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The paper focuses on yet unexplored problem in modern conflictology – the conflicts of visuality, which result in what some scholars call the uneven distribution of the "right to visuality." Having drawn on a comparative analysis of two scholarly traditions, i.e. of Visual studies and of Political philosophy and particularly the Theory of recognition, the authors claim that visuality constitutes not just a form of representation, but an essential part of any social conflict. As social regimes based on inequality produce an uneven access to public visuality, the fundamental right of everyone to look and to be seen enters into a conflict with the existing regimes of visual production, or what Nicholas Mirzoeff calls the "complexes of visuality."Key words: Visual Studies, paradigm of recognition, Nicholas Mirzoeff, Axel Honneth, "right to visuality," gaze, visibility. ; Статья посвящена относительно малоизученной в современной конфликтологии теме – природе конфликтов в сфере визуального, приводящих к неравномерному распределению того, что ряд исследователей называет «правом на визуальное». Основываясь на сравнительном анализе двух подходов к проблеме, с позиции междисциплинарного поля визуальных исследований и с позиции политической философии и теории признания, авторы приходят к выводу, что визуальное является не только способом репрезентации социальных конфликтов, но и их субстанциальной чертой, так как социальное неравенство практически всегда реализуется в неравном доступе к сфере публичной видимости. Как следствие, фундаментальное право субъекта смотреть и быть видимым вступает в конфликт с властными порядками визуального.Ключевые слова: визуальные исследования, парадигма признания, Николас Мирзоев, Аксель Хоннет, «право на визуальное», взгляд, право быть видимым.

Introduction. The article is devoted to the origins, grounds and possible consequences of the political crisis in modern Italy. The paper shows that the Italian crisis has acquired a scale that challenges the interests of political establishment of the country and the very principles of the EU existence.

Methods and materials. The authors seek a combination of General theoretical and special methods, focusing on the historical, socio-cultural and political analysis. They are based on the analysis of periodicals, as well as using articles and materials of researchers on the problems of political development in Italy.

Analysis. The source of the crisis is the protest of citizens against the state authority and strategies of the political class of Italy, which is accompanied by the requirement of institutional reforms and socio-economic policy for benefit of the majority, in order to establish new political rules and form a truly legitimate political mechanism. These demands came from various social groups and led to a number of political and legal transformations, culminating in the "populist government", which came to power as a result of the parliamentary elections of 2018. The "Populist government" intended to revise many previous approaches in domestic and foreign policy. It is the Alliance of the right-wing and left-wing populists that was entrusted by Italian society with necessary reforms.

Results. According to the authors, it is political populism as a possible platform for social and political transformations, along with a number of possible risks, that contains a positive potential associated with the possibility of overcoming ideological divisions, corporate selfishness of Italian politicians and parties, as well as alienation in the relations of the power and society. This approach to resolving issues by the "populist government" will contribute to the gradual resolution of the problems that have caused the long-term political crisis in Italy.

В статье дается характеристика прав человека как важнейшей социальной ценности, отражающей основные нравственные и гуманистические принципы. Анализируются действующие международные конвенции, закрепляющие основные законы и обычаи войны, акты, в которых указывается на недопустимость применения различных средств и приемов, нарушающих основные права человека, и содержится запрет на их использование в период вооруженных конфликтов. На основе различных источников рассматриваются факты и формы нарушения прав человека воюющими сторонами в период Первой мировой войны, дана их юридическая и гуманистическая оценка с позиций основополагающих норм международного права. Работа содержит сравнительный анализ уровня и степени опасности нарушения прав человека в период Первой и Второй мировых войн. В итоге подчеркивается необходимость усиления деятельности мировой общественности, политических лидеров государств и международных организаций по недопущению подобных нарушений в современных условиях, а также необходимость обеспечения мирового правопорядка, основанного на признании и обеспечении прав человека. ; The article describes human rights as the vital social value that reflects the main moral and humanistic principles. It analyses the international conventions in force, that establish the basic laws and customs of war, as well as the acts that state the impermissibility of certain methods that violate basic human rights, as well as the use of such methods during armed conflicts. The author analyzes various sources to demonstrate the facts and forms of human rights violation by the belligerents during World War I. The legal and humanistic evaluation of such acts is given according to the fundamental norms of international law. The article contains the comparative analysis of human rights violation during the First and Second World Wars. It is highlighted that the world community, political leaders, and international organizations should strengthen their actions to prevent the said violations in the current situation. The author also emphasizes the necessity of the international legal order based on human rights recognition and protection.

