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International audience ; Dieser Beitrag analysiert das Bild der abrahamitischen Religionen in den Präsidentschaftswahlprogrammen des Front National (2012 und 2017) im Vergleich zu anderen erfolgreichen rechtsextremen populistischen Parteien in EU-Ländern Nord- und Westeuropas. Die Analyse zeigt einerseits eine gemeinsame Tendenz, den Islam negativ darzustellen, andereseits auch Unterschiede zwischen den einzelnen Parteien in bezug auf die Darstellung des Judemtums und/oder Israel sowie der Bedeutung, die dem Christentum für die nationale oder europäische Identität zugemessen wird, die jeweils interessante Parallelen zu den nationalen diskursiven Traditionen und der Geschichte der jeweiligen Partei aufweisen. ; This article analyses the image of the three abrahamic religions in the recent political programs of the French Front National (2012 und 2017) in a comparative perspective with other successful populist radical right-wing parties in EU-Countries of continental Western and Northern Europe. It will be shown that even if there is a common tendency of representing Islam negatively and avoiding overt antisemitism, there are differences with regard to Judaism and/or Israel as well as to the weight of Christianity for the national and/or European culture, which have interesting parallels with the national discourse traditions and the particular radical right-wing history of these parties. ; Cet article analyse l'image des trois religions abrahamites dans les programmes politiques récents du Front National en la comparant avec celle créée par d'autres partis d'extrême droite populiste de pays de l'Union Européenne appartenant à l'Europe occidentale continentale et à la Scandinavie qui ont été couronnés d'un certain succès lors des élections récentes. Il sera montré que, même si l'on peut constater une convergence quant à l'image négative créée de l'islam ainsi que dans la tendance d'éviter un antisémitisme ouvert, il y a, toutefois, des différences en ce qui concerne le judaïsme et/ou Israël et le poids attribué ...

" What happened to the Front national voters? The far-right, the right and the others in the PACA region " This chapter studies the restructuration that took place between 2002 and 2007 at the right and far right of the Provence-Alpes-Côte d'Azur political stage. It shows that their geographical strongholds are quite similar, whereas the sociological profile of their electorate is relatively distinct. Thus, it is shown that Nicolas Sarkozy's success owes more to his capacity to unify the traditional right-wing electorate than to his alleged progression among the working-class voters. ; Ce chapitre s'intéresse aux recompositions intervenues entre 2002 et 2007 en PACA à la droite et l'extrême-droite de l'échiquier politique. Il met ainsi en évidence leurs zones de force respectives, assez similaires, et le profil sociologique de leurs électorats, relativement distincts. Cela permet de mettre en évidence les facteurs du succès de Nicolas Sarkozy, qui tiennent plus à sa capacité à rassembler l'ensemble de l'électorat traditionnel de la droite qu'à sa progression supposée dans les couches populaires.

" What happened to the Front national voters? The far-right, the right and the others in the PACA region " This chapter studies the restructuration that took place between 2002 and 2007 at the right and far right of the Provence-Alpes-Côte d'Azur political stage. It shows that their geographical strongholds are quite similar, whereas the sociological profile of their electorate is relatively distinct. Thus, it is shown that Nicolas Sarkozy's success owes more to his capacity to unify the traditional right-wing electorate than to his alleged progression among the working-class voters. ; Ce chapitre s'intéresse aux recompositions intervenues entre 2002 et 2007 en PACA à la droite et l'extrême-droite de l'échiquier politique. Il met ainsi en évidence leurs zones de force respectives, assez similaires, et le profil sociologique de leurs électorats, relativement distincts. Cela permet de mettre en évidence les facteurs du succès de Nicolas Sarkozy, qui tiennent plus à sa capacité à rassembler l'ensemble de l'électorat traditionnel de la droite qu'à sa progression supposée dans les couches populaires.

International audience ; Patriotism was what was principally at stake in the political debate of the interwar years. Througt which puns (homeland/nation, France/territory) was it being expressed in the discourse of the French, national and the Munich right wing, in a disrupted period of our history? ; Le patriotisme est un des grands enjeux du discours politique de l'entre-deux-guerres ; particulièrement à droite depuis la victoire de 1914-18. A travers l'étude comparée de plusieurs signifiants (« nation » / « patrie » / « France » / « territoire »), cet article essaye d'explorer un signifié patriotique changeant avec Munich et l'abord de la 2ème guerre mondiale.

International audience ; Patriotism was what was principally at stake in the political debate of the interwar years. Througt which puns (homeland/nation, France/territory) was it being expressed in the discourse of the French, national and the Munich right wing, in a disrupted period of our history? ; Le patriotisme est un des grands enjeux du discours politique de l'entre-deux-guerres ; particulièrement à droite depuis la victoire de 1914-18. A travers l'étude comparée de plusieurs signifiants (« nation » / « patrie » / « France » / « territoire »), cet article essaye d'explorer un signifié patriotique changeant avec Munich et l'abord de la 2ème guerre mondiale.

