If the wage indexation rate is chosen discretionarily, a Left hand government lowers it in order to increase the output effects of surprise inflation, while a Right hand government prefers high indexation. These choices magnify the differences between the inflation rates preferred by the two parties. When binding commitments before the signature of the labor contract are possible, both parties prefer a higher wage indexation with respect to the discretionary situation, in order to reduce the inflationary bias.
In quello che Paolo Grossi chiama il medioevo sapienziale i giuristi si impegnano a definire una serie di regole tese alla composizione delle controversie di confine: non ci sono infatti testi normativi precostituiti che le definiscano. Il Corpus Iuris si occupa, quasi esclusivamente, della conflittualità confinaria tra privati. Quando il richiamo ai testi del diritto romano viene effettuato serve solo per conferire 'autorevolezza' a soluzioni che assai spesso si fondano su pratiche di composizione legate alla prassi. Le regole elaborate dai giuristi medievali trovano così la loro formalizzazione sul piano del diritto, ma rinviano a un modo di vivere i confini tra comunità legato agli spostamenti, alle abitudini, alle comuni necessità esistenziali. D'altra parte l'esistenza di demarcazioni nette (che pure esistono) rinvia non tanto a una pretesa politica esclusiva e totalizzante, quanto piuttosto all'esercizio di diritti e prerogative determinati. ; In what Paolo Grossi calls «the sapiential Middle Ages» jurists engaged themselves in defining a set of rules aiming at the settlement of boundary disputes, which previously were not established by any normative text. The Corpus Iuris concerns nearly exclusively boundary disputes between private individuals. References to texts of the Roman law were meant to give 'authority' to resolutions often based upon customary praxis. The norms elaborated by Middle Ages jurists are thus given a formal legal shape; yet, they are linked to a perception of the boundaries between communities that was affected by the displacements, the customs, the common needs of everyday life. On the other side the existence of actual neat demarcations was linked to the exertion of certain rights and privileges rather than to an exclusive and absolute political claim.
In quello che Paolo Grossi chiama il medioevo sapienziale i giuristi si impegnano a definire una serie di regole tese alla composizione delle controversie di confine: non ci sono infatti testi normativi precostituiti che le definiscano. Il Corpus Iuris si occupa, quasi esclusivamente, della conflittualità confinaria tra privati. Quando il richiamo ai testi del diritto romano viene effettuato serve solo per conferire 'autorevolezza' a soluzioni che assai spesso si fondano su pratiche di composizione legate alla prassi. Le regole elaborate dai giuristi medievali trovano così la loro formalizzazione sul piano del diritto, ma rinviano a un modo di vivere i confini tra comunità legato agli spostamenti, alle abitudini, alle comuni necessità esistenziali. D'altra parte l'esistenza di demarcazioni nette (che pure esistono) rinvia non tanto a una pretesa politica esclusiva e totalizzante, quanto piuttosto all'esercizio di diritti e prerogative determinati. ; In what Paolo Grossi calls «the sapiential Middle Ages» jurists engaged themselves in defining a set of rules aiming at the settlement of boundary disputes, which previously were not established by any normative text. The Corpus Iuris concerns nearly exclusively boundary disputes between private individuals. References to texts of the Roman law were meant to give 'authority' to resolutions often based upon customary praxis. The norms elaborated by Middle Ages jurists are thus given a formal legal shape; yet, they are linked to a perception of the boundaries between communities that was affected by the displacements, the customs, the common needs of everyday life. On the other side the existence of actual neat demarcations was linked to the exertion of certain rights and privileges rather than to an exclusive and absolute political claim.
This text will try to describe the evolution of the agrarian credit from the binomial tutelage/growth to the most modern investment /development. After will be take in consideration the change of the goods "Edifici Monti Granatici" from a patrimonial space characterized for the economic value to another marked for a cultural value with the attempt to attribute a new way to use them. In this way it will be the head of the territorial network right for now days and for a future too. ; Questo testo cerca di organizzare una serie di informazioni e riflessioni svolte attorno ai -Monti -Granatici, alla loro storia ed al cambiamento delle loro funzioni al mutare delle strutture politiche ed economiche che hanno retto la Sardegna dal XVII al XX secolo.
This text will try to describe the evolution of the agrarian credit from the binomial tutelage/growth to the most modern investment /development. After will be take in consideration the change of the goods "Edifici Monti Granatici" from a patrimonial space characterized for the economic value to another marked for a cultural value with the attempt to attribute a new way to use them. In this way it will be the head of the territorial network right for now days and for a future too. ; Questo testo cerca di organizzare una serie di informazioni e riflessioni svolte attorno ai -Monti -Granatici, alla loro storia ed al cambiamento delle loro funzioni al mutare delle strutture politiche ed economiche che hanno retto la Sardegna dal XVII al XX secolo.