In article ways of optimization of interaction of the left youth organizations with the state and institutes of civil society in the Russian Federation are investigated. The author considers the left youth policy as an element and a factor of political socialization and adaptation, aspires to show as it becomes a condition of preservation of political continuity and formation of culture of civil society. ; В статье исследуются пути оптимизации взаимодействия левых молодёжных организаций с государством и институтами гражданского общества в Российской Федерации. Автор рассматривает левую молодёжную политику как элемент и фактор политической социализации и адаптации, стремится показать, как она становится условием сохранения политической преемственности и формирования культуры гражданского общества.

Article is devoted to the possibility of "political-practices" typology of left-wing radical of organizations and movements, which are operating on the territory of Ukraine. Based on the results of empirical analysis of the content of most prominent organizations' web pages the main political practices are identified. It is reviewed their elements and characteristics due to the specifics of the left-radical political spectrum in the article. The three conventional cluster, combining radical leftist organizations and movements by the preferred political practices, is allocated. It proposes recommendations for the prevention of political radicalism and extremism. ; В статье рассматривается возможность типологизации леворадикальных организаций и движений, действующих на территории Украины, по актуальным политическим практикам. По результатам эмпирического анализа содержания интернет-страниц наиболее заметных организаций выделены основные политические практики, рассмотрены их элементы и характеристики, обусловленные спецификой леворадикального политического спектра. Выделены три условных кластера, объединяющие леворадикальные организации и движения по критерию предпочитаемых политических практик. Предлагаются рекомендации по профилактике политического радикализма и экстремизма. ; У статті розглядається можливість типологізації ліворадикальних організацій і рухів, що діють на території Україні, за актуальними політичними практиками. За результатами емпіричного аналізу змісту інтернет-сторінок найбільш помітних організацій виділено їхні основні політичні практики; розглянуто елементи та характеристики практик, обумовлені специфікою ліворадикального політичного спектру. Виділено три штучні кластери, що об'єднують ліворадикальні організації та рухи за політичними практиками, яким вони надають перевагу. Пропонуються рекомендації щодо профілактики політичного радикалізму та екстремізму.

The study of problems that are associated with the realization of human rights and freedoms is always relevant since their implementation affects the immediate vital interests of the individual. A special role is played by ensuring human rights and freedoms, mechanisms and procedures for their protection, that is corresponding positive and negative obligations of the state. We believe that civil and political rights of a person, usually characterized as negative rights, cannot be ensured only by negative obligations of the state. To ensure them, States still need to assume corresponding positive obligations, the proper fulfillment of which directly affects the effectiveness of ensuring guaranteed human rights and fundamental freedoms. In this regard the study of the positive obligations of the states of the European Union in the field of ensuring political and civil rights is relevant. The object of the master's work is public relations that arise in connection with the implementation of positive obligations of the states of the European Union in the field of ensuring political and civil rights at the international level and the level of European Union law. The purpose of the master's work is to analyze the peculiarities of the positive obligations of the states of the European Union in the field of ensuring political and civil rights at the international level and the level of the European Union law. Tasks of the master's work: 1) to analyze the sources of the main political and civil rights of citizens of the European Union; 2) to characterize the system and content of basic political and civil rights; 3) to give a definition and to consider the ratio of positive and negative obligations of states; 4) to give a definition and to characterize the scope of application of the positive obligations of a state in the field of ensuring the political and civil rights of citizens under the European Convention; 5) to analyze the problem of ensuring the political and civil rights of citizens of the European Union and their judicial protection; 6) to determine the responsibility of states for violation of obligations in the field of human rights protection in European law. There were used dialectical, historical methods, the methods of formal logic, the comparative legal method, the system method and other methods of cognition. The sources of the basic political and civil rights of citizens of the European Union have been established. Among them there are the documents adopted before the creation of the European Union and the documents of the European Union. The problem of the implementation of modern legal standards in the field of human rights has been revealed. The system and content of the basic political and civil rights of citizens of the European Union are considered. The ratio of positive and negative obligations of states is considered. It has been revealed that not only negative, but also positive obligations of states are required to ensure negative rights. The specific positive obligations of states to ensure civil and political rights are considered, the examples are supported by judicial practice. It has been revealed that the state has a triad of obligations in the field of human rights: obligations to respect, obligations to provide and obligations to protect. The principle of the responsibility to protect includes the following obligations: the obligation to prevent; the obligation to respond; the obligation to recover. Some scholars add the obligation to punish the guilty. It has been established that the responsibility of a state for harsh and massive violations of human rights arises before the international community as a whole. On this basis all states can demand the cessation of these violations and the provision of appropriate compensation to their victims making appropriate claims against the violating state. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the fact that it is a complex scientific work, in which a theoretical study of the relationship between positive and negative obligations of states is carried out, as well as specific positive obligations of states to ensure civil and political rights. The master's work can be useful to researchers, lecturers, lawyers and students.

