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This article intends to reflect not only on the responsibility but also on the constraints that educational systems have as regards political culture. Especially contemporary political culture, whose main characteristic seems to be not to consider the basic principles of democracies. We will try to justify the hypothesis that critiques to education, especially to formal education, demand from school. That is, to educate a citizen able to think and act against the predominant cultural currents in society either in the area of the formation of the individual autonomy or in the citizen´s collective responsibility of social participation. To define this analysis we are going to focus on the complex relationship between education, political violence and human rights. ; El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo reflexionar sobre la responsabilidad, pero también sobre los condicionantes que los sistemas de educación tienen con respecto a la cultura política. Especialmente la cultura política contemporánea, cuya característica central parece ser el poner entre paréntesis principios elementales de las democracias. Trataremos de justificar la hipótesis que las críticas a la educación, sobre todo a la educación sistemática, derivan de exigirle a la escuela, en todos sus niveles, que forme un ciudadano capaz de pensar y actuar contra las corrientes culturales predominantes en la sociedad, sea en el campo de la formación de la autonomía del individuo, sea en la responsabilidad colectiva de participación social del ciudadano. Para delimitar el análisis nos vamos a centrar en la compleja relación entre educación, violencia política y derechos humanos. ; O presente trabalho visa refletir sobre a responsabilidade, mas também acerca das condições que os sistemas de ensino têm em relação à cultura política. Trata-se sobretudo da cultura política contemporânea, cuja característica central parece ser a de subestimar os princípios elementares das democracias. Procuraremos justificar a hipótese de que a crítica à educação, especialmente a educação sistemática, deriva de exigir da escola, em todos os níveis, a formação de um cidadão capaz de pensar e agir contra as correntes culturais predominantes na sociedade, seja no campo da formação da autonomia do indivíduo, seja na responsabilidade coletiva da participação social do cidadão. Para delimitar a análise, vamos nos concentrar na complexa relação entre educação, violência política e direitos humanos.

Analyzing the "left" and "right" political positions of individuals is challenging because personal attributes may influence political decisions without directly causing them. This issue may be even more pronounced in Latin America, where young democracies encounter the challenge of stabilizing political choices over time. This study contributes to the literature by analyzing the influence of personal attributes on political choices, focusing on the early 2000s, when the "left" turn occurred. The present study relies on the World Values Survey's fifth wave (2005-2008) to fulfil this objective. This dataset is composed of data that have been collected globally, and the questions are related to diverse subjects associated with the quality of life of individuals. From the available sample, we included all of the Latin American countries that participated in this wave: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Peru, and Uruguay. In this study, the aim is to directly understand the impact of these individuals own attributes on their declared self-positioning about the political leaning. To this aim, an ordered logit model was used to analyse how each variable exerts influence on the political leaning of the respondents. Our results found that political cleavages depend on demographic factors, economic factors, and individual opinions in agreement with previous studies. Increased age, religious service attendance, and satisfaction with one's financial life increase the tendency of individuals for self-positioning to the right of the political spectrum. The possession of a university degree and residence in a large city increases the likelihood of individuals of self-identifying with a leftist political position. This study contributes to the literature by analysing the influence of personal attributes on political choices. Although this research represents an important step toward understanding political leanings in Latin American countries, a significant amount of future research remains. The definitions of "left" and "right" continue to be unclear as they relate to dimensions that include democracy, autocracy, and political reform. Understanding the ways individuals set up their choices would increase the responsibility of political parties and authorities for the hidden claim the population has about their deliverables. At the same time, studies like ours may enhance the awareness of the general impression over political party choices of candidates. Finally, even with so many confounding aspects in this antagonist position, the left and the right continue to be a simple way to characterize veiled assumptions. Therefore, it may be an ambiguous form of defining choices, but this seemingly binary choice is still very significant for voters in Latin America.

