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Defence date: 20 March 1987 ; Examining Board: Prof. A. Melucci, Università di Milano ; Prof. G. Pasquino, Supervisor, Università di Bologna e Johns Hopkins University ; Prof. A. Pizzorno, I.U.E. e Harvard University ; Prof. P. Schmitter, Supervisor, I.U.E. e Stanford University ; Prof. S. Tarrow, Cornwell University ; First made available online on 10 September 2013.

If the wage indexation rate is chosen discretionarily, a Left hand government lowers it in order to increase the output effects of surprise inflation, while a Right hand government prefers high indexation. These choices magnify the differences between the inflation rates preferred by the two parties. When binding commitments before the signature of the labor contract are possible, both parties prefer a higher wage indexation with respect to the discretionary situation, in order to reduce the inflationary bias.

This text will try to describe the evolution of the agrarian credit from the binomial tutelage/growth to the most modern investment /development. After will be take in consideration the change of the goods "Edifici Monti Granatici" from a patrimonial space characterized for the economic value to another marked for a cultural value with the attempt to attribute a new way to use them. In this way it will be the head of the territorial network right for now days and for a future too. ; Questo testo cerca di organizzare una serie di informazioni e riflessioni svolte attorno ai -Monti -Granatici, alla loro storia ed al cambiamento delle loro funzioni al mutare delle strutture politiche ed economiche che hanno retto la Sardegna dal XVII al XX secolo.

This text will try to describe the evolution of the agrarian credit from the binomial tutelage/growth to the most modern investment /development. After will be take in consideration the change of the goods "Edifici Monti Granatici" from a patrimonial space characterized for the economic value to another marked for a cultural value with the attempt to attribute a new way to use them. In this way it will be the head of the territorial network right for now days and for a future too. ; Questo testo cerca di organizzare una serie di informazioni e riflessioni svolte attorno ai -Monti -Granatici, alla loro storia ed al cambiamento delle loro funzioni al mutare delle strutture politiche ed economiche che hanno retto la Sardegna dal XVII al XX secolo.

National audience ; This text will try to describe the evolution of the agrarian credit from the binomial tutelage/growth to the most modern investment /development. After will be take in consideration the change of the goods "Edifici Monti Granatici" from a patrimonial space characterized for the economic value to another marked for a cultural value with the attempt to attribute a new way to use them. In this way it will be the head of the territorial network right for nowadays and for a future too. ; Questo testo cerca di organizzare una serie di informazioni e riflessioni svolte attorno ai Monti Granatici, alla loro storia ed al cambiamento delle loro funzioni al mutare delle strutture politiche ed economiche che hanno retto la Sardegna dal XVII al XX secolo. Gli edifici hanno perso la maggior parte del loro valore d'uso a causa dell'abbandono della funzione originaria, mentre lo scarso dinamismo economico dell'isola ha traslato il tema della mutazione materica di un buon numero di Monti sino agli anni '70 del Novecento, quando si sono confrontate due strategie d'intervento: una diretta alla valorizzazione fondiaria, l'altra diretta alla valorizzazione della componente storico-culturale dell'edificio ereditato.

National audience ; This text will try to describe the evolution of the agrarian credit from the binomial tutelage/growth to the most modern investment /development. After will be take in consideration the change of the goods "Edifici Monti Granatici" from a patrimonial space characterized for the economic value to another marked for a cultural value with the attempt to attribute a new way to use them. In this way it will be the head of the territorial network right for nowadays and for a future too. ; Questo testo cerca di organizzare una serie di informazioni e riflessioni svolte attorno ai Monti Granatici, alla loro storia ed al cambiamento delle loro funzioni al mutare delle strutture politiche ed economiche che hanno retto la Sardegna dal XVII al XX secolo. Gli edifici hanno perso la maggior parte del loro valore d'uso a causa dell'abbandono della funzione originaria, mentre lo scarso dinamismo economico dell'isola ha traslato il tema della mutazione materica di un buon numero di Monti sino agli anni '70 del Novecento, quando si sono confrontate due strategie d'intervento: una diretta alla valorizzazione fondiaria, l'altra diretta alla valorizzazione della componente storico-culturale dell'edificio ereditato.

