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This book is a creative synthesis of the published scholarly research on the contemporary American right wing from the rise of Senator Joseph McCarthy to the election of Ronald Reagan as President. Unlike most other syntheses, it directly engages that research by critically analyzing the major explanations emerging from it. Emphasizing neither the lives and backgrounds of the scholars that he discusses nor paradigms within the social sciences as a whole, William Hixson focuses on the way the concepts of individual researchers have interacted with accumulating evidence on the American right, a

What do young people know about politics? What opinions do they have? How extensive or how limited is their interest in politics? Do young people feel as though they can exert influence within the political arena? Do boys and girls differ with respect to these points? Are young people in general more left-wing or more right-wing than the older generation? These are some of the questions which are considered in this book. The answers are applicable to ten European countries. This book is the result of an international conference the editors had organized at the University of Groningen in 1988

Cover Page -- Half-title Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Prologue -- Part One: Liberals and Conservatives -- 1. V. O. Key's Theory of Texas Politics -- 2. The Myth of Overwhelming Conservatism -- 3. The Basis of the Liberal Coalition -- Part Two: Class Structures -- 4. The Upper Class -- 5. Upper-Class Institutions -- 6. Blue-Collar Texans -- 7. Money and Politics -- Part Three: Party Politics -- 8. The Struggle for Control of the Democratic Party -- 9. The Year of the Liberal Breakthrough -- 10. The Rise of Right-Wing Republicanism -- 11. Race and Realignment -- 12. Race and Class in Texas Politics -- Epilogue -- Notes -- Index.

This book examines the social history and historical geography of the most important agricultural pressure groups in France since about 1918. Some were practical and pragmatic groups (co-operatives, banks and mutual-aid associations), others were inspired by right- or left-wing political movements (the Peasant Corporation under Vichy), yet others were sponsored by the Catholic Church (the Young Christian Farmers). Whatever their origins, all were important in shaping the evolution of French farming this century. The transformation of an isolated, autarkic peasantry into highly efficient agricultural producers, the role of the state in influencing agricultural modernization and the place of the European community in French political and agricultural life have been affected by an increasingly complex and interlinked network of organizations that are the subject of this book. Their history and geography are revealing indicators of the social, cultural and economic evolution of rural France and, by combining an historical approach with a consideration of their contemporary role, the book serves to elucidate their role in shaping the countryside of the future

Michael Duffy and Dan Goodgame, Time magazine's White House correspondents, deliver the first hard-hitting, critical assessment of the Bush presidency. Marching in Place penetrates the Bush politicking, decodes the activity--and inactivity--of Bush's first term, and reframes the political choices facing us in 1992. Duffy and Goodgame began covering Bush in the summer of 1988, and since then they have watched, investigated, and chronicled his every move. They saw Bush pull together a coalition of country club Republicans, social conservatives, Reagan Democrats, and suburban independents, spinning a complex and often contradictory web of campaign promises. He was assembling a constituency not to govern, but simply to get elected. President Bush moved into the White House with a resounding electoral victory but no mandate. With his bumbling elocution, his posing with all those puppies and grandchildren, his manic engagement in sports, his nonstop travel, and of course his now famous personal touch, he was hard not to like. The public rewarded him, for more than two years, with record approval ratings. But looking behind the photo ops and small-bore political pronouncements, Duffy and Goodgame saw that Bush's frenetic manner masked a deep fear of change, that his dread of the Republican right wing and of opinion polls had hardened into a refusal to lead at home. For the last three and a half years, Bush has been marching in place, a status quo president in a revolutionary world. After the Tiananmen massacre, Bush's concern was to maintain good relations with the Chinese rulers who ordered the killings. When the Berlin Wall fell, Bush looked as if it had landed on his head and emphasized that "we're not trying to cause trouble for anybody." And during the coup attempt against Gorbachev, his first instinct was not to burn any bridges with the hardline insurgents. Even in his finest hour, the Persian Gulf crisis, Bush confined his war aims to the restoration of the status quo: the removal of Iraq from Kuwait, not Saddam Hussein from Iraq. As a candidate in 1992, Bush must run on his record--as the guarantor of stability and continuity--and against his record--as an "agent of change." Duffy and Goodgame remind us that Bush is a master of this sort of straddle. He promised "a kinder and gentler nation" but used Willie Horton and the specter of hiring quotas to exploit underlying racial fears. He pledged "no new taxes" and then broke his pledge rather than cut popul ...