National audience ; This text will try to describe the evolution of the agrarian credit from the binomial tutelage/growth to the most modern investment /development. After will be take in consideration the change of the goods "Edifici Monti Granatici" from a patrimonial space characterized for the economic value to another marked for a cultural value with the attempt to attribute a new way to use them. In this way it will be the head of the territorial network right for nowadays and for a future too. ; Questo testo cerca di organizzare una serie di informazioni e riflessioni svolte attorno ai Monti Granatici, alla loro storia ed al cambiamento delle loro funzioni al mutare delle strutture politiche ed economiche che hanno retto la Sardegna dal XVII al XX secolo. Gli edifici hanno perso la maggior parte del loro valore d'uso a causa dell'abbandono della funzione originaria, mentre lo scarso dinamismo economico dell'isola ha traslato il tema della mutazione materica di un buon numero di Monti sino agli anni '70 del Novecento, quando si sono confrontate due strategie d'intervento: una diretta alla valorizzazione fondiaria, l'altra diretta alla valorizzazione della componente storico-culturale dell'edificio ereditato.
National audience ; This text will try to describe the evolution of the agrarian credit from the binomial tutelage/growth to the most modern investment /development. After will be take in consideration the change of the goods "Edifici Monti Granatici" from a patrimonial space characterized for the economic value to another marked for a cultural value with the attempt to attribute a new way to use them. In this way it will be the head of the territorial network right for nowadays and for a future too. ; Questo testo cerca di organizzare una serie di informazioni e riflessioni svolte attorno ai Monti Granatici, alla loro storia ed al cambiamento delle loro funzioni al mutare delle strutture politiche ed economiche che hanno retto la Sardegna dal XVII al XX secolo. Gli edifici hanno perso la maggior parte del loro valore d'uso a causa dell'abbandono della funzione originaria, mentre lo scarso dinamismo economico dell'isola ha traslato il tema della mutazione materica di un buon numero di Monti sino agli anni '70 del Novecento, quando si sono confrontate due strategie d'intervento: una diretta alla valorizzazione fondiaria, l'altra diretta alla valorizzazione della componente storico-culturale dell'edificio ereditato.
The dispute that divided political philosophy during the eighties into two camps, liberals versus communitarians, would now appear to be over. On both sides an atmosphere of détente seems to be prevailing over the reasons for dissent. Even an author such as Charles Larmore, one of the most well-known advocates of a strictly political view of liberalism, has recently anticipated the possibility of integrating the romantic and the communitarian legacy within the context of liberal individualism.In his latest book, The Romantic Legacy, Larmore elaborates on this possibility by analyzing four fundamental features of romanticism: imagination, a sense of belonging to a community, irony and authenticity. In this essay, the author highlights the ensuing difficulties and defends the need to maintain the liberal distinction between political and cultural rights and the corresponding separation of the respective spheres of pertinence.
The author claims: 1) in Spinoza a classical idea of toleration, if traceable, has a marginal role: no logic of concession, the one that (in Thomas' conception) allows the prince to resign to the different cults just like one may resign to the human vices and sins; and no toleration as an intermediate claim, in view of a fuller acknowledgement of the individual rights (Locke, Voltaire); 2) in Spinoza there is a clear idea of an underlying "patience", which lays under political power; a kind of "continuous low", with variations that become decisive within the raising of the «imperium»: a most peculiar and original thesis that originates from the core of Spinoza's political thought, and that reverses the traditional roles of "tolerant" and "tolerated", of one and many, of governor and multitudo.
L'analisi delle dinamiche territoriali che si sviluppano attorno ad alcuni villaggi del Duecento piemontese mette in luce una cultura politica che concepisce il territorio come uno spazio fittamente intessuto di azioni, pertinenze, diritti e pretese. In questo quadro i processi di formazione e di divisione delle comunità dànno vita a nuovi confini, che tuttavia non possono essere visti come linee semplici che separino in modo totale ed esclusivo due comunità; si tratta invece di confini complessi e specifici, che delimitano singoli diritti e singole pratiche d'uso del territorio. ; The analysis of territorial dynamics around some piedmontese villages of the XIIIth century, shows a political culture conceiving the territory as a space densely interwoven of actions, competences, rights and claims. In this context, processes of community formation and division create new borderlines, that nevertheless cannot be seen as simple lines dividing two communities in a total and absolute way; they are instead complex and specific borderlines, dividing specific rights and specific territorial uses.
