security to the Union but rather in terms of the logic of security which inherently involves the "breaking of the normal political rules of the game" (as suggested by the Copenhagen School) - i.e. limits on fundamental rights and freedoms as well as on pluralism and democracy. The first chapter sets the theoretical framework of this study; analysing the existing literature on the multidimensional concept of security (which attaches equal significance to non-military and military dimensions of security). The Copenhagen School's approach is emphasised in this chapter as it forms the point of departure of the study. In the second chapter, theories which are closely related to the multidimensional security concept; the two worlds view (zones of peace and conflict), democratic peace theory and the theory of security communities are scrutinized with a view to supporting the theoretical basis established in the first chapter. In the third and fourth chapters, the nature of the EU as a de-securitization process and a civilian power, and, Turkey's nature as an over-securitizing actor are all put forward respectively, in an effort to develop the major argument of this study. The fifth chapter consists of a comparative analysis of the security conceptions and perceptions of Turkey and the EU, in order to display the interplay of security identities between the two entities. This chapter lays down the areas of convergence and divergence between Turkey and the EU in this respect. The study reaches the conclusion that despite differences in their perception and conception of security; Turkey and the EU have also found grounds for convergence in this regard. Turkey has started a period of de-securitization in line with its quest for EU membership, whereas the EU has started re-securitization, especially after September 11. ÖZBu doktora çalışmasının amacı, Soğuk Savaş dönemi sonrasında Türkiye ve Avrupa'daki güvenlik kavramı farklılıklarını ortaya koymak ve söz konusu farklılıkların Türkiye'nin Avrupa Birliği (AB) üyesi olma hedefine etkilerini incelemektir. Çalışma, bir ana argüman ve destekleyici yan argümanlardan oluşmaktadır. Ana argüman; "güvenlik" kavramının, Türkiye'nin AB'ye girişi ile ilgili herhangi bir analiz için çok önemli olduğudur. Ancak bu önem, Türkiye'nin askeri güvenlik konusunda Birliğe olası katkısıdan çok, güvenliğin teorik tanımının içerdiği öğeler ile ilgilidir. Çünkü, "güvenlik", özünde (Kopenhag ekolü tarafından önerildiği üzere) "oyunun normal siyasi kurallarını bozan" - bir başka deyişle, çoğulculuk, demokrasi ve temel hak ve özgürlükleri kısıtlayıcı - öğeleri barındırır. Birinci bölüm, çok boyutlu güvenlik kavramı (bu kavram güvenliğin askeri ve askeri olmayan boyutlarına eşit önem verir) üzerinde yapılmış akademik çalışmaları inceleyerek, tezin teorik çerçevesini çizmektedir. Kopenhag ekolünün yaklaşımı, tezin hareket noktasını oluşturduğu için, bu bölümde yoğunlukla vurgulanmaktadır. İkinci bölümde, çok boyutlu güvenlik kavramı ile yakından ilgili teoriler; iki dünya görüşü (barış ve çatışma alanları), demokratik barış teorisi ve güvenlik toplumları teorisi, ilk bölümdeki teorik temeli pekiştirmek amacı ile incelenmektedir. Üçüncü ve dördüncü bölümlerde, sırasıyla, AB'nin bir "de-securitization" (meseleleri güvenlik alanından çıkarıp, normalleştirme) süreci ve sivil güç olarak yapısı ve Türkiye'nin fazla güvenlikleştirme (over-securitization) yapan bir aktör olarak doğası, bu tezin ana argümanını geliştirmek üzere ele alınmaktadır. Beşinci bölüm, Türkiye ve Avrupa'nın güvenlik kimliklerinin karşılıklı etkileşimlerini ortaya koymak amacı ile bu iki entitenin güvenlik anlayış ve algılayışlarını karşılaştıran bir analizden oluşmaktadır. Bu bölüm, söz konusu alanlarda Türkiye ve AB arasındaki ayrışma ve birleşme noktalarını tespit etmektedir. Çalışma, aralarındaki güvenlik anlayışı ve algılayışı farklılıklarına rağmen, Türkiye ve AB'nin bu konuda birleşme noktalarının da bulunduğu sonucuna varmaktadır. Türkiye, AB üyeliği hedefine uygun olarak bir "de-securitization" dönemine girmiş; AB ise, özellikle 11 Eylül sonrasında bir yeniden güvenlikleştirme (re-securitization) sürecine başlamıştır ve bu gelişmeler iki taraf arasındaki en onemli birleşme noktasını oluşturmaktadır.

