Suchergebnisse

Social movements scholarship has increasingly turned to the study of direct social actions (DSAs) in times of economic hardship. This paper broadens this perspective to extreme right organisations. Combining a Political Claims Analysis of newspaper articles and online press releases, with a qualitative discussion of online propaganda material, we explore the engagement in direct social activism by three neo-fascist organisations in Italy: Forza Nuova, Fiamma Tricolore and CasaPound Italia (1996 -2015). Our findings suggest that their propensi-ty to direct social activism, rather than being exclusively related to economic distress, responds to a broad set of ideological, organisational and strategic incentives. Ideologically, DSAs are linked to the interpretation of the re-lationship between ideas and action of historical Fascism and of parts of the Italian neo-fascist tradition. Organi-sationally, DSAs serve as a tool to build support and solidarity, especially at the local level. Strategically, they are used to frame activism as a direct intervention in defence of interests of native peoples, and against political elites accused of being unresponsive to the needs of citizens. Our results offer a first empirical observation of the use of DSAs by extreme right actors, paving the way for comparative work at the cross-national level and on dif-ferent arenas of engagement

Social movements scholarship has increasingly turned to the study of direct social actions (DSAs) in times of economic hardship. This paper broadens this perspective to extreme right organisations. Combining a Political Claims Analysis of newspaper articles and online press releases, with a qualitative discussion of online propaganda material, we explore the engagement in direct social activism by three neo-fascist organisations in Italy: Forza Nuova, Fiamma Tricolore and CasaPound Italia (1996 -2015). Our findings suggest that their propensi-ty to direct social activism, rather than being exclusively related to economic distress, responds to a broad set of ideological, organisational and strategic incentives. Ideologically, DSAs are linked to the interpretation of the re-lationship between ideas and action of historical Fascism and of parts of the Italian neo-fascist tradition. Organi-sationally, DSAs serve as a tool to build support and solidarity, especially at the local level. Strategically, they are used to frame activism as a direct intervention in defence of interests of native peoples, and against political elites accused of being unresponsive to the needs of citizens. Our results offer a first empirical observation of the use of DSAs by extreme right actors, paving the way for comparative work at the cross-national level and on dif-ferent arenas of engagement

Social movements scholarship has increasingly turned to the study of direct social actions (DSAs) in times of economic hardship. This paper broadens this perspective to extreme right organisations. Combining a Political Claims Analysis of newspaper articles and online press releases, with a qualitative discussion of online propaganda material, we explore the engagement in direct social activism by three neo-fascist organisations in Italy: Forza Nuova, Fiamma Tricolore and CasaPound Italia (1996 -2015). Our findings suggest that their propensi-ty to direct social activism, rather than being exclusively related to economic distress, responds to a broad set of ideological, organisational and strategic incentives. Ideologically, DSAs are linked to the interpretation of the re-lationship between ideas and action of historical Fascism and of parts of the Italian neo-fascist tradition. Organi-sationally, DSAs serve as a tool to build support and solidarity, especially at the local level. Strategically, they are used to frame activism as a direct intervention in defence of interests of native peoples, and against political elites accused of being unresponsive to the needs of citizens. Our results offer a first empirical observation of the use of DSAs by extreme right actors, paving the way for comparative work at the cross-national level and on dif-ferent arenas of engagement

La ricerca affronta il rapporto tra il Partito comunista italiano e le organizzazioni della sinistra extraparlamentare nate nel biennio 1968-1969. Sulla base di documentazione d'archivio e fonti a stampa, vengono ricostruite ed analizzate le relazioni tra questi due soggetti nel periodo compreso tra la fine degli anni Sessanta e la metà del decennio successivo, quando i principali gruppi politici della sinistra extraparlamentare si dotarono di una struttura organizzativa più stabile che segnava una discontinuità con l'esperienza precedente. Nel corso della prima metà degli anni Settanta, i rapporti tra il PCI e queste organizzazioni furono complessi e talvolta contraddittori. Il conflitto si consumò prevalentemente sulla reciproca pretesa di possedere l'esclusiva rappresentanza politica del fermento sociale che attraversava il paese in quegli anni: il PCI rappresentando se stesso come l'unica forza politica capace di mediare tra movimenti sociali e istituzioni; i gruppi della sinistra parlamentare come «avanguardie» di un irrealizzabile progetto «rivoluzionario». ; The aim of the research is to reconstruct and interpret the relationship between the Italian Communist Party and the Radical Left-Wing Groups in Italy from 1969 to 1976. Based on researches in the archives of the Italian Communist Party, Ministry of Interior and small archives that conserve unpublished documents of the groups, the paper will focus on the constant attention and monitoring that the Italian Communist Party addressed to the extreme left groups and on how those political organizations have been changed their approach and strategy toward the PCI during this period. During the first half of the Seventies, the relationship between the PCI and these organizations were complex and sometimes contradictory. The conflict was consumed mainly on the mutual claim to possess the exclusive political representation of the social unrest that crossed the country in those years: the PCI representing himself as the only political force capable of mediating between social movements and institutions; the Radical Left-Wing Groups as «avant-garde» of a unfeasible «revolutionary» project.

