Suchergebnisse

Social movements scholarship has increasingly turned to the study of direct social actions (DSAs) in times of economic hardship. This paper broadens this perspective to extreme right organisations. Combining a Political Claims Analysis of newspaper articles and online press releases, with a qualitative discussion of online propaganda material, we explore the engagement in direct social activism by three neo-fascist organisations in Italy: Forza Nuova, Fiamma Tricolore and CasaPound Italia (1996 -2015). Our findings suggest that their propensi-ty to direct social activism, rather than being exclusively related to economic distress, responds to a broad set of ideological, organisational and strategic incentives. Ideologically, DSAs are linked to the interpretation of the re-lationship between ideas and action of historical Fascism and of parts of the Italian neo-fascist tradition. Organi-sationally, DSAs serve as a tool to build support and solidarity, especially at the local level. Strategically, they are used to frame activism as a direct intervention in defence of interests of native peoples, and against political elites accused of being unresponsive to the needs of citizens. Our results offer a first empirical observation of the use of DSAs by extreme right actors, paving the way for comparative work at the cross-national level and on dif-ferent arenas of engagement

Social movements scholarship has increasingly turned to the study of direct social actions (DSAs) in times of economic hardship. This paper broadens this perspective to extreme right organisations. Combining a Political Claims Analysis of newspaper articles and online press releases, with a qualitative discussion of online propaganda material, we explore the engagement in direct social activism by three neo-fascist organisations in Italy: Forza Nuova, Fiamma Tricolore and CasaPound Italia (1996 -2015). Our findings suggest that their propensi-ty to direct social activism, rather than being exclusively related to economic distress, responds to a broad set of ideological, organisational and strategic incentives. Ideologically, DSAs are linked to the interpretation of the re-lationship between ideas and action of historical Fascism and of parts of the Italian neo-fascist tradition. Organi-sationally, DSAs serve as a tool to build support and solidarity, especially at the local level. Strategically, they are used to frame activism as a direct intervention in defence of interests of native peoples, and against political elites accused of being unresponsive to the needs of citizens. Our results offer a first empirical observation of the use of DSAs by extreme right actors, paving the way for comparative work at the cross-national level and on dif-ferent arenas of engagement

Social movements scholarship has increasingly turned to the study of direct social actions (DSAs) in times of economic hardship. This paper broadens this perspective to extreme right organisations. Combining a Political Claims Analysis of newspaper articles and online press releases, with a qualitative discussion of online propaganda material, we explore the engagement in direct social activism by three neo-fascist organisations in Italy: Forza Nuova, Fiamma Tricolore and CasaPound Italia (1996 -2015). Our findings suggest that their propensi-ty to direct social activism, rather than being exclusively related to economic distress, responds to a broad set of ideological, organisational and strategic incentives. Ideologically, DSAs are linked to the interpretation of the re-lationship between ideas and action of historical Fascism and of parts of the Italian neo-fascist tradition. Organi-sationally, DSAs serve as a tool to build support and solidarity, especially at the local level. Strategically, they are used to frame activism as a direct intervention in defence of interests of native peoples, and against political elites accused of being unresponsive to the needs of citizens. Our results offer a first empirical observation of the use of DSAs by extreme right actors, paving the way for comparative work at the cross-national level and on dif-ferent arenas of engagement

The aim of this article is to give an account of Hegel's conception of right as a mutual implication of ethical and political life against the backdrop of the modern theories of right, based on the construction of a sovereign will authorized by the procedure of representation and on the notion of a threefold division of the powers of the State. After having clarified Hegel's definition of State as the actuality of the ethical Idea, I will provide a stepwise reconstruction of the inner logic of the constitution (Verfassung), as it is articulated in its three main moments: the power of the monarch (singularity), the civil society (particularity), and the legislative power (universality). Specifically, I will argue that, from the Outlines of the Philosophy of Right (1820) to the Enciclopedia of 1827 and 1830, passing through the course of 1824/25, Hegel's texts show the discontinuous development of a broad and original notion of government (Regierung), which, in the §541 of the Enciclopedia of 1830, culminates in the identification of government with the political State. Thus, the traditional distinction of powers ends up being transformed into the articulation of three ruling agencies, which are actively present in every sphere of the constitution, without, however, pretending to reduce or eliminate any of them.

