Längst haben die Rechtsextremisten das Internet als ihr Forum entdeckt. Unwidersprochen und ungehindert verbreiten sie ihre Hasstiraden, Geschichtsfälschungen und ausländerfeindlichen Parolen. Die Bilanz des Jahres 2000: 500 rechtsextremistische Homepages mit Linkverknüpfungen, Gästebüchern und Kontaktadressen. Kontrolle ist extrem schwierig. Die beiden Autoren sichten die Flut der Sites, stellen 3 US-Homepages vor, die für Deutschland große Bedeutung haben, widmen sich den rechten Jugendsubkulturen und listen zum Schluss Gewalt verherrlichende Computerspiele auf. Das Buch soll schwerpunktmäßig der Information für Eltern, Lehrer und Erzieher dienen, die sich häufig mit dem Medium Internet weniger gut auskennen als die jugendliche Zielgruppe. Politische Bildung ist immens wichtig. Dazu will das Buch einen Beitrag leisten und wird sicherlich für Diskussion sorgen. (2) (Dagmar Härter)
Since the election took place on the same day as the federal election, considerable effects of the federal level were expected, in a negative sense namely for the SPD. In trying to counteract these negative effects, Brandenburg's SPD focused its campaign on the well-known & popular head of government Matthias Platzeck. The SPD made no statement about its coalition preference, while aside from the right-wing extremist DVU all other parties wanted to be its coalition partner. This prevented negative campaigning & Platzeck's main competitors Kerstin Kaiser (The Left) & Johanna Wanka (CDU) conducted what looked a lot like "wellness-campaigns". With a remarkably higher result compared to the federal election, the SPD remained Brandenburg's strongest party, followed by The Left. The CDU once again came third, both FDP & Greens re-entering the state parliament for the first time since 1994, while DVU failed crossing the five percent hurdle. The SPD's good result is primarily credited to Matthias Platzeck, who left his competitors behind & was elected by voters across the board. Furthermore, the SPD was seen as the leading competence in almost all relevant policy fields. After a series of talks & for topical, personal & especially strategical reasons, the SPD decided to form a coalition with The Left Party. Matthias Platzeck was re-elected as head of government. Adapted from the source document.
The election campaign in Brandenburg was dominated by a federal law, called 'Hartz IV, a reform of the labour market passed in July 2004. It provoked mass demonstrations and became the central issue of party competition. The PDS fought against this law in an aggressive and populist way and tried to distinguish itself as the party of social conscience. While the CDU had difficulties to react adequately, the SPD decided to counteract the PDS campaign by using an offensive and highly personalized strategy: Brandenburg's Prime Minister Matthias Platzeck faced up to the protest of the citizens and presented himself as an advocate of the special interests of East Germans. In the end, this strategy was rewarded by the voters: The SPD suffered heavy losses but remained the strongest party coming in ahead of the PDS, while the CDU had to be content with taking third place. Again, the Greens and the FDP failed to take the five-percent-hurdle. In contrast, the right-wing extremist DVU succeeded in remaining in the Landtag. Before the election campaign, the SPD had been open for a coalition both with the CDU and the PDS. However, during the campaign rising conflicts with the PDS made them lean more and more toward the CDU. Hence, the continuation of the SPD-CDU-coalition was settled soon after the election. (Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen / FUB)
The election campaign in Brandenburg was dominated by a federal law, called "Hartz IV," a reform of the labour market passed in July 2004. It provoked mass demonstrations & became the central issue of party competition. The PDS fought against this law in an aggressive & populist way & tried to distinguish itself as the party of social conscience. While the CDU had difficulties to react adequately, the SPD decided to counteract the PDS campaign by using an offensive & highly personalized strategy: Brandenburg's Prime Minister Matthias Platzeck faced up to the protest of the citizens & presented himself as an advocate of the special interests of East Germans. In the end, this strategy was rewarded by the voters: The SPD suffered heavy losses but remained the strongest party coming in ahead of the PDS, while the CDU had to be content with taking third place. Again, the Greens & the FDP failed to take the five-percent-hurdle. In contrast, the right-wing extremist DVIJ succeeded in remaining in the Landtag. Before the election campaign, the SPD had been open for a coalition both with the CDU & the PDS. However, during the campaign rising conflicts with the PDS made them lean more & more toward the CDU. Hence, the continuation of the SPD-CDU-coalition was settled soon after the election. 4 Tables. Adapted from the source document.