The study of problems that are associated with the realization of human rights and freedoms is always relevant since their implementation affects the immediate vital interests of the individual. A special role is played by ensuring human rights and freedoms, mechanisms and procedures for their protection, that is corresponding positive and negative obligations of the state. We believe that civil and political rights of a person, usually characterized as negative rights, cannot be ensured only by negative obligations of the state. To ensure them, States still need to assume corresponding positive obligations, the proper fulfillment of which directly affects the effectiveness of ensuring guaranteed human rights and fundamental freedoms. In this regard the study of the positive obligations of the states of the European Union in the field of ensuring political and civil rights is relevant. The object of the master's work is public relations that arise in connection with the implementation of positive obligations of the states of the European Union in the field of ensuring political and civil rights at the international level and the level of European Union law. The purpose of the master's work is to analyze the peculiarities of the positive obligations of the states of the European Union in the field of ensuring political and civil rights at the international level and the level of the European Union law. Tasks of the master's work: 1) to analyze the sources of the main political and civil rights of citizens of the European Union; 2) to characterize the system and content of basic political and civil rights; 3) to give a definition and to consider the ratio of positive and negative obligations of states; 4) to give a definition and to characterize the scope of application of the positive obligations of a state in the field of ensuring the political and civil rights of citizens under the European Convention; 5) to analyze the problem of ensuring the political and civil rights of citizens of the European Union and their judicial protection; 6) to determine the responsibility of states for violation of obligations in the field of human rights protection in European law. There were used dialectical, historical methods, the methods of formal logic, the comparative legal method, the system method and other methods of cognition. The sources of the basic political and civil rights of citizens of the European Union have been established. Among them there are the documents adopted before the creation of the European Union and the documents of the European Union. The problem of the implementation of modern legal standards in the field of human rights has been revealed. The system and content of the basic political and civil rights of citizens of the European Union are considered. The ratio of positive and negative obligations of states is considered. It has been revealed that not only negative, but also positive obligations of states are required to ensure negative rights. The specific positive obligations of states to ensure civil and political rights are considered, the examples are supported by judicial practice. It has been revealed that the state has a triad of obligations in the field of human rights: obligations to respect, obligations to provide and obligations to protect. The principle of the responsibility to protect includes the following obligations: the obligation to prevent; the obligation to respond; the obligation to recover. Some scholars add the obligation to punish the guilty. It has been established that the responsibility of a state for harsh and massive violations of human rights arises before the international community as a whole. On this basis all states can demand the cessation of these violations and the provision of appropriate compensation to their victims making appropriate claims against the violating state. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the fact that it is a complex scientific work, in which a theoretical study of the relationship between positive and negative obligations of states is carried out, as well as specific positive obligations of states to ensure civil and political rights. The master's work can be useful to researchers, lecturers, lawyers and students.