La ricerca affronta il rapporto tra il Partito comunista italiano e le organizzazioni della sinistra extraparlamentare nate nel biennio 1968-1969. Sulla base di documentazione d'archivio e fonti a stampa, vengono ricostruite ed analizzate le relazioni tra questi due soggetti nel periodo compreso tra la fine degli anni Sessanta e la metà del decennio successivo, quando i principali gruppi politici della sinistra extraparlamentare si dotarono di una struttura organizzativa più stabile che segnava una discontinuità con l'esperienza precedente. Nel corso della prima metà degli anni Settanta, i rapporti tra il PCI e queste organizzazioni furono complessi e talvolta contraddittori. Il conflitto si consumò prevalentemente sulla reciproca pretesa di possedere l'esclusiva rappresentanza politica del fermento sociale che attraversava il paese in quegli anni: il PCI rappresentando se stesso come l'unica forza politica capace di mediare tra movimenti sociali e istituzioni; i gruppi della sinistra parlamentare come «avanguardie» di un irrealizzabile progetto «rivoluzionario». ; The aim of the research is to reconstruct and interpret the relationship between the Italian Communist Party and the Radical Left-Wing Groups in Italy from 1969 to 1976. Based on researches in the archives of the Italian Communist Party, Ministry of Interior and small archives that conserve unpublished documents of the groups, the paper will focus on the constant attention and monitoring that the Italian Communist Party addressed to the extreme left groups and on how those political organizations have been changed their approach and strategy toward the PCI during this period. During the first half of the Seventies, the relationship between the PCI and these organizations were complex and sometimes contradictory. The conflict was consumed mainly on the mutual claim to possess the exclusive political representation of the social unrest that crossed the country in those years: the PCI representing himself as the only political force capable of mediating between social movements and institutions; the Radical Left-Wing Groups as «avant-garde» of a unfeasible «revolutionary» project.

Research into the legal status of foreigners in East Adriatic medieval urban communities is, unfortunately, hindered by the lack of sources. This insurmountable obstacle does not permit a deeper and more comprehensive insight into this challenging topic. The legal status of foreigners may only be studied for the period from the second half of the thirteenth and, especially, early fourteenth century onwards. It is in this period and thanks to the revival of the Roman law that East Adriatic urban communes, following the example set by their Italian counterparts, began to set down their own collections of written laws (statutes). The statutes paid attention to the regulation of the legal status of foreigners. The statutes are indeed the richest and the most important sources for this topic. Yet it is important to keep in mind that the diversity of the socio-economic and political concerns of each individual commune shaped their individual attitudes towards foreigners. This diversity makes a general appraisal of the legal status of foreigners in East Adriatic communes difficult. The best we can do is to point out certain trends in the statutory legislations. Following the example set by the twelfth and thirteenth century trading contracts, with which the urban communes regulated free trade between them and ensured the personal and material security of its merchants, many of the statutes' regulations focused on the issues around the property and procedural criminal law, as well as law proceedings. These regulations provided foreigners with legal protection against arbitrary acts committed by the host town and provided a swift legal action in the case of material or personal injury. Yet in order to protect their own interests as well as the interests of their citizens, the communes often applied various exclusions to the regulations concerning foreigners. These exclusions were mostly expressed in the area of the law of obligations (securing obligations, cession, claims, loans, borrowing, purchase contracts etc.) as well as the material law and in particular the property law. The most important exclusion concerning the foreigner's right to property—indeed one that received the greatest amount of attention in the statutes—was the limitation to their ownership of real estate. Limitations in this area were not as rigid as it may seem at first glance, as the statutory regulations in certain communes did give (conditional) right to own real estate. In most cases, purchase of real estate required the concurrence of the communal body in charge, or the bestowal of residence rights (habitator). Yet foreigners who had been granted residence and then moved away at their own will, in some towns faced punishment by confiscation of their immovable assets. In some cases, the rights of the foreigner-owner of the real estate were limited so that s/he was permitted to bequest their real estate only to the persons not subject to secular authorities—ie the clerics. This prohibition, however, applied equally to the town dwellers and to foreigners. Furthermore, with respect to the acquisition of the property, foreigners suffered explicit limitations. An example is the regulation that prohibited the residents to name the foreigner as their heir, or the prohibition from participating in public auctions. Other limitations to the foreigners' right to own property specified in the town statutes referred, for the most part, to their movable assets, that is the products and the commodities they traded (wheat, wine, salt, wood). These goods were of vital importance for the economic life of the commune. Similar limitations may be found in regulations concerning exploitation of communal natural resources. As the examples above indicate, the statutory legislation was first and foremost focused upon the regulation of those questions that the commune considered especially important from a long-term perspective. Yet as sources for the history of the legal status of foreigners in East Adriatic communal societies, the statutes are insufficient.