ABSTRACT Introduction: The article presents a historical analysis of the participation of women in Portuguese politics and reveals the positive effects of the introduction of the parity law in 2006. In the 2015 national elections, for the first time one third of the elected the Members of the Portuguese Parliament were women. However, in municipalities there is still a long way to go to reach this level of female political representation. Does the political system limit women's access only to elected positions? Thus, important questions remain: why are women still a minority in local politics? What obstacles do they encounter? And what can be done to improve the situation? Materials and Methods: For this investigation, data were collected on the electronic pages of municipalities and political parties, as well as in the press, to monitor the evolution of the presence of women in Portuguese local government, initially as members of the administrative commissions appointed to manage municipal councils from 1974 to the first elections that took place on December 12, 1976 and then as elected representatives from 1976 to the latest 2017 local elections, comparing this level with central government. Results: The study of this group reveals higher educational levels and more specialized jobs among women than among men, particularly in teaching and management. There is also discussion of partisan membership and it is revealed that left-wing parties invest more in women for local government than do right-wing parties. Discussion: Although four decades have passed since the democratic regime was established, the representation of women in politics is still incipient. We present some examples of policy actions that can encourage the presence of women in local government and increase their role as active citizens.

L'article se penche sur la "participation" des populations à la régulation des techno-sciences et des techno-produits qui arrivent sur les marchés et affectent les modes de vie, l'environnement ou la santé. Une double thèse y est développée. La première conduit à la nécessité de réfléchir aux moyens de défendre et protéger celles et ceux qui interrogent les pratiques techno-industrielles (quant à la sécurité des systèmes mis en oeuvre par exemple) ou qui questionnent les certitudes académiques (lorsque celles-ci légifèrent trop vite sur des questions en jeu dans l'espace public). La deuxième thèse propose de placer la question de la participation dans des perspectives politiques et économiques plus vastes, en lien aux univers des marchés et de la politique professionnelle. Une conclusion majeure est que la participation est toujours invoquée formellement mais qu'on tend en pratique à réduire son usage aux cas exceptionnels où la bataille publique fait rage et ne peut être évitée ; dans les autres cas, on la contourne en la remplaçant par exemple par l'éthique instituée en comités – comités fermés mais censés "représenter la Société Civile", capables d'agir vite et, s'ils sont bien choisis, dans la bonne direction. On passe ainsi d'une régulation par la loi et le droit d'une part, des procédures participatives ouvertes de l'autre, à des formes de régulation fermées et ad hoc permettant la mise rapide sur le marché de nouvelles technologies. ; The article focuses on the "participation" of the populations in the regulation of techno-sciences and techno-products that get to the market and affect the way of life, the environment or health. In this case, a double thesis is developed. The first leads to the need to reflect on the means of defending and protecting those who challenge techno-industrial practices (for example, regarding the safety of the implemented systems) or those who question academic certainty (when these legislate very fast on issues at play in the public sphere). The second thesis proposes to place the issue of participation in wider political and economic perspectives, in relation to the market and professional politics. In the end, it is realized that participation is always formally invoked, but, in actual fact, the trend is to reduce participation to exceptional cases where the public struggle is violent and cannot be avoided; and in other cases it is sidestepped or forgotten, being substituted by ethics instituted in committees – closed committees, but supposedly "representing Civil Society", able to move rapidly and, if well chosen, in the right direction. Thus, going from one regulation by the law and by rights, onone side, and participative processes, on the other, to closed and ad hoc forms of regulation allowing for the fast introduction of new technologies in the markets.

