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Defence date: 20 March 1987 ; Examining Board: Prof. A. Melucci, Università di Milano ; Prof. G. Pasquino, Supervisor, Università di Bologna e Johns Hopkins University ; Prof. A. Pizzorno, I.U.E. e Harvard University ; Prof. P. Schmitter, Supervisor, I.U.E. e Stanford University ; Prof. S. Tarrow, Cornwell University ; First made available online on 10 September 2013.

El artículo parte de la discusión actual sobre si la proliferación de los así denominados populismos de derecha invalida o no la tesis de Laclau de que el populismo es un tipo de articulación que puede dar un sentido emancipatorio a la iniciativa política. Dicho debate que se ha presentado fundamentalmente bajo la oposición binaria populismos de derechas frente a populismos de izquierda tiene a dos voces contrapuestas, las de Fassin y Mouffe, que el texto se propone revisar, desde una perspectiva laclausiana, a partir de dos preguntas que se desprenden de las posiciones políticas de los autores: ¿es posible, como desearía Fassin, eludir o eliminar el populismo? ¿Es posible distinguir entre un populismo de derechas y uno de izquierdas, como propone Mouffe?The article takes as a point of departure the current discussion about the proliferation of the so called right-wing populisms that put into question Laclau's thesis that populism is a sort of articulation that may bring about emancipatory directions to politics. This debate, that has recently taken the format of an opposition between right-wing populism vs. leftwing populisms, has two main competing voices —Fassin and Mouffe— that the text reviews from a Laclausian perspective. The two questions addressed, that rise from the political position of each author, are the following: is it possible to eliminate populism as Fassin would prefer? Is it possible to establish a differentiation between right-wing and left-wing populism as Mouffe affirms? ; The article takes as a point of departure the current discussion about the proliferation of the so called right-wing populisms that put into question Laclau's thesis that populism is a sort of articulation that may bring about emancipatory directions to politics. This debate, that has recently taken the format of an opposition between right-wing populism vs. leftwing populisms, has two main competing voices —Fassin and Mouffe— that the text reviews from a Laclausian perspective. The two questions addressed, that rise from the political position of each author, are the following: is it possible to eliminate populism as Fassin would prefer? Is it possible to establish a differentiation between right-wing and left-wing populism as Mouffe affirms?

ABSTRACT: This article shows a short part of the reality local politic between 1970 and 1990, when the politic regime open the doors of the electoral participation to several politic movements. This permits that organizations how the Communist Colombian Party, the Workers Independent Revolutionary Movement and the Patriotic Union were part of electoral scene. So, this lines offers a view of the alliances that the democratic left made during 20 years in Medellin with others parties y different sectors of the oppositions, and how that constructed some organizations before the elections with the objective of obtain more power. ; RESUMEN: Este artículo da cuenta de una pequeña parte de la realidad política local entre 1970 y 1990, cuando el régimen político abre las puertas de la participación electoral a fuerzas diferentes al bipartidismo liberal y conservador. Esto permitió que organizaciones como el Partido Comunista Colombiano (PCC), el Movimiento Obrero Independiente Revolucionario (MOIR) y la Unión Patriótica (UP) se lanzaran a la escena electoral ante la expectativa que el sistema aprobaba. Así mismo, estas líneas ofrecen un vistazo de las alianzas que la izquierda democrática hizo durante veinte años en Medellín con otros partidos y diferentes sectores de la oposición, creando algunas organizaciones antes de las elecciones para obtener más poder y conseguir algunos lugares en la administración local luego de la victoria.

The article analyzes the median and long term effects of the change in the handling of international economic relations propelled by the left-wing governments in the Andean region, and the ways this change and will define key aspects of economic management. ; El artículo analiza como el cambio en el manejo de las relaciones económicas internacionales, impulsado por los gobiernos de izquierda en la región andina tendrá efecto en el mediano y largo plazo y definirá aspectos claves de su manejo económico.