ÖZETAvrupa Birliği Tek Senet ve Maastricht Antlaşmaları'ndan sonra siyasi bütünleşmesine hız verdikçe yönetim ve demokrasi konularındaki tartışmalar da önemli boyutta artmıştır. Bazı çevreler daha da ileri giderek AB'nin çok kültürlü, çok milletli ve çok lisanlı sosyal yapısı hiçbir zaman demokratik yönetimin gerçekleşmesine izin vermeyecektir türünden iddialar bile ortaya atmaktadır. Bu iddia sahiplerine göre demokrasi için aynı köken, dil, din ve kültürel yapıdan beslenen homojen bir toplum üzerine bina edilmiş bir demos gereklidir. Ayrıca uluslar üstü bir yapı olarak Avrupa Birliği gerek karar alma mekanizması içinde gerekse hükumet fonksiyonlarını yerine getirmede bir çok demokratik eksiklik iddialarına da maruz kalmaktadır. Direkt halk seçimiyle iş başına gelen tek kurum olarak Parlamento, Avrupa halkının temsilinde ve onlar için karar alma sürecinde zayıf kalmaktadır. Komisyon Birlik içinde bir yürütme organı olarak görülmesine rağmen halka hesap verebilirlik özelliği neredeyse oluşmamıştır ve bu kurum içindeki aşırı bürokratik yapı demokratik yönetim kanallarını tıkamaktadır . Karar alma ve uygulamada en etkili organ olan Konsey ise bu görevlerinde şeffaf olmayan bir tarz benimsediği için eleştirilmektedir. Bununla birlikte ülkeler arası ekonomik, finansal, ticari, sosyal ve kültürel etkileşimin neticesi olarak globalleşen çağımızda demokrasinin milliyetçi anlamı oldukça zayıflamıştır. Dolayısıyla bu yeni oluşan demokrasi yaklaşımı ulus devletçi manasından sıyrılmış ve demos oluşumu için artık global olarak kabul edilen hukukun üstünlüğü, insan haklarına saygı ve sivik erdem gibi değerler üzerine oturmuş bir sosyal kimlik yeterli görülmektedir. Dolayısıyla AB' nin demos problemi üye devlet halkları arasında güçlü bir 'Avrupa vatandaşlığı' duygusunu oturtmakla ortadan kalkacaktır. Bununla birlikte kurumsal demokratik eksiklikleri yok etmek için ise en etkili üç kurum arasındaki güç dengesini optimize etmek gerekmektedir. Dolayısıyla, Avrupa Birliği üye devletlerle Birlik arasındaki güç köprüsünü ayarlamak adına, Almanya örneğinde olduğu gibi, federal felsefeden beslenen bir yapıya oturtulmalıdır. Bu federalleşme prosesi içinde kurumlar arası bir çok kombinasyon geliştirilebilir; örneğin Konsey ve Parlamento karar almada iki meclisli bir sisteme dönüşebilir; veya Komisyon başkanının ve istenirse üyelerin de direkt olarak seçilebileceği bir sistem benimsenebilir; veya Bölgeler Komitesi' ne ve Ekonomik ve Sosyal Komite' ye karar almada daha fazla sorumluluk verilebilir. Şurası önemlidir ki, ancak bu gibi radikal yasama ve yürütme reformlarıyla AB demokrasisini güçlendirip yeni üyeleriyle geleceğe hazırlanabilecektir.ABSTRACTAs the European Union went through a political integration after the Single European Act and the Treaty of Maastricht, the debates associated with its governance and democracy were multiplied. It was claimed that since the Union has a multicultural, multiethnic and multilingual social structure, to develop a democratic governance is impossible. Because democracy requires a demos that is the community of the same origin, religion and cultural backgrounds. Furthermore, the EU has many democratic deficits in decision making and executing governmental functions as a supranational entity. The European Parliament, the unique directly elected institution, is weak in representing European people and decision making for them. Although the Commission functions as an executive governmental body it is not accountable for the people for its actions. The Council, the most influential organ in decision making and implementation, however, is very opaque and secretive in its fulfillments.However in our globalized era, the nationalist understanding of democracy has already disappeared due to intense interaction of states in economic, financial, commercial and social affairs. This democracy approach, nonetheless, must be stipped of its nation statal understanding and be based on a demos whose identity is formed around globally recognized values like civic virtues, respect for the rule of law and human rights. So, this demos problem is overcome only by embedding a strong European citizenship feeling amongst the people of member states.In order to solve institutional democratic deficits, however, to optimize the power balance between the three most effective institutions is required. For this purpose the government of the EU should be benefit from federal principles in order to adjust this balance bridge between the Union government and the member states as it is the case in German type federation. This can be achieved through many administrative combinations like converting the Council and the Parliament into a bicameral structure in decision making; or through direct election of the Commission president and the members; or through allocating more responsibility over the Committee of Regions or Economic and Social Committee. Only with such a radical legislative and administrative reforms will the EU strenghten its democracy and will be ready for enlarging with the new member states for the future.