La tesi è una ricerca di storia politica che affianca due diverse "storie" di centro-sinistra, quella nazionale e quella che vide protagonista la Democrazia Cristiana del Trentino. Lo studio analizza i fatti attraverso il filtro delle DC come se quello trentino e quello nazionale fossero due partiti, per poi tentare di capire ciò che accadeva alla loro sinistra alla ricerca dei diversi pesi e dei differenti equilibri che al centro e alla periferia si manifestavano nei rapporti con il PSI e con il PCI, e per osservare le reazioni della Chiesa così da valutare se le gerarchie romane e quelle trentine interagirono in modo differente sugli sviluppi delle rispettive esperienze politiche di quegli anni. Il testo è organizzato in quattro capitoli. Il primo e il secondo (speculari e dedicati allo stesso lustro: 1955-1960) rappresentano un confronto tra i differenti iter d'avvicinamento al centro-sinistra che la politica nazionale e quella trentina sperimentarono nella seconda metà degli anni Cinquanta. Nel terzo capitolo (1960-1964) e nel quarto (1964-1968) le vicende nazionali e quelle locali sono invece raccontate in modo intrecciato, ripercorrendo le diverse fasi dell'alleanza tra Democrazia Cristiana e Partito Socialista, e nel contempo dando conto della trasformazione del Trentino da una realtà di tipo agricolo ad una di tipo industriale, del passaggio da una comunità di tipo cattolico tradizionale ad una che si accinge a vivere in un contesto secolarizzato, e da una società che si autopercepisce come periferica ad una che ospita una delle contestazioni studentesche più peculiari, incisive e note d'Italia. ; This thesis is a research of political history focusing on the evolution of the coalition built between the Italian Parties Democrazia Cristiana (DC) and Partito Socialista Italiano (PSI) in the Italian region of Trentino Alto Adige. The study analyses the facts through the filter of the political party DC as if the local and the national were two parties, then tries to understand what was happening to their left, by researching the different way of behaving towards the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) and the Italian Communist Party (PCI) at national and at regional level. Another element of the research was to observe the reactions of the Church in order to assess whether the Roman and the Trentino hierarchies interacted differently during the developments of their political experiences during those years. The paper is organised into four chapters. The first and second (structured in the same way and dedicated to the same five years: 1955-1960) represent a comparison of the different process of approaching the center-left that the national and the trentino politics experienced during the second half of the Fifties. In the third chapter (1960-1964) and the fourth (1964-1968) national and local events are reported in a twisted way, retracing the different phases of the alliance between the Christian Democrats and the Socialist Party, and at the same time explaining the transformation experienced by Trentino from a rural land into an industrial region, the transition from a traditional Catholic community type to one that is going to live in a secular context, and from a society that perceives itself as peripheral into one that hosts one of the most distinctive, influential and famous students protest of Italy.

La scienza ha oramai un ruolo trainante nel mondo, anche rispetto allo sviluppo economico e sociale, e ciò ha fatto sì che istituzioni e diritto, pervasi da questa evoluzione, abbiano dovuto dedicare particolare attenzione alla regolamentazione della tecnoscienza. La commistione fra scienza, società e politica è tale da incidere profondamente sull'intero sistema Stato, rendendo perciò evidente la necessità di ripensare ai concetti fondamentali del diritto delle Nuove Tecnologie. Nel Nostro Paese l'analisi di questo rapporto è avvenuta in chiave soprattutto bioetica.Nascono nuovi diritti e nuovi status giuridici quali "cittadinanza biologica", "cittadinanza genetica", "identità biologica", "identità genetica" e tanti altri ancora.Con la seguente tesi di ricerca, si è presa in considerazione una branca specifica delle Nuove Tecnologie: la genetica in tutte le sue sfaccettature (ambito curativo, ambito di ricerca-biobanche ed ambito brevettuale); in particolare, vengono affrontate non solo le problematiche di natura (bio)etica che sorgono dalla diffusione di queste nuove conoscenze (si veda il primo capitolo, dedicato ad una panoramica generale dei nuovi diritti), ma anche le questioni relative al trattamento ed alla protezione dei dati genetici, con profonde ripercussioni in tutte le dimensioni sociali e giuridiche. ; Science has an exemplary role in the world, also compared to the social and economic develop: public institutions and law are dedicating to regulation of technoscience. The mixture of science, society and politics is so important that they influence all the "State-System" and express a need to rethinking about fundamental principles of Law of the New Technologies. In Italy this type of analysis is studied by a bioethical point of view. Now are born new rights and new juridical status: biological citizenship, genetic citizenship, biological identity, genetic identity, and so others. In this work I write about genetic, all fields of genetic (medicine, biobanks and patents); in particular it speaks about bioethical problems and also about genetic data protection (it called genetic privacy).