The political situation in the Soviet Union during the twentieth century has led some to suggest that socialism is some kind of secular religion as opposed to 'normal' religion. In modern Europe, however, there have been vibrant Christian socialist movements. This article looks into the different attitudes of socialists towards religion and answers the question whether it is pressure of religious activity or pressure of religious identity that makes socialists resist religion. The results from a multilevel analysis of three waves of the European Values Study (1990-2008) in 21 Western European countries specifically point to an increase in anti-religiosity by socialists in countries marked by Catholic and Orthodox religious identities.

The work presents the results of a study on the distribution of the theory of the Masonic conspiracy in Russian social and political thought at the beginning of the 20th century. Factors and sources of formation of anti-Masonic representations are revealed. Development of this theory is defined by authors of article as reaction to the system transformations happening in Russia and the indicator of the coming revolution. Classification of the basic approaches to reveal the essence of the Masonic conspiracy is carried out. Investigations of a Masonic plot from Department of police are exposed to separate consideration. The authors come to the conclusion that the theory of the Masonic conspiracy became an important compound component in the ideology of the Russian right at the beginning of the twentieth century.

Раздел "Международное право" - рубрика "Права человека" ; Статья посвящена выявлению и правовой оценке целостного комплекса норм, связанных с правами и свободами человека, который сложился и функционирует в настоящее время в рамках Европейского союза. Автором предпринята попытка разобраться в юридической природе Хартии основных прав ЕС, принятой в 2000 г., сопоставить ее положения с нормами Европейской конвенции о защите прав человека и основных свобод 1950 г. Особое внимание уделено исследованию места и роли Европейского союза в существующей системе международной защиты прав и свобод человека, а также выявлению и последующей оценке прав и свобод первого (гражданские и политические) и второго (экономические, социальные и культурные) поколений, закрепленных в праве ЕС, степени и объему их правовой регламентации. Акцентируется внимание на роли институтов (органов) ЕС, особенно Европарламента, а также ряда специализированных органов (Агентство по основным правам и др.) в процессе формирования в рамках Европейского союза самостоятельной региональной системы защиты прав и свобод человека. Выявлены и проанализированы положения Договора 2004 г., устанавливающего Конституцию для Европы, затрагивающие вопросы прав человека. = The article focuses on identification and legal evaluation of an integral set of norms in the sphere of human rights and freedoms currently existing within the European Union. The author attempts to analyze the legal nature of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU adopted in 2000 and to compare it with the norms of the 1950 European Convention on Human Rights. Special attention is paid to the exploration of the role and place of the European Union in the existing system of international protection of human rights and freedoms, as well as to the revealing and the following evaluation of rights and freedoms of the first (civil and political) and second (economic, social and cultural) generations that are fixed in the EU law, and to the level and volume of their legal regulation. The author draws attention to the role of the EU institutions, the European Parliament in particular, as well as of a number of special bodies (the Agency for Fundamental Rights, etc.) in the process of formation of an independent regional system of human rights and freedoms protection within the EU. The author also revealed and analyzed the provisions of the 2004 Treaty fixing European Constitution that include human rights issues.