Development agencies and actors concerned with promoting sustainable development have been joined in recent years by another player - big business. Increasing adherence on the part of senior managers to concepts like corporate citizenship or corporate social responsibility suggests that this sector of business is beginning to recast its relationship with both the environment and its multiple stakeholders. This evolving situation stands in sharp contrast to the scenario of the past when big business was seen to be insensitive to the needs of certain stakeholders and responsible for much of the environmental degradation of the planet. This paper assesses the reality behind the claims of some sectors of business that an increasing number of large firms are adopting policies and practices conducive to the promotion of sustainable development, particularly in developing countries. After describing various institutional developments that have occurred in the 1990s and that appear to be promoting corporate social and environmental responsibility, the paper assesses the current state of play, highlighting in particular the incipient and piecemeal nature of change. It goes on to examine whether there are forces or an enabling environment in place that might permit a scaling up of initiatives associated with corporate responsibility. Some of the more powerful forces that drive corporate responsibility are identified. The question of why some sectors of business are changing reveals an answer that has less to do with a new-found ethical concern among corporate executives for the environmental and social condition of the planet, than with economic, political and structural factors. These include so-called "win-win" opportunities, the possibility of enhancing competitive advantage, "reputation management", pressure group and consumer politics, regulation or the threat of regulation, and changes in the way production and marketing are being organized globally. While such "drivers" may encourage corporations to be more responsive to environmental and social concerns, it is argued that the process of change is likely to remain fairly fragmented, spread unevenly in terms of companies, countries and sectors, and, from the perspective of sustainable development, fraught with contradictions. What amounts to a fairly minimalist and uneven agenda is not simply a reflection of the fact that the process of change is of recent origin; it also derives from the way in which companies choose to respond to the economic, political and structural drivers of change - responses that often involve imagery, public relations and relatively minor adjustments in management systems and practices, as opposed to significant changes in the social and environmental impact of a company's activities. The final section of the paper reflects on how trends associated with corporate environmental and social responsibility might be both scaled up and "deepened", so that business can make a more meaningful contribution to sustainable development. It begins by considering whether the dominant approach that is currently in vogue centred on the promotion of "voluntary initiatives" and "partnerships" is likely to be effective. While there are important benefits that can derive from such institutional arrangements, there may also be a considerable downside that is often overlooked. The success of many voluntary initiatives requires a certain institutional setting - for example, basic laws related to disclosure and freedom of information, watchdog institutions and strong civil society movements. Such conditions may be weak or absent in many countries. Furthermore, certain initiatives, such as codes of conduct and certification systems, have often been designed by Northern actors, be they governments, NGOs or corporate interests. Southern governments and NGOs are often marginalized in the decision-making processes that affect them. Too often, voluntary initiatives are held up as substitutes for government regulation when in fact various forms of legislation and state sanctions are often what motivated such initiatives in the first place and are crucial for their success. Despite the obvious appeal of the pragmatic and co-operative features of "partnerships", involving, for example, business and United Nations agencies or NGOs, serious questions are raised about their impact. Of particular concern are issues related to the weak criteria often used by United Nations and other organizations to select corporate partners, the way in which more critical voices are silenced as NGOs and United Nations agencies get closer to business, and the problem of "institutional capture" as business comes to exercise influence over decision-making processes associated with the public sphere. Perhaps the most significant concern with some forms of voluntary initiatives and partnerships is that they may serve to weaken key drivers of corporate responsibility - namely government regulation, collective bargaining and certain forms of civil society activism. If one examines the history of corporate environmental and social responsibility, and some of the major reforms of corporate policies and practices, one or a combination of these factors has been crucial. The paper ends with a call for "rethinking regulation and partnerships". There is potentially an important role for certain forms of "co-regulation". These may involve, for example, so-called "negotiated agreements" between government and business, and "civil regulation", where NGOs, consumers and trade unions have considerable influence in determining the standards and norms shaping business relations with society and the environment. Key to the success of co-regulation are not only the "softed" features of dialogue and compromise, but also the "hard" ones of government sanctions; laws related to disclosure and freedom of information, freedom of association and collective bargaining; and various forms of civil society protest. To avoid the ongoing proliferation of weak codes of conduct and certification and reporting systems, it is important that there be some degree of harmonization and adherence to higher standards. This implies a greater role for international codes and frameworks, which use as benchmarks internationally agreed standards contained or implied in such documents as Agenda 21 and ILO and human rights conventions. There should also be a greater role for "independent verification" of codes of conduct, environmental management systems and UN-business partnerships. Greater attention needs to be paid, however, to the status or legitimacy of the verifiers. Rethinking partnerships involves not only addressing the concerns raised above, but also recognizing the need to build a stronger civil society movement for change by strengthening links between environmentalists, consumer groups, social-interest NGOs and trade unions.