La tesi è una ricerca di storia politica che affianca due diverse "storie" di centro-sinistra, quella nazionale e quella che vide protagonista la Democrazia Cristiana del Trentino. Lo studio analizza i fatti attraverso il filtro delle DC come se quello trentino e quello nazionale fossero due partiti, per poi tentare di capire ciò che accadeva alla loro sinistra alla ricerca dei diversi pesi e dei differenti equilibri che al centro e alla periferia si manifestavano nei rapporti con il PSI e con il PCI, e per osservare le reazioni della Chiesa così da valutare se le gerarchie romane e quelle trentine interagirono in modo differente sugli sviluppi delle rispettive esperienze politiche di quegli anni. Il testo è organizzato in quattro capitoli. Il primo e il secondo (speculari e dedicati allo stesso lustro: 1955-1960) rappresentano un confronto tra i differenti iter d'avvicinamento al centro-sinistra che la politica nazionale e quella trentina sperimentarono nella seconda metà degli anni Cinquanta. Nel terzo capitolo (1960-1964) e nel quarto (1964-1968) le vicende nazionali e quelle locali sono invece raccontate in modo intrecciato, ripercorrendo le diverse fasi dell'alleanza tra Democrazia Cristiana e Partito Socialista, e nel contempo dando conto della trasformazione del Trentino da una realtà di tipo agricolo ad una di tipo industriale, del passaggio da una comunità di tipo cattolico tradizionale ad una che si accinge a vivere in un contesto secolarizzato, e da una società che si autopercepisce come periferica ad una che ospita una delle contestazioni studentesche più peculiari, incisive e note d'Italia. ; This thesis is a research of political history focusing on the evolution of the coalition built between the Italian Parties Democrazia Cristiana (DC) and Partito Socialista Italiano (PSI) in the Italian region of Trentino Alto Adige. The study analyses the facts through the filter of the political party DC as if the local and the national were two parties, then tries to understand what was happening to their left, by researching the different way of behaving towards the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) and the Italian Communist Party (PCI) at national and at regional level. Another element of the research was to observe the reactions of the Church in order to assess whether the Roman and the Trentino hierarchies interacted differently during the developments of their political experiences during those years. The paper is organised into four chapters. The first and second (structured in the same way and dedicated to the same five years: 1955-1960) represent a comparison of the different process of approaching the center-left that the national and the trentino politics experienced during the second half of the Fifties. In the third chapter (1960-1964) and the fourth (1964-1968) national and local events are reported in a twisted way, retracing the different phases of the alliance between the Christian Democrats and the Socialist Party, and at the same time explaining the transformation experienced by Trentino from a rural land into an industrial region, the transition from a traditional Catholic community type to one that is going to live in a secular context, and from a society that perceives itself as peripheral into one that hosts one of the most distinctive, influential and famous students protest of Italy.