Статья посвящена проблеме взаимоотношений лидеров и участников правых салонов и кружков столицы Российской империи с приближенным к царской семье крестьянином Г.Е. Распутиным. В предреволюционные годы определенную роль в политической системе страны продолжали играть салоны и кружки правоконсервативного направления, часть из которых возникла еще в конце XIX в. (салоны князя В.П. Мещерского, генерала Е.В. Богдановича, графини С.С. Игнатьевой), другие – активизировались в период Первой мировой войны (салоны князя М.М. Андроникова, митрополита Петроградского и Ладожского Питирима (Окнова), кружок Н.Ф. Бурдукова). Многие из этих объединений пытались использовать в своих целях Г.Е. Распутина. Они приглашали «старца» на салонные собрания, вели с ним «духовные беседы» и т.д. На основе комплекса исторических источников (дневники, письма, мемуары и др.) реконструирован процесс развития взаимоотношений лидеров и участников правых салонов и кружков Петербурга–Петрограда с Г.Е. Распутиным. В статье автор утверждает, что главной целью их общения с Распутиным были попытки с его помощью оказывать политическое влияние на императора. Сам же «старец», по свидетельству источников, выражал недоверие к лидерам салонов и кружков и не желал участвовать в их политических играх. В статье хронологически прослеживается эволюция указанных взаимоотношений и делается вывод о том, что постепенно они изменялись в сторону все большего недоверия, а подчас (как в случае с салоном М.М. Андроникова) и открытой неприязни. Подчеркивается, что никаких реальных фактовосуществления через Распутина влияния на царскую политику в источниках не зафиксировано. При этом утверждения о том, что якобы Распутин с подачи лидеров правых салонов и кружков давал императору самые разнообразные указания, содержались в многочисленных статьях и заметках либеральной периодической печати предреволюционного времени. Тем самым, по мнению автора, не только готовилась психологическая почва для убийства «старца», но и дискредитировалась в глазах общественности сама монархическая идея.
The article is devoted to the problem of relations between the leaders and members of right-wing salons and circles in the capital of the Russian Empire and Grigori Rasputin, a peasant who was then close to the royal family. In the pre-revolutionary years, conservative right-wing salons and circles continued to play a certain role in the political system of the country. Some of them appeared in the late 19th century (the salons of Prince V. Meshchersky, General E. Bogdanovich, and Countess S. Ignatieva), while others became active during the First World War (the salons of Prince M. Andronikov, Metropolitan Pitirim (Oknov) of Petrograd and Ladoga, the circle of N. Burdukov). Many of those associations tried to use Rasputin for their own purposes. They invited the "starets" to the salon meetings, held "spiritual conversations" with him, etc. Based on a set of historical sources (diaries, letters, memoirs, etc.), the author of the article has reconstructed the development of relations between the leaders and members of right-wing salons and circles of St Petersburg–Petrograd and Grigori Rasputin. The author concludes that their communication with Rasputin was mainly aimed at enlisting his support in exerting political influence on the Emperor. According to these sources, the "starets" was distrustful of the leaders of salons and circles and did not want to participate in their political games. The article chronologically retraces the evolution of those relations and concludes that the attitudes gradually changed towards greater distrust and sometimes towards open hostility (as was the case of the Petrograd right-wing monarchic salon of Prince M. Andronikov). It is emphasised that no real facts of influence on Tsarist policy through Rasputin were recorded in the sources. At the same time, allegations that Rasputin gave the Emperor various instructions at the suggestion of the leaders of right-wing salons and circles were published in numerous articles and news items of the liberal pre-revolutionary periodicals. In the author's opinion, in doing so, not only did the periodicals prepare the psychological ground for the murder of Rasputin, but they also discredited the monarchical idea itself.