Gender quotas in politics are affirmative measures for achieving a more equal context between men and women in power spaces, which has the 1979 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women as its international law basis. Public policy aimed at development and gender equality is related to legal challenges in the country that do not only fall within the scope of public law, such as electoral law – they necessarily involve challenges linked to the autonomy of political parties, legal entities governed by private law, and the institute of fraud in law itself. Therefore, the implementation of this inclusive policy requires a dialogue between the branches of public law and private law. In the face of frauds and the so-called 'orange candidatures,' a mockery of the exercise of women's human right to political participation, we began to address political party autonomy, as well as the concept of abuse of power and fraud as private law institutes, in order to analyze issues of public law from a civilian approach. It was found that the parties break the law by fraudulently filling in the candidacy quotas, committing abuse of political party power; by unbalancing the electoral process, they increase and perpetuate the exclusion of women from formal politics, and this can characterize institutional violence. ; Las cuotas de género en la política son medidas afirmativas para lograr un contexto más igualitario entre hombres y mujeres en espacios de poder, que tiene como base la Convención sobre la Eliminación de Todas las Formas de Discriminación contra la Mujer, de 1979. Las políticas públicas de desarrollo e igualdad de género están relacionadas con los retos legales en el país que no solo se encuentran dentro del ámbito del derecho público, como el derecho electoral, sino que también implican retos relacionados con la autonomía de los partidos políticos, entidades legales de derecho privado, y el propio instituto del fraude en derecho. Por lo tanto, la implementación de esta política inclusiva requiere un diálogo entre las ramas del derecho público y del derecho privado. Ante los fraudes y las llamadas "candidaturas naranja", una burla del ejercicio del derecho humano de participación política de la mujer, se comenzó a abordar la autonomía partidaria, así como el concepto de abuso de poder y de fraude como institutos de derecho privado, con el fin de analizar cuestiones de derecho público desde un abordaje civilista. Se constató que los partidos infringen la ley al rellenar fraudulentamente las cuotas de candidatura, cometiendo abuso de poder político-partidario; al desequilibrar el proceso electoral, aumentan y perpetúan la exclusión de las mujeres de la política formal, lo que puede caracterizar violencia institucional. ; As cotas de gênero na política são medidas afirmativas para alcançar um quadro mais paritário entre homens e mulheres nos espaços de poder, que encontra respaldo normativo internacional na Convenção sobre a Eliminação de Todas as Formas de Discriminação contra a Mulher, de 1979. As políticas públicas de desenvolvimento e igualdade de gênero perpassam desafios jurídicos no país que não se encerram apenas no âmbito do direito público, como o direito eleitoral – envolvem, necessariamente, desafios referentes à autonomia dos partidos políticos, pessoas jurídicas de direito privado, e o próprio instituto da fraude no direito. Portanto, a efetivação dessa política de inclusão exige um diálogo entre os ramos do direito público e do direito privado. Diante das fraudes e das chamadas "candidaturas laranja", uma burla ao exercício do direito humano de participação política da mulher, passou-se a abordar a autonomia partidária, assim como o conceito de abuso de poder e de fraude enquanto institutos de direito privado, a fim de analisar questões de direito público a partir de uma abordagem civilista. Constatou-se que os partidos burlam a lei ao preencher fraudulentamente as cotas de candidatura, cometendo abuso de poder político-partidário; ao desequilibrar o pleito eleitoral, aumentam e perpetuam a exclusão das mulheres da política formal, o que pode caracterizar violência institucional.