The dispute that divided political philosophy during the eighties into two camps, liberals versus communitarians, would now appear to be over. On both sides an atmosphere of détente seems to be prevailing over the reasons for dissent. Even an author such as Charles Larmore, one of the most well-known advocates of a strictly political view of liberalism, has recently anticipated the possibility of integrating the romantic and the communitarian legacy within the context of liberal individualism.In his latest book, The Romantic Legacy, Larmore elaborates on this possibility by analyzing four fundamental features of romanticism: imagination, a sense of belonging to a community, irony and authenticity. In this essay, the author highlights the ensuing difficulties and defends the need to maintain the liberal distinction between political and cultural rights and the corresponding separation of the respective spheres of pertinence.

The author claims: 1) in Spinoza a classical idea of toleration, if traceable, has a marginal role: no logic of concession, the one that (in Thomas' conception) allows the prince to resign to the different cults just like one may resign to the human vices and sins; and no toleration as an intermediate claim, in view of a fuller acknowledgement of the individual rights (Locke, Voltaire); 2) in Spinoza there is a clear idea of an underlying "patience", which lays under political power; a kind of "continuous low", with variations that become decisive within the raising of the «imperium»: a most peculiar and original thesis that originates from the core of Spinoza's political thought, and that reverses the traditional roles of "tolerant" and "tolerated", of one and many, of governor and multitudo.

The essay is an overview of libertarian literature. It begins dealing with lexical issues concerning the meaning of liberalism, classical liberalism, conservatism and libertarianism. There are two meanings of libertarianism: a large one, as a free market oriented liberalism, and a strict one, as an extreme classical liberalism which calls in question the State as the main enemy of liberty. Novelist Ayn Rand is one of the main sources for contemporary libertarian theory, although she never called herself libertarian. Murray N. Rothbard is the most important libertarian thinker; he was an "austrian" economist and a natural law theorist who considered free market as the social institution capable to satisfy every human need, security and justice included. In response to rothbardian society without a State, Robert Nozick exposed a minarchist position, in favour of a minimal State limited to the function of protecting individual rights. This distinction between anarchism and minarchism is a crucial one for libertarian theory. The most interesting current literature is that in rothbardian, natural law and natural rights style. There is also an italian libertarian literature, including works of political theory, philosophy of law, environmentalism and history.

This paper gives the outline of an argument for the viability and desirability of an antifoundationalist approach to human rights and liberalism. The conception of normativity which frames my argument stands on the intuition, central in the second Wittgenstein and in the American pragmatist tradition, that accepting the ultimate circularity of our justifications does not condemn us to the corrosive consequences of radical scepticism. The conception of liberalism I prospect is centred on the deliberative democratic ideal that the best way to live with difference and conflict is to subordinate decisions of collective interests to public deliberation, which equally respects everybody's freedom and dignity, and maintains its outcomes and principles open to revision. I will argue that an anti-foundationalist conception of normativity is the most suitable for the fuller realisation of this deliberative democratic ideal, and that a society inspired by this ideal creates the most favourable conditions for the fuller flourishing of human potentialities in any area of life. I will also point out that a volitional and discursive conception of normativity enables us to focus our efforts on the concrete political and moral obstacles to the creation of a free and equal society, thus enabling us to release the tensions between the universalistic claims of human rights and democracy and the particularistic claims of recognition raised by different cultural groups.

Guns are mere objects. Preventing people from owning them, or limiting their availability, is an infringement of the natural right to property. Guns are also a peculiar good, since they are the key for the protection of liberty and property. In this perspective, gun control is not about guns: it is about control. In fact, government growth may be slowed by private gun ownership. A tyranny is unlikely to occur where people are armed. Historical evidence confirms this point: for example, Adolf Hitler disarmed the German Jews as a premise to their genocide. Moreover, statistics show that private gun ownership does not increase gun accidents or crime; indeed, when private citizens are armed, criminals tend to strike less, or to strike in less lethal ways. Criminals fear armed citizens much more than police forces. Gun control laws, however, are extremely effective in the disarmament of lawabiding citizens; much less in disarming outlaws. The right to keep and bear arms should be maintained where it is recognized, and restored elsewhere. Italy belongs to the latter category. Libertarians' efforts to reduce the size of government require private gun ownership, because privately owned weapons are the only, sensible obstacle to the rise of Political power.