Evaluates repressive measures against right-wing extremism & its effects. Repression has a dualistic effect: while since 1990 organized right-wing violence was reduced, at the same time militancy & preparedness for violence increased; also compromise became less likely. Ostracism of right-wing activity & countermobilization seem effective especially if they are active in the direct environment of extremists. 43 References. Adapted from the source document.
A review essay on books by: Henning Melber, Der Weissheit letzter Schluss. Rassismus und kolonialer Blick ([The Whiteness of the Last Conclusion. Racism and the Colonial Perspective] Frankfurt: Brandes & Apsei, 1992); Siegfried Jager, BrandSatze. Rassismus im Alltag ([Firesetting. Racism in Everyday Life] Duisburg: DISS, 1992); Sigrid Baringhorst, Fremde in der Stadt. Multikulturelle Minderheitenpolitik, dargestellt am Beispiel der nordenglischen Stadt Bradford ([Stranger in the City: Multicultural Minority Politics, Illustrated by the Northern English City of Bradford] Baden-Baden: Nomos, 1991); Christian J. Jaggi, Rassismus. Ein globales Problem ([Racism. A Global Problem] Zurich u Koln: Orell Fussli, 1992); & Eckhard J. Dittrich, Das Weltbild des Rassismus ([The Worldview of Racism] Frankfurt: Cooperative-Verlag, 1991 [see listings in IRPS No. 84]). Melber concentrates on the historical origins of the colonial perspective & the worldwide domination of concepts of development & progress; social Darwinism & Germany's colonial activities in Africa are covered. Jager uses interviews & discourse analysis to expose forms of racism in everyday German life. He emphasizes the racist attitudes not of right-wing extremists but of "normal citizens" & institutions. Baringhorst analyzes John Rex's concept of multiculturalism using the example of the English city of Bradford. Local politics, the lifeworld of Bradford's ethnic minorities, & conflicts over education are highlighted. Jaggi gives a global overview of racism, covering structural racism in Latin America, connections between racism & poverty in the US, ideological racism in South Africa, religion & racism in the formerly communist states, psuedoscientific apologies for racism, & strategies to combat racism. Dittrich analyzes the inner logic of the racist worldview & sketches a social scientific explanatory model based on integration research. E. Blackwell
In theory civil society & right-wing extremism are like fire & water. Federal programs against right-wing extremism consider civil society to be the water that purges the fire of right-wing extremism. Practical experience, however, proves to be different. For years the extremists have used instruments of civil society & have acted within its sphere. This method is most successful as it forces democratic protagonists onto the defensive in discursive struggles. Often, rightist praxis fails due to the activists' incompetence. However, there are partial successes on the way to a rightist civil society which the democratic counterpart has to face. Adapted from the source document.
Research in contemporary right wing extremism in Russia may be inspired by a look at civil society in the Weimar Republic. In this period of German history anti-Semitic, racist & chauvinist attitudes were promoted by associations while initially right extremist parties did not meet with electoral success. A focus on party activities in research targeting Russian right wing extremism leaves out the engagement in civil society. However, activism beyond parties is of vital importance for the future development of Russian Nationalism. Adapted from the source document.
Empirical research on the determinants of right and left-wing extremist election successes is still dominated by descriptive statistical methods. The existing literature in political economy and political science mainly relies on interviews and survey results as well as on qualitative analyses of party organizations and programs. Contrary to this approach, in this study we try to identify significant, structural socio-economic factors which determined the vote for the right-wing "Republikaner" party and the left-wing Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS) in the two recent elections of the European Parliament in Germany. We use a new data set on the level of German counties (Kreise) that is analyzed econometrically by a FGLS random effects panel model. The results we obtain are partly in stark contrast to empirical findings discussed in the mainstream literature and in the public. The resulting, most important areas of political action against extremist parties seem to be education, a differentiated labor market policy, social work with adolescents, and the maintenance of a generous system of social security and welfare.
Analyzing the question if there is a rightist civil society in Berlin, the author describes the special social structure within the city. He finds that there are spaces of dominance for rightist extremists with the known consequences for those not fitting the scheme ('No-go-Areas'). But these spaces are confronted with an atmosphere in the city that is generally supportive of human rights. A democratic civil society exists even in areas, where right-wing extremism is common. Problems with ideological attitudes such as antisemitism & racism can be understood only in the context of political, social & societal developments. Political concepts underestimating this complexity are unlikely to bring about democratic change in areas dominated by right wing extremism. Adapted from the source document.