Introduction: Human dignity, as coined by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR / 1948), is an expression social solidarity, which should cement the relations between people. Human dignity is the foundation of all rights, such as freedom, equality, justice and peace in the world, and in Brazil, human dignity was deemed a fundamental pillar of the country's post-1988 constitutional order. Objective: This article seeks to a deeper investigation about the social nature of human dignity and its definition over time. Methods: This is an exploratory research meant to unpack the concepts of "human dignity", "bioethics", "human rights" and "constitution". After describing the conceptual evolution of human dignity and the facts relevant to its conceptual formation in world history - as a normative standard and a legal rule -, we address the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR/1948), the Declaration of Helsinki (DH/1964), the Universal Declaration on Bioethics and Human Rights (UDBHR/2005), and the definition adopted in the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil (CFRB/1988). The study was carried out without temporal limitation, and included a review of referenced books, legal doctrines, as well as articles and books in the SciELO database. Results and discussion: The findings ratify that human dignity is the foundation of all rights, including those of freedom, equality, justice and peace in the world, and must also guide the rights and duties of social regulation. Human dignity has changed from a criterion of power attributed to the social position of individuals to a value of the right to freedom, which now goes beyond the right of freedom and is the basis of modern constitutional democracy, which makes possible the realization of solidarity, as well as the duty and purpose of the state and the community. The will of the subject, of society, of the science and of the state, as well as the rules of domination and regulation, must have a limit on human dignity, and human dignity is not just fundamental right, in the sense of the Constitution, and must prevail over the exclusive will of science, the State and society. Therefore, in the making of power decisions and in realization of possible innovations of science involving human beings, human dignity demands the explicit consideration of respect and promotion of it. Conclusion: Human dignity is enshrined in Brazilian constitutional law, as well as in bioethics and in human rights, and it constitutes all the fundamental rights of the human person. It is not merely a rule of autonomy and liberty, and it is an obligatory and non-derogable precept in the making of power decisions, a true main foundation of constitutional democracies. ; Introdução: A dignidade humana, cunhada pela Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos (DUDH/1948), é uma expressão de solidariedade social, que deve cimentar as relações entre as pessoas. A dignidade humana é a base de todos os direitos, como liberdade, igualdade, justiça e paz no mundo, e no Brasil, a dignidade humana foi considerada um pilar fundamental da ordem constitucional pós-1988 do país. Objetivo: Este artigo busca uma investigação mais profunda sobre a natureza social da dignidade humana e sua definição ao longo do tempo. Método: Trata-se de uma pesquisa exploratória que visa revelar os conceitos de "dignidade humana", "bioética", "direitos humanos" e "constituição". Após descrever a evolução conceitual da dignidade humana e os fatos relevantes para sua formação conceitual na história mundial - como padrão normativo e norma jurídica -, abordamos a Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos (DUDH/1948), a Declaração de Helsinque (DH/1964), a Declaração Universal sobre Bioética e Direitos Humanos (DUBDH/2005) e a definição adotada na Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil (CFRB/ 1988). O estudo foi realizado sem limitação temporal e incluiu uma revisão de livros referenciados, doutrinas jurídicas, bem como artigos e livros no banco de dados SciELO. Resultados e Discussão: As conclusões ratificam que a dignidade humana é o fundamento de todos os direitos, incluindo os de liberdade, igualdade, justiça e paz no mundo, e deve também orientar os direitos e deveres da regulação social. A dignidade humana passou de um critério de poder atribuído à posição social dos indivíduos para um valor do direito à liberdade, que agora ultrapassa o direito à liberdade e é a base da democracia constitucional moderna, que possibilita a realização da solidariedade, bem como o dever e propósito do Estado e da comunidade. A vontade do sujeito, da sociedade, da ciência e do Estado, bem como as regras de dominação e regulação, devem ter um limite na dignidade humana, e essa não é apenas um direito fundamental no sentido da Constituição, devendo prevalecer sobre a vontade exclusiva da ciência, do Estado e da sociedade. Portanto, nas decisões de poder e na realização de possíveis inovações da ciência envolvendo seres humanos exige-se a consideração explícita do respeito e da promoção da dignidade humana. Conclusão: A dignidade humana é ponto consagrado no direito constitucional brasileiro, assim como na bioética e nos direitos humanos e constitui todos os direitos fundamentais da pessoa humana. Não é apenas uma regra de autonomia e liberdade, trata-se de preceito obrigatório e inderrogável na tomada de decisões de poder, verdadeiro fundamento principal do Estado democrático de direito.