La scienza ha oramai un ruolo trainante nel mondo, anche rispetto allo sviluppo economico e sociale, e ciò ha fatto sì che istituzioni e diritto, pervasi da questa evoluzione, abbiano dovuto dedicare particolare attenzione alla regolamentazione della tecnoscienza. La commistione fra scienza, società e politica è tale da incidere profondamente sull'intero sistema Stato, rendendo perciò evidente la necessità di ripensare ai concetti fondamentali del diritto delle Nuove Tecnologie. Nel Nostro Paese l'analisi di questo rapporto è avvenuta in chiave soprattutto bioetica.Nascono nuovi diritti e nuovi status giuridici quali "cittadinanza biologica", "cittadinanza genetica", "identità biologica", "identità genetica" e tanti altri ancora.Con la seguente tesi di ricerca, si è presa in considerazione una branca specifica delle Nuove Tecnologie: la genetica in tutte le sue sfaccettature (ambito curativo, ambito di ricerca-biobanche ed ambito brevettuale); in particolare, vengono affrontate non solo le problematiche di natura (bio)etica che sorgono dalla diffusione di queste nuove conoscenze (si veda il primo capitolo, dedicato ad una panoramica generale dei nuovi diritti), ma anche le questioni relative al trattamento ed alla protezione dei dati genetici, con profonde ripercussioni in tutte le dimensioni sociali e giuridiche. ; Science has an exemplary role in the world, also compared to the social and economic develop: public institutions and law are dedicating to regulation of technoscience. The mixture of science, society and politics is so important that they influence all the "State-System" and express a need to rethinking about fundamental principles of Law of the New Technologies. In Italy this type of analysis is studied by a bioethical point of view. Now are born new rights and new juridical status: biological citizenship, genetic citizenship, biological identity, genetic identity, and so others. In this work I write about genetic, all fields of genetic (medicine, biobanks and patents); in particular it speaks about bioethical problems and also about genetic data protection (it called genetic privacy).

International audience ; Tele-electronic populism, the extraordinary and violent upgrade of the traditional populism, is the most impressive political form in the contemporary scenario: its most resounding innovation. Due to its strong drive to represent directly the entire population, it seeks to go through the left-right dichotomy, simply exiling the role of the parties and of the traditional ideological storytelling. It is an update of the oriented marketing, soaked with all codes of the mainstream tv-shows: impertinence, participation, fan culture drawn by social network and conventional populism. Why is evil imagery the source of this phenomenon? Which cultural and societal features do neo-populist forces express? How far do they represent a discontinuity towards the order of the things?

International audience ; Tele-electronic populism, the extraordinary and violent upgrade of the traditional populism, is the most impressive political form in the contemporary scenario: its most resounding innovation. Due to its strong drive to represent directly the entire population, it seeks to go through the left-right dichotomy, simply exiling the role of the parties and of the traditional ideological storytelling. It is an update of the oriented marketing, soaked with all codes of the mainstream tv-shows: impertinence, participation, fan culture drawn by social network and conventional populism. Why is evil imagery the source of this phenomenon? Which cultural and societal features do neo-populist forces express? How far do they represent a discontinuity towards the order of the things?