At the beginning of the 1990 American libertarian intellectual such as Murray N. Rothbard, Llewellyn Rockwell Jr., and Hans-Hermann Hoppe gave rise to the paleolibertarian movement. Paleolibertarians, who favour laissez-faire in the economic realm but oppose moral relativism, were seeking an alliance with the so-called "paleoconservatives" like Sam Francis, Tom Fleming, Paul Gottfried or Pat Buchanan. The word "paleolibertarian", first used by Rockwell, had the purpose to recapture the radicalism and the political and intellectual rigor of the pre-war libertarian "Old right". Rothbard's death in 1995 was a blow, but paleolibertarians still continued their twofold battle for the defence of the unfettered free-market, developing the methodology of the Austrian School of Economics; and for the defence of the traditional Christian values of the Western Civilization, threatened by the post-modern "liberal" culture, now leading in the political and intellectual elite. Today the paleolibertarians, facilitated by the Internet, have become a rapidly growing intellectual movement. The main centres of diffusion of their ideas are the Ludwig von Mises Institute in Auburn (Alabama) and the website LewRockwell.com, that ranks among the most widely read news website.

In this essay the author shows what human beings share in a pluralistic society: on one side the great principles of speculative reason and, on the other side and above all, the great principles of practical reason (synteresis). In order to actualise these ancient suggestions the author underlines, the theme of mutual recognition, which passes through the best part of ethical and political contemporary thought. Within the notion of mutual recognition, terms like good, justice, freedom acquire their right and original meaning. Good what permits the flowering of my life; good is, therefore, to love myself; but I can love myself only by loving others as the ones who can make such flowering possible. Justice is to give everyone what he deserves. But what everyone deserves is to be recognised as a (transcendental) subjectivity. Freedom does not mean unconditioned arbitrary, but freedom to do good things. Since the first objective good, historically speaking, is the other's-being-there for me, freedom means, another time, freedom of recognising others as a good for me. Therefore doing, at the same time and in a certain order, my good through the other's good and the other's good through mine. Political good, if we remain at a molecular level.

On the basis of the excavation notebooks and letters we reconstruct the difficult history of this excavation, and we attempt to explore, underscore, and to explain the circumstances that conditioned many choices that were made. Regarding the decision to begin digging at this new site, towards the end of the third excavation campaign at Phaistos, we point to hypothetically two particular factors: first, the clear wish of Halbherr to assert the right of the Italian mission to excavate in the area of the Messarà following a diplomatic incident with Cretan authorities that arose from the excavation of the necropolis of Kalivia by S. Xanthoudidis, and secondly the number of finds from Phaistos, relatively small with respect to that from Knossos, something that hurt the sense of dignity or national pride which had always driven the efforts of F. Halbherr outside the borders of Italy. In fact, the decision to begin this new excavation even took by surprise G. De Sanctis, who immediately advised Halbherr not to start anything else in Crete, for fear of interfering with the beginning of explorations in the Cirenaica, which they had already planned.We then review the difficult time that Halbherr spent deciding whether to continue the excavation directly by himself after a brief period of collaboration with R. Paribeni had come to an end. We note how the publication of that excavation became a kind of ordeal. After several limited trenches by L. Banti, there really was a plan for continuation, but it was not followed by D. Levi and C. Laviosa in the 1970 s. By 1977, when the first part of the earlier excavations were being published, a new cycle of projects aimed exclusively at re-excavating what had been excavated for the purpose of resolving many problems (especially with regard to chronology) that remained from the earlier excavations was undertaken (to 1999).In the second part of this paper, we address the motivating criteria and the scientific problems addressed by each excavation cycle: from the iconography of the most important finds, to the problem of political relations with Phaistos (beginning with a letter by F. Halbherr in which he asks whether the two centres did not perhaps constitute an upper and a lower city). We furthermore discuss the influence of Evans upon the reading of stratigraphy, the relations between Minoans and Mycenaeans, the interests of L. Banti in religion, and the most recent hypotheses regarding the complementary roles of Phaistos and Haghia Triada (in the context of the whole island, through which the strategic position of Knossos emerges clearly towards the end of the Middle Minoan III period).In the last part we trace a general history of the site, beginning with the Venetian period and going back to the possible rite of foundation at the beginning of Early Minoan I. For each period we summarize the most important data that has emerged from recent work, and we refer to the detailed contributions for each period, which constitute the primary chapters of a yet unpublished history of the site.This study also presents a new general plan of Haghia Triada in colour, with the indication of each of its chronological phases, and three appendices present, respectively, the texts of the letters sent by F. Halbherr to D. Comparetti regarding the excavations at Haghia Triada, the most important passages from the letters of F. Halbherr to G. De Sanctis regarding this excavation, and two letters by F. Halbherr, one to L. Pernier, the other to L. Pigorini, in which he explains the stratigraphy and the history of the centre Haghia Triada.