International audience ; Patriotism was what was principally at stake in the political debate of the interwar years. Througt which puns (homeland/nation, France/territory) was it being expressed in the discourse of the French, national and the Munich right wing, in a disrupted period of our history? ; Le patriotisme est un des grands enjeux du discours politique de l'entre-deux-guerres ; particulièrement à droite depuis la victoire de 1914-18. A travers l'étude comparée de plusieurs signifiants (« nation » / « patrie » / « France » / « territoire »), cet article essaye d'explorer un signifié patriotique changeant avec Munich et l'abord de la 2ème guerre mondiale.

Within the context of the European democratic and economic crisis in the thirties, this thesis, by means of the indirect use of an electoral article, analyses some behaviour similarities of two ideological opposing parties. One of them is a right wing party led by Leon Degrelle and the other one is a left wing one whose leaders are Emile Vandervelde, Paul-Henri Spaak and Henri De Man. The functioning of both parties, the balance of power governing them and their impacts on the preservation of democracy are explained. ; Dans le cadre de la crise démocratique et économique européenne des années trente, cette thèse, par le biais de l'utilisation détournée d'un article électoral, analyse plusieurs similitudes de comportements de deux partis idéologiquement opposés. L'un de droite, dirigé par Léon Degrelle et l'autre, de gauche, ayant comme leaders : Émile Vandervelde, Paul-Henri Spaak et Henri De Man. Les modes de fonctionnement de ces deux partis, les rapports de forces les régissant et leurs impacts sur la préservation de la démocratie y sont expliqués. ; (POL 3) -- UCL, 2012

Within the context of the European democratic and economic crisis in the thirties, this thesis, by means of the indirect use of an electoral article, analyses some behaviour similarities of two ideological opposing parties. One of them is a right wing party led by Leon Degrelle and the other one is a left wing one whose leaders are Emile Vandervelde, Paul-Henri Spaak and Henri De Man. The functioning of both parties, the balance of power governing them and their impacts on the preservation of democracy are explained. ; Dans le cadre de la crise démocratique et économique européenne des années trente, cette thèse, par le biais de l'utilisation détournée d'un article électoral, analyse plusieurs similitudes de comportements de deux partis idéologiquement opposés. L'un de droite, dirigé par Léon Degrelle et l'autre, de gauche, ayant comme leaders : Émile Vandervelde, Paul-Henri Spaak et Henri De Man. Les modes de fonctionnement de ces deux partis, les rapports de forces les régissant et leurs impacts sur la préservation de la démocratie y sont expliqués. ; (POL 3) -- UCL, 2012

This dissertation examines the role of gender norms and institutions on human capital formation, labor supply, and political preferences. In the first chapter, I use both theoretical and empirical analysis to study the impact of offspring's gender on their parental political beliefs toward gender issues. I examine the hypothesis that men's political attitudes toward abortion do respond to the presence of a daughter, but differently according to their general political beliefs. This polarization effect of daughters means that the presence of a daughter is associated with more anti-abortion (respectively pro-abortion) views for right-wing (respectively left-wing) fathers. This argument is investigated in a simple economic model and its implications are studied empirically using two original datasets. The model predicts that fathers with paternalistic preferences adopt more extreme political positions when they have a daughter than when they have a son. The empirical investigation provides evidence of a polarization effect of daughters on fathers' views on abortion. The magnitude of the effect corresponds to around 30% of the impact of right-wing political affiliation on abortion support. In the second chapter, together with E. Duchini, we investigate women's employment decisions when institutions limit their chances of having a regular working schedule. We use a recent reform as a natural experiment to show that women do value flexibility when their children demand it. Before 2013, women whose youngest child was of primary school age were twice as likely as men not to work on Wednesdays. To measure mothers' response, we exploit variations in the implementation of this policy over time and across the age of the youngest child. Our results show that, although mothers take advantage of the reform to close 1/3 of their initial gap in the probability of working on Wednesday with respect to the control group. This response seems to be driven by mothers who are more rewarded for a regular presence at work, such as those ...

This dissertation examines the role of gender norms and institutions on human capital formation, labor supply, and political preferences. In the first chapter, I use both theoretical and empirical analysis to study the impact of offspring's gender on their parental political beliefs toward gender issues. I examine the hypothesis that men's political attitudes toward abortion do respond to the presence of a daughter, but differently according to their general political beliefs. This polarization effect of daughters means that the presence of a daughter is associated with more anti-abortion (respectively pro-abortion) views for right-wing (respectively left-wing) fathers. This argument is investigated in a simple economic model and its implications are studied empirically using two original datasets. The model predicts that fathers with paternalistic preferences adopt more extreme political positions when they have a daughter than when they have a son. The empirical investigation provides evidence of a polarization effect of daughters on fathers' views on abortion. The magnitude of the effect corresponds to around 30% of the impact of right-wing political affiliation on abortion support. In the second chapter, together with E. Duchini, we investigate women's employment decisions when institutions limit their chances of having a regular working schedule. We use a recent reform as a natural experiment to show that women do value flexibility when their children demand it. Before 2013, women whose youngest child was of primary school age were twice as likely as men not to work on Wednesdays. To measure mothers' response, we exploit variations in the implementation of this policy over time and across the age of the youngest child. Our results show that, although mothers take advantage of the reform to close 1/3 of their initial gap in the probability of working on Wednesday with respect to the control group. This response seems to be driven by mothers who are more rewarded for a regular presence at work, such as those ...