Riconosciuto il problema dell'accesso ai farmaci come un problema di giustizia globale, la dissertazione, da un lato, è incentrata sullo studio dei diritti umani e sul diritto alla salute da una prospettiva giusfilosofica e, dall'altro, è finalizzata ad analizzare la disciplina brevettuale internazionale, sia approfondendo gli interessi realmente in gioco, sia studiando la struttura economica del brevetto stesso. Si è cercato quindi di guardare a tali interessi da una nuova prospettiva, ipotizzando una gerarchia di valori che sia completa e coerente con gli obiettivi che la dottrina, la giurisprudenza, nonché il diritto internazionale formalmente enunciano. Il progetto di ricerca vuole, in definitiva, arrivare a proporre nuove soluzioni giuridiche al problema dell'accesso ai farmaci. La dissertazione svolge pertanto uno studio critico della proposta di Thomas Pogge, di natura politica e giuridica e sorretta da istanze filosofiche, volta alla soluzione del problema dell'accesso ai farmaci, i.e. l'Health Impact Fund (HIF). Proposta che pone radicalmente in discussione, anche concretamente, il dogma del monopolio concesso con la privativa quale ricompensa per i costi di R&D sostenuti dai titolari dei brevetti e che pone, invece, l'accento sull'effettivo impatto sulla salute globale di ogni singola invenzione. Analizzandone approfonditamente gli aspetti più rilevanti, si passano poi in rassegna, criticamente, le proposte, alternative o di riforma, del sistema di proprietà intellettuale, volte al miglioramento dell'accesso ai farmaci; a tal proposito, si propone quindi una riforma transitoria della disciplina brevettuale, c.d. Trading Time for Space (TTS), che prevede un allungamento temporale dell'esclusiva brevettuale (Time) in cambio della vendita da parte del titolare della privativa del farmaco ad un prezzo accessibile nei Paesi in via di sviluppo (Space). ; Considering the problem of access to drugs as a global justice problem, the dissertation, on the one hand, focuses on human rights and, namely, on the right to health from a legal and philosophical perspective and, on the other hand, aims at analyzing the international patent system, investigating the interests actually at stake and assessing the economic structure of patents. The dissertation looks at such interests from a new perspective, consistent with the objectives that scholars, case law and international law formally declare. The dissertation will, eventually, propose new solutions to the problem of access to medicines. The dissertation therefore offers a critical study of the proposal by Thomas Pogge, which has political, legal and philosophic grounds aiming at the solution of the access to drugs problem. The Health Impact Fund (HIF) gives a radical challenge, even in practice, to the dogma of the monopoly granted as a reward for R&D costs, incurred by patent holders, by giving instead emphasis on the effective impact on global health by each invention. By analyzing in detail their main aspects, the dissertation then critically describes other recent proposals for the reform of the intellectual property system, in order to improve access to drugs. In this regard, a transitional reform of the patent system, the so-called Trading Time for Space (TTS), is proposed, proposing an extension of the patent exclusivity (Time) in exchange for the sale by the holder of the patent at an affordable price in developing countries (Space).

Victim of its own success, the concept of «digital democracy» risks to turn into an obstacle, and not a tool in order to grasp reality. We need to look into another field to better understand what issues today's technologies raise in relation to political freedom, understood as self-determination: the field of Internet governance. There is an interesting debate on how we should handle this new world we have in common that is constituted by the infosphere, starting with the current debates surrounding the reform proposals for the ICANN. The stakes are high (balkanization, loss of neutrality, etc.) but mainstream democratic theory is largely unprepared for the challenge. The paper shows why the debate on the control of critical Internet resources is misleading: the «seats of power» are now elsewhere. In order to move within the private ordering that currently characterizes Internet governance in a way that is respectful of fundamental rights we need to rethink the relationships between social powers.

The traditional alliance between labor parties and left-wing unions improved the living conditions of workers and the development of the welfare state. This alliance also contributed to improve legitimacy and democratic stability as a consequence of the equalizers effects derived from policies aimed at an equitable distribution of the wealth produced by workers. The alliance between the labor parties and the leftist unions appears today heavily eroded because of the profound transformations that have taken place in the productive system, in the social composition and in the degree of international economic integration of the advanced democracies. This contribution analyzes the political choices to adapt to changes made by labor parties and left-wing unions. These choices caused a widening gap of the political paths of the "two wings of the labor movement", with the consequence - in some cases - of putting at risk the maintenance of the alliance itself. In the first section the evolution of the alliance is examined in a comparative perspective. The second section is dedicated to the Italian case where recently a significant relaxation of relations between the two political actors has been registered. Again in a comparative perspective, the probable developments of the historic alliance will be examined in the conclusive section. ; La tradizionale alleanza tra i partiti del lavoro e i sindacati di sinistra ha favorito il miglioramento delle condizioni di vita dei lavoratori e lo sviluppo dello stato sociale . Tale alleanza ha contribuito anche a produrre legittimazione e stabilità democratica per gli effetti equalizzatori derivati da politiche miranti ad una più equa distribuzione della ricchezza prodotta dal lavoro. L' alleanza tra i partiti del lavoro e i sindacati di sinistra appare oggi pesantemente logorata a causa delle profonde trasformazioni avvenute nel sistema produttivo, nella composizione sociale e nel grado di integrazione economica internazionale delle democrazie avanzate. In questo contributo vengono analizzate le scelte politiche di adattamento ai cambiamenti effettuate dai partiti del lavoro e dai sindacati di sinistra. Tali scelte hanno provocato una divaricazione crescente nei percorsi politici delle "due ali del movimento operaio", con la conseguenza – in alcuni casi – di mettere a rischio il mantenimento stesso dell' alleanza. Nella prima sezione l'evoluzione dell'alleanza viene esaminata in prospettiva comparata. La seconda sezione è dedicata al caso italiano dove negli ultimi anni si è registrato un allentamento significativo dei rapporti tra i due attori politici. Nella sezione conclusiva si esamineranno, nuovamente in chiave comparata, i probabili, ulteriori, sviluppi della storica alleanza.