The article explores the ideological origins of Ukrainian radical nationalism, the formation and evolution of far-right political forces in post-Communist Ukraine, and the ideology of contemporary radical right-wing Ukrainian parties. Ukrainian far-right nationalism originated in the 1920s-30s. Its political embodiment was the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) which operated in Eastern Poland. Ideological foundation of the OUN was the concept of integral nationalism elaborated by Dmytro Dontsov. The OUN proclaimed the creation of Ukrainian sovereign state as its most important goal. The characteristic features of the ideology of Ukrainian radical far-right nationalism of that era were the priority of the interests of the Ukrainian nation, Russophobia, anti-communism, anti-liberalism, and the cult of power. Modern Ukrainian radical nationalists have adopted many of these concepts. In the 1990s, a number of extreme right-wing organizations emerged in Ukraine that declared themselves heirs of the traditions of Ukrainian nationalists of the first half of the XXth century. Some of the newly created parties tend towards integral nationalism, while others tend towards social nationalism, which combines ethnic nationalism with the idea of social justice. At the same time, all Ukrainian radical nationalists are characterized by an ethnic interpretation of the nation, a desire to create a mono-ethnic Ukrainian state, a negative attitude towards Russia and Russians, anti-communism, and commitment to the "third way" in economy. Critical of European liberal values, the Ukrainian far-right radicals are nonetheless in favor of Ukraine joining the EU and NATO, hoping that Ukraine's Euro-Atlantic integration will distance it from Russia. Ukrainian radical nationalists actively participated in Euromaidan 2013-2014 and the overthrow of Victor Yanukovych's regime. However, they have never (with the exception of the 2012 parliamentary elections) achieved any significant success in the elections to the Verkhovna Rada. Only a part of the population of Galicia votes for them. At the same time, some ideas previously put forward by the Ukrainian far right have in recent years to a certain extent entered the ideological baggage of respectable pro-European right-wing parties in Ukraine. Thus, the ideological and political influence of the Ukrainian far-right nationalists is more significant than it would be possible to assume based only on their electoral support. ; В статье исследуются идейные истоки украинского радикального национализма, становление и эволюция праворадикальных политических сил на посткоммунистической Украине, идеология современных украинских крайне правых организаций. Украинский праворадикальный национализм зародился в 1920-е - 30-е годы. Его политическим воплощением являлась Организация украинских националистов (ОУН), действовавшая на территории Восточной Польши. Идеологическим фундаментом ОУН был интегральный национализм Д.Донцова, а своей важнейшей целью ОУН провозглашала создание Украинского суверенного государства. Характерными чертами идеологии украинского праворадикального национализма той эпохи были приоритет интересов украинской нации, русофобия, антикоммунизм, антилиберализм, культ силы. Современные украинские радикальные националисты заимствовали многие из этих концептов. В 1990-е годы на Украине возник целый ряд крайне правых организаций, которые провозгласили себя наследниками традиций украинских националистов первой половины XX века. Одни из вновь созданных партий тяготеют к интегральному национализму, другие — к социал-национализму, объединяющему этнический национализм с идеей социальной справедливости. При этом для всех украинских радикал-националистов характерны этническая трактовка нации, стремление к созданию моноэтничного Украинского государства, негативное отношение к России и русским, антикоммунизм, отстаивание «третьего пути» в экономике. Критически относясь к европейским либеральным ценностям, украинские крайне правые все же выступают за вступление Украины в ЕС и НАТО, рассчитывая, что евроатлантическая интеграция Украины отдалит ее от России. Украинские радикальные националисты активно участвовали в Евромайдане 2013-2014 гг. и свержении режима В. Януковича. Однако они никогда (за исключением парламентских выборов 2012 г.) не достигали сколько-нибудь значительных успехов на выборах в Верховную Раду. За них голосует только часть населения Галиции. В то же время некоторые идеи, ранее выдвигавшиеся ультранационалистами, в последние годы до определенной степени вошли в идеологический багаж респектабельных правых проевропейских партий Украины. Таким образом, идейно-политическое влияние украинских крайне правых является более значительным, чем это можно было бы предположить, исходя только из их электоральной поддержки.