There is no doubt that human beings have a right to nutrition and hydration as a basic support for life. Prolonged deprivation of sufficient amounts of food results in development of malnutrition, which is incompatible with survival through deterioration of health. More specifically, disease (particularly infections through loss of immune defense), disabilities and ultimately death are common malnutrition consequences. There is strong general awareness that the right to be nourished is jeopardized by natural, social and economic hurdles that still affect a large, but fortunately decreasing proportion of humankind. Ensuring adequate food availability for all is therefore a strong priority in political agendas worldwide. ; No hay duda de que los seres humanos tienen derecho a la nutrición y a la hidratación como soporte básico para la vida. La privación prolongada de cantidad suficiente de alimento da como resultado el desarrollo de desnutrición, el deterioro de la salud, lo que compromete la supervivencia del individuo. Más específicamente, la enfermedad (en particular las infecciones por pérdida o deficiencia de la defensa inmune), las discapacidades y, en última instancia, la muerte son consecuencias comunes de la desnutrición. Existe una fuerte conciencia generalizada de que el derecho a ser alimentado se ve comprometido por obstáculos naturales, sociales y económicos que todavía afectan a una gran proporción de la humanidad, pero afortunadamente decreciente. Por lo tanto, garantizar una disponibilidad adecuada de alimentos para todos es una prioridad importante en las agendas políticas de todo el mundo. ; Não há dúvida de que os seres humanos têm direito à nutrição e hidratação como suporte básico para a vida. A privação prolongada de quantidades suficientes de alimentos resulta no desenvolvimento de desnutrição, que é incompatível com a sobrevivência pela deterioração da saúde. Mais especificamente, doenças (principalmente infecções por perda da defesa imunológica), deficiências e, finalmente, a morte são ...

This article is the result of an investigation whose main purpose was to analyze the constructions of the concept of disability. We intend to analyze the discourses on disability that teachers working with students in this situation have built. The approach to the data was from a qualitative paradigm, of descriptive scope, and supported by the grounded theory methodology. Questionnaires were applied to 22 participants, basic education teachers. We conclude that the scientific knowledge has hegemonized visions, but in the process it has turned to common sense, leaving aside an important substratum as it is our action in front of other people and the consequences of the interventions and diagnoses that, being scientifically validated, invalidate the others and exclude the others. The above implies looking at teacher training from an ethical and political stage where complex processes of reflection overcome the reduced vision that has been built on disability and its inclusion. ; El presente trabajo es resultado de una investigación cuyo propósito principal fue analizar las construcciones sobre el concepto de discapacidad. Pretendemos analizar los discursos que sobre discapacidad han construido docentes que atienden estudiantes en esta situación. La aproximación a los datos fue desde un paradigma cualitativo, de alcance descriptivo y apoyado en el método de teoría fundamentada. Se aplicaron cuestionarios a 22 participantes, docentes de educación básica. Concluimos que los saberes de orden científico han hegemonizado las visiones, pero en el devenir se han volcado hacia el sentido común, dejando de lado un sustrato importante como lo es nuestro actuar frente a otras personas y las consecuencias de las intervenciones y diagnósticos que, siendo validados científicamente, invalidan al otro ser y lo excluyen. Lo anterior implica mirar hacia la formación docente desde un estadio ético y político, donde complejos procesos de reflexión superen la visión reducida que se ha construido sobre la discapacidad y su inclusión. ; O presente trabalho é resultado de uma investigação cujo objetivo principal foi analisar as construções sobre o conceito de deficiência. Pretendemos analisar os discursos sobre deficiência construídos por professores que tem estudantes nessa situação. A abordagem dos dados partiu de um paradigma qualitativo, de formato descritivo e apoiado pelo método da teoria fundamentada. Os questionários foram aplicados a 22 participantes, professores da educação básica. Conclui-se que o conhecimento científico hegemonizou visões, generalizando a um sentido comum, deixando de lado um substrato importante como nossas ações diante de outras pessoas e as consequências das intervenções e diagnósticos que, sendo cientificamente validados, anulam o outro ser e o excluem. O que pretende-se dizer implica um olhar a formação de professores, a partir de uma perspectiva ética e política, onde os processos de reflexão complexos superam a visão reduzida que foi construída sobre a deficiência e sua inclusão.