The movement "new left" arose in Western Europe and the USA in the 1960-ies under the influence of the split in the world Communist movement following the events of 1956, the twentieth Congress of the CPSU (Communist Party of the Soviet Union) when it is the prevailing leftist anarchist and Trotskyist ideas. The new left protested against the Stalinist variant of socialism and the Stalinization of Eastern Europe, the hard political structuring and centralization of socialism, lack of spirituality of the "consumer society", the anonymity of mass culture, the unification of human personality. Advocated "direct democracy", freedom of expression, non-conformism and club-a discussion of the political culture.The intellectual center of the "new left" was the magazine "New Left Review". The Central themes of the journal were the issues of updates of the Marxist theory, labor and trade Union movement, the analysis of numerous forms of anti-capitalist protest, the national liberation and anti-imperialist movements, ethno-religious, gender, psychological and linguistic-cultural research, philosophical analysis of the various aspects of the Central problem of modernity, namely the ratio of government and people.

Desde un enfoque teórico el artículo cuestiona la relación entre gobernabilidad y democracia -ambas equiparadas desde ópticas opuestas, una como la ofensiva ideológica de la derecha en tanto estrategia dominante, la otra como perspectiva de la izquierda- en el panorama actual de la región latinoamericana. Analiza a la derecha explicando que finalmente es desde ésta que se definen políticas, parámetros teóricos e ideológicos, entre otros, imponiéndose con dureza frente a a incapacidad de la izquierda de presentar o confrontar aternativas. No obstante, la izquierda tendrá que recapitular sobre las tendencias actuales y buscar la o las alternativas al modelo neoliberal impuesto desde la estrategia de dominación de la derecha. ; A theorical analysis is made in this article and question the relation between "gobernability" and "democracy", both equiparated since oposite views; one as an ideological offensive from the right, like a dominant strategy, and the other like perspectives from the left, on the actual view of Latinoamerican region. The author analyzes "the right"", explaining its form the right where politics, theoretical and ideological parameters, among others, are defined, and imposed whit such hardness faced to left incapacity to present alternatives. Therefore, the left must recapitulate about the present tendencies and look for alternatives against neoliberal model imposed from the right dominated strategy.

This article discusses the representation of Diego Armando Maradona in popular culture from the perspective of utopian studies. Analysing the Netflix documentary series Maradona in Mexico (2019) and the film Maradona by Kusturica (dir. Emir Kusturica, 2008), in addition to selected examples from Latin American cultural production such as songs and TV programmes, the article maps the utopian tropes that are often associated with the figure of Maradona, generally represented as a saviour of working and popular sectors of society, and as an emancipatory political figure aligned with left-wing regimes in Latin America.

RESUMEN Este artículo realiza una lectura crítica del pensamiento político posfundacional y su influencia en la política contemporánea, particularmente en el espectro de la izquierda. Se abordará la noción del acontecimiento y su relación con la díada de lo político y la política, siempre presente en el pensamiento posfundacional. El pensamiento político posfundacional, desde su postura de debilitar las estructuras fundantes, antes inamovibles, parece erigirse como un abordaje de posibilidades ante los fenómenos sociales contemporáneos. ABSTRACT This article makes a critical reading of the post-fundational political thought and its influence on contemporary politics, particularly in the spectrum of the left. The notion of the event and its relationship with the political and political dyad, always present in the post-founding approach, will be addressed. Posfundational political thinking, from its position to weaken the founding structures, previously unremovable, seems to be erected as an approach of possibilities to face contemporary social phenomena.