The lack of a stable and remunerated work influences the aversion to politics expressed by many interviewees, in particular by housewives or other women from Southern Italy. The stable and accredited occupations favor a propensity to the left, while the self-employed move to the right. Those who claim to be left and center-left declare themselves atheists or not influenced by religion. ; La falta de un trabajo estable y remunerado influye en la aversión a la política manifestada por muchos entrevistados, especialmente por amas de casa u otras mujeres del Sur Italia. Ocupaciones estables y acreditadas favorecen una propensión a la izquierda, mientras los trabajadores autónomos se orientan hacia la derecha. Los de izquierda y centro izquierda se declaran predominantemente ateos o no influenciados por la religión. ; La mancanza di un lavoro stabile e remunerato influenza l'avversione per la politica manifestata da molti intervistati, in particolare da casalinghe o altre donne del Sud Italia. Le occupazioni stabili e accreditate favoriscono una propensione a sinistra, mentre i lavoratori autonomi si spostano a destra. Quelli di sinistra e di centro-sinistra si dichiarano prevalentemente atei o non influenzati dalla religione.

While dealing with the current migration challenges, the European Union is revealing the overall weakness of its institutional and political architecture, consequently failing to give practical implementation to all those fundamental rights, contained in several widely shared international and regional legal instruments, on which its own legitimacy and credibility as human rights protector are based. Instead of putting its common values and policies in practice through the elaboration of a coherent supranational strategy, the Union is diverting its action to a deal-making approach grounded on the collaboration with third countries or origin or transit, apparently directed to the externalization of its responsibilities in migration and asylum field. This approach risks however to undermine the protection of asylum seekers' rights and interests. The most indicative example of this tendency is given by the Statement that on 18 March 2016 the EU Heads of State or Government negotiated with the Turkish counterpart in order to manage the increasing influx of asylum seekers and irregular migrants coming mainly from the Middle East's States and reaching the Greek islands via Turkey, that masks, with the pretext of preventing the smuggling routes, a greater desire to halt the entries in the EU territory through a stronger control of borders and a semi-automatic return mechanism. This research is aimed in the first place at clarifying the legal nature of the Statement and more specifically whether it has to be considered or not as a binding deal and if yes who is/are the subject/s responsible for its enactment on the EU side. In the second place, the objective is that of putting in evidence the possible violations of human rights and European Migration Law that the execution of the commitments agreed would entail, the inherent deficiencies of the Greek asylum system and the necessity for the EU to develop a common strategy for migration management which is effectively compliant with its own rules and values. Moreover, the Statement is analysed in the light of the new proposed reform of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) and in particular of the Asylum Procedures Directive (APD), that risks further jeopardise asylum seekers' guarantees through a massive application of the 'safe third country' and 'first country of asylum' concepts. This unavoidably leads to question whether Turkey, beyond the efforts made in the alignment of its domestic legislation to the EU acquis, can be considered in practice as a 'safe country' in accordance with the EU standards, to where Syrians and migrants of other nationalities can be returned without incurring in the violation of their fundamental rights, such as the non-refoulement principle and the prohibition of torture and inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. In view of this current challenge, the EU should reflect on its role as a key unitary player on the international stage and build an alternative model of solidarity among Member States, which is fairer, more efficient and does not weaken asylum seekers' safeguard. Furthermore, also when acting on the external dimension the Union should endorse a strategy that is consistent with the principles and objectives affirmed by its primary Law, which should inspire not only Member States' policies at the internal level, but also the cooperation with third parties, ensuring a full respect of migrants' human rights.