The examination of the French spontaneous political request for the personality who should hold the post of President of the Republic from 2017 onwards shows that the search for political alternation is stronger than that of a renewal of the political class. The safe voters of their choice are mostly directed towards well-known personalities defending a right-wing policy. The personalities to represent civil society are largely ignored. The existence of a fairly large number of unresolved or disappointed voters demonstrates the disarray of a large part of the left-wing electorate. ; L'examen de la demande politique spontanée des Français quant à la personnalité qui devrait occuper le poste de Président de la République à partir de 2017 montre que la recherche d'une alternance politique est plus forte que celle d'un renouvellement de la classe politique. Les électeurs sûrs de leur choix sont pour l'essentiel orientés vers des personnalités connues défendant une politique de droite. Les personnalités devant représenter la société civile sont assez largement ignorées. L'existence d'une masse assez importante d'électeurs indécis ou déçus démontre, quant à elle, le désarroi d'une grande partie de l'électorat de gauche.

This article presents preliminary findings of a third enlarged study embedded in a comprehensive research project in the field of sociolinguistics. Our theoretical approach is based on the concept of evolutionary adaptive resilience which we adapted to sociolinguistics. By using a mixed-methods approach we show that the right-wing movement Pegida uses intentionally as well as increasingly war-like vocabulary in public speeches in order to trigger a spiral of deliberate verbal provocations. ; Ce troisième article d´une série veut montrer la résilience sociolinguistique par l'analyse qualitative et quantitative d'un corpus tiré des discours du groupe PEGIDA en Allemagne entre 2015 et 2016. Ainsi le vocabulaire concret de la guerre en usage analysé dans cet article montre non seulement une co-évolution et une co-adaptation face à la crise des réfugiés mais aussi une spirale linguistique sociétale dans le discours public. ; Pričujoči članek, ki je del daljše serije objav, želi prikazati sociolingvistično rezilienco s pomočjo kvalitativne in kvantitativne analize korpusa, temelječega na govorih politične skupine PEGIDA v Nemčiji. Uporabljeno vojno besedišče, analizirano v tem prispevku, nakazuje tako na razvoj in prilagajanje diskurza na krizo beguncev kot tudi na vedno intenzivnejše zavestne provokacije. ki se pojavljajo v javnem diskurzu.

National audience ; Starting from biographical interviews, our point is to explain sympathies of a student for right extremists, and his changes of attitudes focusing on his identity for himself and others. Analysis of optional points and of his career connection changes, enables us to foresee political opinion changes as consequences of his identity conflict and of his self-knowledge improvement after scholar and social changes. Step changes in academic career, mainly those which lead to situation variations, promote the differentiation process. ; À partir d'entretiens biographiques répétés, il s'agit d'expliquer les sympathies en faveur de l'extrême droite d'un étudiant, puis son changement d'attitudes en s'intéressant à son identité pour soi et pour autrui. L'analyse des points d'option, des réarticulations et désarticulations de sa trajectoire, permet d'envisager les situations de modification d'opinions politiques comme des conséquences de conflits d'identité et d'un travail sur soi-même suite à des déplacements scolaires et sociaux. Les changements d'étapes dans la carrière scolaire, notamment ceux qui génèrent des variations de contextes, favorisent le processus de différenciation.

International audience ; With the aid of a camera, I offer to conduct an ethnographic analysis of the different police approaches to controlling protest actions in Moscow. At first I will analyse in detailed action descriptions the police techniques used in a public protest on January 19, 2010 in Moscow. This action was organized following the murder, one year before, of two people in the center of Moscow, Stanislav Markelov, lawyer, left-wing activist and human rights defender and Anastasia Baburova, a trainee journalist in the opposition newspaper Novaia Gazeta and a libertarian activist. Then, I will explore the link between police action, methods of crowd control and everyday production of politics in the streets as a particular moment of the political game.

International audience ; With the aid of a camera, I offer to conduct an ethnographic analysis of the different police approaches to controlling protest actions in Moscow. At first I will analyse in detailed action descriptions the police techniques used in a public protest on January 19, 2010 in Moscow. This action was organized following the murder, one year before, of two people in the center of Moscow, Stanislav Markelov, lawyer, left-wing activist and human rights defender and Anastasia Baburova, a trainee journalist in the opposition newspaper Novaia Gazeta and a libertarian activist. Then, I will explore the link between police action, methods of crowd control and everyday production of politics in the streets as a particular moment of the political game.