This article analyzes the partisan opposition in Colombia during the period of 2010-2018: the types of opposition that occurred in Colombia during the two governments of Juan Manuel Santos, their characteristics, the factors that explain these types of opposition and the effects they had on Colombian democracy. It is a documentary analysis and interpretation with empirical support that draws on newspaper sources and institutional documents. The central argument is that there were two types of opposition: one of the radicalized right-wing, with disloyal actions and practices, as well as a personal component; and another of moderate left that was characterized by its ideological, deliberative and confrontational-controversial character. Both types are explained through different factors and their exercise had important effects on Colombian democracy. ; Este artículo analiza la oposición partidista en Colombia durante el período 2010-2018: los tipos de oposición que se dieron en Colombia durante los dos gobiernos de Juan Manuel Santos, sus características, los factores que explican estos tipos de oposición y los efectos que tuvieron sobre la democracia colombiana. Se trata de un análisis documental y de interpretación con base empírica que recurre a fuentes hemerográficas y a documentos institucionales. El argumento central es que hubo dos tipos de oposición: una de derecha radicalizada, con acciones y prácticas desleales, así como un componente personalista; y otra de izquierda moderada que se caracterizó por su carácter ideológico, deliberante y confrontacional. Ambos tipos son explicados por factores diferentes y tuvieron efectos importantes sobre la democracia colombiana.

In the globalized world, the European Union (EU) represents a political a transition from the ontology of the nation-state to a so-called post-Wesfalian order which is based on forms of shared sovereignties. As a result, attempts at conceptualizing the EU reflect intellectual and institutional efforts to adapt the old political vocabulary of the Modern Era to contemporary political experiments and ontologies, such as the EU, where the concepts and institutions of modern democratic theory are being reappraised and redesigned. The aim of my paper is to discuss whether basic concepts and institutions of liberal democracy, such as representation and parliamentarism, are being revitalized in the EU, or the latter is leading to a post-democratic era –of technocratic governance, bureaucratization and judicialization of politics–. Given the rise of populist and nationalist politics throughout Europe, it seems worth exploring how to offset and tackle the anti-liberal democratic turn taking place in the continent, precisely by redefining and reinventing the language of democracy and rights, that is, of liberal democracy, the rule of law and citizenship, in the EU. ; Universidad de Málaga. Campus de Excelencia Internacional Andalucía Tech.

The Science above Administrative law must promove an improvement on people life's quality, adopting a more gentle conception, removing the privilegies and Power of the administrator in favor of the Citizen. This new kind of public administration has the individual at the center and the general interests as its object, defined as an objective right necessary to articulate a good administration as a fundamental right. This attempt is carried out through a dynamic action, characteristic of the democratic social state of law in search of a balance between power and freedom under two important dimensions: conjunction with the reality and characterization of public policies, everything as a consequence of the realization of justice. ; El derecho administrativo tiene la obligación de mejorar la calidad de vida de la población y, en lugar de los privilegios, de la autoridad y prerrogativas del administrador, el Estado social y democrático de Derecho cobra importancia la buena administración a favor del ciudadano como participante efectivo. Los intereses generales articulan el derecho a la buena administración como derecho fundamental del individuo a través de una acción dinámica, propia del Estado social democrático de derecho en busca del equilibrio entre poder y libertad, en dos dimensiones importantes: conjunción con la realidad y caracterización de políticas públicas, de manera objetiva al servicio del interés general. ; El derecho administrativo tiene la obligación de mejorar la calidad de vida de la población y, en lugar de los privilegios, de la autoridad y prerrogativas del administrador, el Estado social y democrático de Derecho cobra importancia la buena administración a favor del ciudadano como participante efectivo. Los intereses generales articulan el derecho a la buena administración como derecho fundamental del individuo a través de una acción dinámica, propia del Estado social democrático de derecho en busca del equilibrio entre poder y libertad, en dos dimensiones importantes: ...

In the current conjuncture, populism describes the disruption of the definition of, and connection between, democracy, law and rights. It represents the challenge to both the existing forms of political representation of the people and to the wider juridico-political framework or institutions of democracy. In contrast to predominantly political analyses of this populist phenomenon, which have rendered the relationship of populism to positive law peripheral, the focus will upon a juridico-political analysis of populism. The analysis will concentrate upon the central aspects of the relationship between populism and positive law (Law and Morality; Law and Rights and Law and Violence). ; En la coyuntura actual, el populismo describe la interrupción de la definición y la conexión entre democracia, ley y derechos. Representa el desafío tanto para las formas existentes de representación política del pueblo como para el marco jurídico-político más amplio o las instituciones de la democracia. En contraste con los análisis predominantemente políticos de este fenómeno populista, que han hecho que la relación del populismo con el derecho positivo sea periférica, la atención se centrará en un análisis jurídico-político del populismo. El análisis se concentrará en los aspectos centrales de la relación entre populismo y ley positiva (Ley y Moralidad; Ley y Derechos y Ley y Violencia).