The essay is an overview of libertarian literature. It begins dealing with lexical issues concerning the meaning of liberalism, classical liberalism, conservatism and libertarianism. There are two meanings of libertarianism: a large one, as a free market oriented liberalism, and a strict one, as an extreme classical liberalism which calls in question the State as the main enemy of liberty. Novelist Ayn Rand is one of the main sources for contemporary libertarian theory, although she never called herself libertarian. Murray N. Rothbard is the most important libertarian thinker; he was an "austrian" economist and a natural law theorist who considered free market as the social institution capable to satisfy every human need, security and justice included. In response to rothbardian society without a State, Robert Nozick exposed a minarchist position, in favour of a minimal State limited to the function of protecting individual rights. This distinction between anarchism and minarchism is a crucial one for libertarian theory. The most interesting current literature is that in rothbardian, natural law and natural rights style. There is also an italian libertarian literature, including works of political theory, philosophy of law, environmentalism and history.
This paper gives the outline of an argument for the viability and desirability of an antifoundationalist approach to human rights and liberalism. The conception of normativity which frames my argument stands on the intuition, central in the second Wittgenstein and in the American pragmatist tradition, that accepting the ultimate circularity of our justifications does not condemn us to the corrosive consequences of radical scepticism. The conception of liberalism I prospect is centred on the deliberative democratic ideal that the best way to live with difference and conflict is to subordinate decisions of collective interests to public deliberation, which equally respects everybody's freedom and dignity, and maintains its outcomes and principles open to revision. I will argue that an anti-foundationalist conception of normativity is the most suitable for the fuller realisation of this deliberative democratic ideal, and that a society inspired by this ideal creates the most favourable conditions for the fuller flourishing of human potentialities in any area of life. I will also point out that a volitional and discursive conception of normativity enables us to focus our efforts on the concrete political and moral obstacles to the creation of a free and equal society, thus enabling us to release the tensions between the universalistic claims of human rights and democracy and the particularistic claims of recognition raised by different cultural groups.
Guns are mere objects. Preventing people from owning them, or limiting their availability, is an infringement of the natural right to property. Guns are also a peculiar good, since they are the key for the protection of liberty and property. In this perspective, gun control is not about guns: it is about control. In fact, government growth may be slowed by private gun ownership. A tyranny is unlikely to occur where people are armed. Historical evidence confirms this point: for example, Adolf Hitler disarmed the German Jews as a premise to their genocide. Moreover, statistics show that private gun ownership does not increase gun accidents or crime; indeed, when private citizens are armed, criminals tend to strike less, or to strike in less lethal ways. Criminals fear armed citizens much more than police forces. Gun control laws, however, are extremely effective in the disarmament of lawabiding citizens; much less in disarming outlaws. The right to keep and bear arms should be maintained where it is recognized, and restored elsewhere. Italy belongs to the latter category. Libertarians' efforts to reduce the size of government require private gun ownership, because privately owned weapons are the only, sensible obstacle to the rise of Political power.
At the beginning of the 1990 American libertarian intellectual such as Murray N. Rothbard, Llewellyn Rockwell Jr., and Hans-Hermann Hoppe gave rise to the paleolibertarian movement. Paleolibertarians, who favour laissez-faire in the economic realm but oppose moral relativism, were seeking an alliance with the so-called "paleoconservatives" like Sam Francis, Tom Fleming, Paul Gottfried or Pat Buchanan. The word "paleolibertarian", first used by Rockwell, had the purpose to recapture the radicalism and the political and intellectual rigor of the pre-war libertarian "Old right". Rothbard's death in 1995 was a blow, but paleolibertarians still continued their twofold battle for the defence of the unfettered free-market, developing the methodology of the Austrian School of Economics; and for the defence of the traditional Christian values of the Western Civilization, threatened by the post-modern "liberal" culture, now leading in the political and intellectual elite. Today the paleolibertarians, facilitated by the Internet, have become a rapidly growing intellectual movement. The main centres of diffusion of their ideas are the Ludwig von Mises Institute in Auburn (Alabama) and the website LewRockwell.com, that ranks among the most widely read news website.
To explain the institutional developments of the EC/EU, the traditional theories of European integration used to build their arguments around two opposite and well-known models of public authority, the International Organisation one vs. the State one: But both of these yardsticks have proven to be of limited heuristic power, faced with the peculiarity of the EC/EU institutional configuration. The deadlock that classic theories run into, then, was just bypassed by the following studies, that left behind the "ontological question" to focus on middle-range fields or specific dynamics, driven by the idea that the system had a unique nature, but the way it worked could be known and named. Thus, the post-ontological studies often referred to the European institutional level as a "governance system", to indicate that the EC/EU is able to allocate values by shaping trans-boundary policy processes, but through an institutional interplay hardly referable to some conventional political model. Thus, this paper aims (1) to analyse the different contents attached to the "governance" label in European studies since the fixing Hix made when talking of a "new governance agenda" in 1998, (2) to recast the ontological question in the light of the "new governance", a theoretical framework linking Rosenau's concept of self-sustaining trans-boundary "Spheres of Authority" to policy cycles now decoupled from the nation-state jurisdictions, and (3) to define and apply this framework to the institutional development of the EC/EU, to identify the reasons beneath the common project actual stalemate.