The article analyzes the definitions of the public as a subject of social sciences. The purpose of the paper is to operationalize the concept of the public for its practical application in the system of functioning of political institutions. The basis of the methodology is an instrumental approach. The methods used are comparative, legal analysis, description and generalization of data, a questionnaire survey of residents of a metropolitan Russian city to assess the potential of public activity in solving local issues. Various theories of domestic and foreign researchers focus their attention on particular aspects of the public. Representatives of the managerial approach formally divide the public into several groups: public organized structures (NGOs, professional community, etc.), acting on a permanent and legal basis, and active citizens acting situationally within a specific project to discuss it (interested citizens, expert councils, etc.). Within the framework of political theory, the public always focuses on a problem and forms through getting interested in a particular challenge. From the point of view of the law, the public is not designated as a concept but indirectly finds its expression in the legally established forms of realization of the right to local selfgovernment. In PR, the public is labile, dynamic and unstable to manipulation. The key characteristics of the concept under consideration, which is widely used in the Russian and foreign communication space, but not formed into a single definition, are highlighted. The author concludes that the public is heterogenic, dualistic, centred on a particular problem. The empirical study revealed a low level of public participation in projects associated with creating a comfortable urban environment. On the contrary, the level of willingness to get involved in other city problems is high. ; В статье проведен анализ определений общественности как предмета социальных наук. Цель статьи — операционализация понятия «общественность» для его практического применения в системе функционирования политических институтов. Основа методологии — инструментальный подход. В качестве методов применены сравнительный, правовой анализ, описание и обобщение данных, анкетный опрос жителей крупного российского города на предмет оценки потенциала общественной активности в решении вопросов местного значения. Различные теории отечественных и зарубежных исследователей фокусируют свое внимание на тех или иных аспектах общественности. Представители управленческого подхода формально разделяют общественность на несколько групп — организованные структуры общественности (НКО, профессиональное сообщество и др.), действующие на постоянной и юридической основе, и активных граждан, действующих ситуативно в рамках определенного проекта в целях его обсуждения (заинтересованные граждане, экспертные советы и т. д.). В рамках политической теории общественность всегда сосредоточена вокруг проблемы, и формируется она посредством возникновения интереса к определенной проблеме. С точки зрения права общественность как понятие не обозначается, но косвенно находит свое выражение в законодательно установленных формах реализации права на местное самоуправление. В PR общественность является лабильной, динамичной и неустойчивой к манипуляциям. Выделены ключевые характеристики рассматриваемого понятия, широко используемого в российском и зарубежном коммуникационном пространстве, но не оформленном в единое определение. Автор делает вывод о неоднородности, дуалистичности общественности, сосредоточенной вокруг определенной проблемы. В рамках эмпирического исследования выявлен низкий уровень общественного участия в проектах формирования комфортной городской среды при высоком уровне готовности включиться в решение других проблем города.

The article focuses on the theory of humanitarian intervention and its applicability to actual meddling in the affairs of other states including military operations - directly or indirectly - sanctioned by the UN. The authors begin with the assumption that intervention and war are not dissimilar because war might be regarded as a radical form of intervention. Historical condition and normative justification of the emergence of the legality and legitimacy of war are reconstructed with the view to highlight the antinomy between defending the state sovereignty and defending the human rights. We opt for the contractarian approach, which, in our view, allows us to overcome the antinomy, and we argue that in international law it is the violation of the human rights by the state that should be the universal and paramount legitimation for intervention. Further analysis of political practices, however, reveals that human rights are rarely invoked in legitimizing intervention. Yet, we demonstrate that classical political realism that prioritizes interests of the state is itself in need of justification if it is used for legitimizing intervention, because its main tenet is the supremacy of the state, which is undermined by intervention. In conclusion, we highlight the methodological problems in normative political theory, which faces the choice of what is to be the "foundational notion" for modern international law.Key words: humanitarian intervention, jus ad bellum, legitimacy, sovereignty, state, human rights, contract, casus belli, UN. ; В статье анализируется теория гуманитарной интервенции в ее отношении к реальным практикам вмешательства в дела отдельных государств, прямо или косвенно санкционированным ООН. Концептуально и отчасти методологически авторы сближают интервенцию и войну (война понимается как наиболее радикальная форма интервенции). В начале статьи кратко реконструируются исторические и нормативные предпосылки, сформировавшие ключевую для юридических оснований допустимости войны антиномию защиты либо суверенитета государства, либо прав человека. Выбрав контрактуализм как теоретическую рамку, позволяющую предварительно разрешить (разрушить) эту антиномию, мы приходим к выводу о том, что в международном праве именно нарушение базовых прав граждан со стороны государства должно было бы быть универсальным и основным оправданием интервенции. Дальнейший анализ политической практики убеждает нас в том, что концепт прав человека редко используется для оправдания интервенции и, по существу, не является в этой риторике ведущим компонентом. Тем не менее мы показываем, что классический политический реализм государственного интереса как оптика осмысления интервенции также нуждается в защите, поскольку допущение о том, что именно государства являются доминирующими субъектами международного права, сегодня ставится под сомнение. В заключение мы формулируем методологические проблемы современной нормативной политической теории как проблемы выбора «приоритетного субъекта» международного права. Ключевые слова: гуманитарная интервенция, jus ad bellum, легитимность, суверенитет, государство, права человека, контракт, casus belli, ООН.