Left, Right, and Center: Conflicting Forces in American Labor. Sidney Lens
In: Journal of political economy, Band 58, Heft 1, S. 77-78
ISSN: 1537-534X
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In: Journal of political economy, Band 58, Heft 1, S. 77-78
ISSN: 1537-534X
In: The Manchester School, Band 10, Heft 2, S. 175-193
ISSN: 1467-9957
In: American anthropologist: AA, Band 50, Heft 2, S. 352-355
ISSN: 1548-1433
In: American journal of international law: AJIL, Band 44, Heft 1, S. 164-164
ISSN: 2161-7953
In: American anthropologist: AA, Band 51, Heft 2, S. 329-336
ISSN: 1548-1433
In: American journal of international law: AJIL, Band 7, Heft 2, S. 315-328
ISSN: 2161-7953
It is a truism that the science of law proper – the science dealing with the United States or the law of Great Britain, one finds the whole science based on the fact of the existence of a political society known as the United States or Great Britain, which formulates, applies and enforces the law which governs these nations in their internal relations. When one enters upon the study of what is called international law, one finds himself expected to accept as a fundamental proposition that there is no political society which formulates, applies and enforces the law which he is told governs all nations in their external relations, and that this law is formulated, applied and enforced among or between the nations. This difference in fundamentals leads to corresponding differences in the derivative notions. Practitioners of law proper take little or no interest in what is called international law. From their point of view, that which is called international law is only a collection of the rules of a highly interesting game, success in which depends largely upon "face " and personality; nor can it be denied that there is much to justify this opinion. Students of law reflect the attitude of mind of the practitioner, and the great majority of students end their legal education when they finish the courses in national domestic law, giving no consideration to the law which governs the actions and relations of the nations.
In: The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Band 180, Heft 1, S. 248-248
ISSN: 1552-3349
In: American political science review, Band 34, S. 295-300
ISSN: 0003-0554
In: American journal of international law: AJIL, Band 10, Heft 2, S. 375-378
ISSN: 2161-7953
In: The American journal of sociology, Band 57, Heft 2, S. 202-203
ISSN: 1537-5390
In: The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Band 153, Heft 1, S. 278-279
ISSN: 1552-3349
In: American political science review, Band 34, Heft 2, S. 295-300
ISSN: 1537-5943
Although much has been written on the general subject of the President's pardoning power, there is still considerable confusion concerning the use of that power for the restoration of civil and political rights to persons who have been deprived of them as a punishment for crime. Particular questions frequently raised are: What rights are lost? How are they lost? How may they be restored? That the issue is a live one is supported by the fact that in the year 1938 no fewer than 203 pardons were granted by the President to restore civil rights.The confusion on the subject is due in large measure to the complexities of our federal form of government. This was clearly noted by Attorney-General Caleb Cushing in his opinion of July 9, 1856, in the case of Oliver Robbins of Sackett's Harbor, New York. Robbins was convicted in 1851, in the Circuit Court of the United States for the Northern District of New York, of an offense against federal law, and was sentenced to imprisonment in the penitentiary of New York. In 1852, he received from President Fillmore a general pardon.
In: Bulletin of the atomic scientists, Band 5, Heft 8-9, S. 211-217
ISSN: 1938-3282
In: American political science review, Band 43, Heft 4, S. 831-833
ISSN: 1537-5943
In: The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Band 265, Heft 1, S. 211-212
ISSN: 1552-3349