Programa de Doctorado en Ciencias Sociales ; Línea de Investigación: Cambio Social y Políticas Públicas ; Clave Programa: DSO ; Código Línea: 55 ; La participación de las mujeres en la historia social y laboral ha sido tradicionalmente obviada y silenciada. La mención específica a las mujeres en la literatura académica en materia de relaciones laborales ha sido vicaria, principalmente a través de sus esposos, padres o hermanos, en términos generales y salvo excepciones, como actores secundarios. Esta falta de agencia atribuida social e históricamente hacia las mujeres se mantiene aún hoy. En el movimiento del sindical en España son muy escasas las mujeres visibles en posiciones de poder. Este hecho genera consecuencias negativas para el bienestar de las mujeres y sus derechos laborales, al no estar suficientemente representadas en los espacios de negociación colectiva. Así, es previsible que la situación de precariedad de las mujeres en el mercado laboral no mejore si no se dan unas condiciones más igualitarias en cuanto a la presencia y la toma de decisiones a nivel sindical. El objetivo principal de esta tesis es la visibilización, puesta en valor y el análisis de la participación de las mujeres en el mundo sindical, así como la recuperación y reivindicación del papel desarrollado por las mujeres en el movimiento obrero desde el tardofranquismo hasta la actualidad. El ámbito territorial en el que se desarrolla la investigación es el Marco de Jerez. Su representatividad, desde el punto de vista histórico y geográfico, de las dinámicas sociales, económicas y políticas ocurridas en el contexto nacional, hacen que el análisis del sindicalismo en el Marco de Jerez haya sido objeto de estudio previo en cuanto al movimiento sindical, por su industria bodeguera y producción industrial, así como su densa red de estructuras sindicales autónomas desde el periodo de clandestinidad en los años sesenta (Foweraker, 1991). Las referencias teóricas que sustentan el análisis de esta investigación doctoral se basan fundamentalmente en cuatro enfoques conceptuales que, tomados en conjunto, contribuyen a explicar la desigualdad de las mujeres en la sociedad y las organizaciones en general, y en el sindicalismo en particular. Se toma como autora preeminente a Joan Acker y el concepto de regímenes de desigualdad (Acker 2006b; Healy, Tatli, Ipek et al., 2018). Otros conceptos también perfilan el análisis teórico: la intereseccionalidad como teoría e instrumento mismo de análisis iniciado por Creenshaw (Davis, 2008; Nash 2008; Hebson y Holgate, 2009), el concepto masculinidad hegemónica de Raewyn Connell (1995), y la perspectiva Gramsciana y las identidades subalternas como sujetos de cambio político (Green, 2002; Danielli, 2006). Se examinan en esta tesis, en especial, las formas de participación, los repertorios de protesta, así como las diferencias fundamentales percibidas en cuanto al activismo de hombres y mujeres, los obstáculos a los que se han enfrentado y siguen enfrentando las mujeres para la integración plena en las organizaciones sindicales. Este análisis se ha llevado a cabo a través de una metodología cualitativa, haciendo uso del método biográfico, de las narrativas de mujeres sindicalistas de diverso espectro ideológico y pertenecientes a diferentes organizaciones sindicales en distintos momentos históricos: el Tardofranquismo, la Transición y la época actual, tanto en sectores profesionales feminizados como masculinizados. Durante el periodo estudiado, las mujeres han tenido protagonismo y un papel activo, tanto desde la perspectiva de las esposas de sindicalistas amas de casa implicadas en la militancia de sus maridos durante el tardofranquismo y la transición, como de sindicalistas trabajadoras en el mercado laboral visible y remunerado actual. A pesar de tener la misma motivación para la acción social y la militancia sindical que los hombres, los impedimentos básicos a la participación de las mujeres en el sindicalismo, siguen estando relacionados con el modelo masculino hegemónico como patrón universal de acceso al poder y toma de decisiones, tanto en el ámbito laboral como el sindical, espejo multiplicador de las desigualdades del mercado de trabajo. Las organizaciones sindicales, a pesar de los avances en materia de género y los cambios políticos, jurídicos y sociales, siguen respondiendo a la división sexual del trabajo, donde los fenómenos de