Victim of its own success, the concept of «digital democracy» risks to turn into an obstacle, and not a tool in order to grasp reality. We need to look into another field to better understand what issues today's technologies raise in relation to political freedom, understood as self-determination: the field of Internet governance. There is an interesting debate on how we should handle this new world we have in common that is constituted by the infosphere, starting with the current debates surrounding the reform proposals for the ICANN. The stakes are high (balkanization, loss of neutrality, etc.) but mainstream democratic theory is largely unprepared for the challenge. The paper shows why the debate on the control of critical Internet resources is misleading: the «seats of power» are now elsewhere. In order to move within the private ordering that currently characterizes Internet governance in a way that is respectful of fundamental rights we need to rethink the relationships between social powers.

Nel 1932 Ernst Robert Curtius pubblica il pamphlet politico culturale Deutscher Geist in Gefahr nel quale chiarisce il suo pensiero di fronte alla grave crisi in cui versa la Germania. Egli si schiera contro le posizioni di destra del suo tempo, delle quali critica apertamente la boria nazionalista, il rozzo antisemitismo e la creazione di un mito nazionale elaborato come strumento di manipolazione dell'opinione pubblica. Ritiene inoltre inaccettabili le posizioni rivoluzionarie, tanto di destra quanto di sinistra, che vogliono liberarsi della tradizione umanistica europea e disprezzano la Zivilisation francese; allo stesso modo rifiuta l'ideale di un germanesimo eroico avulso dalla storia europea e respinge infine tutte le forme di nichilismo che si risolvono in un atteggiamento di indifferenza nei confronti della realtà, dei valori e della storia. Curtius accetta il sistema democratico come unica soluzione e ritiene che le decisioni politiche debbano mirare al bene di tutti i ceti sociali indipendentemente dagli interessi di partiti e di singoli gruppi. Rifiuta qualunque forma, anche culturale, di supremazia della Germania, aspira a un'Europa cosmopolita, le cui nazioni siano valorizzate nelle loro caratteristiche specifiche, ed è convinto che per la costruzione della pace gli europei debbano vivere, studiare e lavorare insieme imparando gli uni le lingue degli altri. Per Curtius l'Umanesimo della tradizione classica e la letteratura del Medioevo sono parte integrante della vita di ogni europeo e fonte di energie spirituali per affrontare in modo creativo il presente e il futuro. ; In 1932 Ernst Robert Curtius published his polemical cultural political treatise Deutscher Geist in Gefahr in which he articulated clearly his position facing the grave crisis into which Germany was sliding. He took sides against the positions held by the right-wing of his time, whose nationalist arrogance, vulgar anti-Semitism and reliance on creating a national myth in order to manipulate public opinion he criticized openly. Moreover he insisted that the revolutionary positions, maintained by both the right and the left, were equally inacceptable. In the same way he rebuffed the ideal of an heroic Germanic culture cut off from European history and rejected all forms of nihilism which crystallize in an attitude of indifference toward reality, values and history. Curtius accepted the democratic system as the best practical solution, insisting that political decisions must mirror the good of all classes independent of the concerns of political parties and special interest groups. He categorically rejected any claim, even in cultural terms, for German supremacy, but aspired instead for a cosmopolitan Europe whose nations were valued for their specific characteristics, and he was convinced that Europeans, in order to construct peace, must live, study and work together, learning each other's language. For Curtius the humanism represented by the classical traditon and medieval Latin literature were integral parts of the life of every European and supplied the source for the intellectual and spiritual energies need to confront creatively the present and the future.