Izquierda y derecha (o liberales y conservadores) son conceptos usados ampliamente para estudiar partidos y otros objetos políticos, pero tienen al menos dos problemas. Primero, no es claro que sean útiles fuera de las democracias prósperas. Segundo, no se los define de una única manera: hay dos grandes familias de enfoques. Por un lado, una tradición histórico-analítica y, por otro, un enfoque basado en las teorías espaciales de la competencia entre partidos. Este artículo compara dos clasificaciones de los partidos políticos de América Latina en la escala izquierda-derecha basadas en esos enfoques y muestra que son muy diferentes. En segundo lugar, sugiere una explicación para esas diferencias basada en pautas sistemáticas observadas en los datos, explicación que conduce a varias hipótesis que pueden ser verificadas empíricamente. Finalmente, muestra que la evidencia y la literatura disponibles apoyan esas hipótesis, y por lo tanto la explicación en sí misma. ; Left and right (or liberal and conservative) are widely used concepts for analyzing parties and other political objects, but they have at least two problems. First, it is unclear whether they are useful outside rich democracies. Second, they are not defined in a single way; there are two broad approaches. On one side an historical-analytical tradition, and on the other side, an approach based on spatial theories of party competition. This paper: a) compares two classifications of Latin American political parties on the left-right scale according to those approaches, finding that they are very different; b) suggests a plausible explanation for those differences based on systematic patterns found in the data, explanation which leads to several testable hypotheses, and c) shows that available evidence and current literature support those hypotheses, hence the explanation itself.

El libro de Tianna Paschel tiene un valor analítico y metodológico, al abordar el activismo y la participación en la conformación de los movimientos negros en Colombia y Brasil, en las últimas décadas. La investigación da a conocer la conformación de sujetos políticos afro en estos dos países, reconstruyendo el contexto histórico en el que emergen tales movimientos, marcando un cambio de la matriz de mestizaje a una matriz de derechos. En este sentido, Paschel analiza la manera en que se institucionalizaron diferentes conceptos de la negritud, ideologías estatales con respecto a la raza que jugaron en el campo político, los procesos que llevaron al reconocimiento de derechos durante las décadas de 1980 y 1990, así como las consecuentes políticas ocurridas en la década de 2000 y 2010. El libro también integra un análisis etnográfico sobre construcción de los sujetos políticos negros, desde el trabajo de los activistas y organizaciones y, los espacios creados al interior del Estado, que fueron objeto de disputa.

Social movements scholarship has increasingly turned to the study of direct social actions (DSAs) in times of economic hardship. This paper broadens this perspective to extreme right organisations. Combining a Political Claims Analysis of newspaper articles and online press releases, with a qualitative discussion of online propaganda material, we explore the engagement in direct social activism by three neo-fascist organisations in Italy: Forza Nuova, Fiamma Tricolore and CasaPound Italia (1996 -2015). Our findings suggest that their propensi-ty to direct social activism, rather than being exclusively related to economic distress, responds to a broad set of ideological, organisational and strategic incentives. Ideologically, DSAs are linked to the interpretation of the re-lationship between ideas and action of historical Fascism and of parts of the Italian neo-fascist tradition. Organi-sationally, DSAs serve as a tool to build support and solidarity, especially at the local level. Strategically, they are used to frame activism as a direct intervention in defence of interests of native peoples, and against political elites accused of being unresponsive to the needs of citizens. Our results offer a first empirical observation of the use of DSAs by extreme right actors, paving the way for comparative work at the cross-national level and on dif-ferent arenas of engagement