infravaloración, infrarrepresentación, y de segregación horizontal y vertical, siguen siendo la dinámica general. Estas dinámicas están asociadas a necesidad imperiosa de conciliación por parte de las mujeres (que no de los hombres) de la vida laboral, sindical y familiar, donde los modelos de masculinidad imperantes desincentivan en términos generales, la participación de las mujeres. ; Women participation in social and labor history has traditionally been neglected and silenced. Specific mentions in labor relations academic literature has usually been vicar, mainly present through their husbands, fathers or bothers. In general terms and except for some rare occasions, as secondary actors. This social and historical attribution of lack of agency in women has been maintained until today. There are very few visible women in power positions in Trade Unions in Spain today. This fact produces negative consequences for women welfare and their labor rights, due to the insufficient representation in collective bargaining ambits. Thus, it is predictable that precarious labor market situation for women will not improve, unless equality conditions related to the presence and decision making in Trade Unions ameliorate The primary objective of this thesis is to make visible, emphasize and analyze the participation of women in Trade Unions, as well as to recover and vindicate the role played by women in workers¿ movement. The time frame of this research is from the late Francoism until now, and the geographical frame corresponds to the Sherry Area, in the South of Spain, in the province of Cádiz. The representativeness of this territory in labor movement has already been studied, as it responds to the national dynamics in terms of social, economic and political processes. At the same time, there are wide nets of autonomous unionism structures in the wine industry and the different productive and services sectors, since the decade of the sixties (Foweraker, 1991). The foundations of the theoretical frame that sustain this doctoral research are four conceptual approaches which contribute to explain, from diverse and complementary perspectives, the inequality of women in society and organizations in general, and particularly in Trade Unions. Joan Acker is taken as preeminent author and her conception of inequality regimes (Acker 2006b; Healy, Tatli, Ipek et al., 2018). Other approaches also shape the theoretical analysis: intersectionality as a theory and instrument itself, initiated by Creenshaw (Davis, 2008; Nash 2008; Hebson and Holgate, 2009); Raewyn Connell¿s concept of hegemonic masculinity, and finally the Gramscian approach and subaltern identities as subjects of political change. (Green, 2002; Danielli, 2006). This thesis specially examines the forms of participation, the protest repertories and the fundamental perceived differences regarding women and men activism. It also pays attention to the obstacles women had and have to face to fully integrate in labor organizations. This analysis has been developed with a qualitative methodology, using the ethnographic method and the narratives of women belonging to diverse ideological spectrum in different historic periods: the late Francoism, the Transition period and the present time, both in masculinized and feminized sectors. During these periods, women have had an active role and were main actors in the struggles, considering two separate perspectives: as wives of men unionists, involved in the militancy during late Francoism, and as women unionist workers in the visible and wage labor market. In spite of their motivation for social action and union activism being equal to that of men, the essential obstacles for women participation are still linked with the hegemonic masculine model as universal pattern to access to power and decision-making spaces. The Trade Union ambit is a multiplying mirror of labor market inequalities. Trade Unions still respond to a sexual division of work, where the phenomena of undervaluation, underrepresentation and horizontal and vertical segregation are general dynamics, in spite of social, political and legal changes in gender issues. These dynamics are associated to the imperative need for women (and not men) of balancing work, family and union life, where masculinity prevailing models discourage women participation. ; Universidad Pablo de Olavide de Sevilla. Departamento de Sociología ; Postprint